I INTRODUCTION

As Buddhism was the ruling ideology of the Goryeo dynasty, from the beginning to the end of the era the royal family and aristocracy carried out various large, extravagant Buddhist projects including the construction of temples and shrines, and production of various Buddhist art works including paintings.1 The production of Buddhist paintings thrived in particular, the works being enshrined in temples and shrines all over the country and the prayer shrines of the aristocracy, or used at Buddhist assemblies and ceremonies, or to pray for the repose of the souls of the dead. However, only 160 Goryeo Buddhist paintings remain extant today. Thirty of them carry an inscription or record of some kind, but only twenty-three reveal any information about the patron, donor or artist.

These records were first made known by Kumagai Nobuo in a paper titled “Chōsen butsugachō (Revision of Korean Buddhist Paintings)," which introduces 19 paintings with inscriptions. This number includes Chinese works such as Amitabha in the Pure Land (1183, Chion-in, Kyoto) and Japanese works such as the painting of Master Xiang Xiang (1184, Tōdai-ji, Nara); illustrations from hand-copied sutras and woodblock print sutras such as Testament of the Priest Naong (1327) at Yujeomsa Temple, the Lotus Sutra commissioned by Lady Yi from Yeonan (1350), Illustration of the Lotus Sutra Pagoda (1369, Tō-ji), Illustration of the Lotus Sutra (1388, Magoksa Temple), and the mural at Buseoksa Temple (1377); and works from the late Joseon dynasty mistaken for Goryeo paintings such as the Amitabha Triad (Ogura collection, now in the Tokyo National Museum). Thus Kumagai's article really includes only eleven inscribed Goryeo Buddhist paintings.2 Later, Yoshida Hiroshi, in a paper “Kōrai butsuga no kinen sakuhin (Dated Goryeo Buddhist Paintings)” introduced twenty-one Goryeo Buddhist paintings with inscriptions.3 In a book titled Goryeo sidae ui bulhwa (The Buddhist Paintings of Goryeo dynasty), published in 1996, added three more to the list — Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (1310; Kagami Jinja, Karatsu, Saga Prefecture), Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (1323; Rinshō-ji, Toyota), and Ten Kings of Hell (1320; Chion-in, Kyoto) — to bring the total to twenty-four.4 Aside from these, if paintings carrying inscriptions but with no clear indication of the date are included, the number reaches thirty.

These paintings with inscriptions not only refer to a specific date but also provide information on the patron or donor and the name of the artist, and are thus very helpful in understanding the context in which Goryeo Buddhist paintings were produced. The diversity of the patrons and donors indicated is closely related to the nature of Goryeo society and Buddhism at the time, and thus these records are important for the understanding of Goryeo Buddhist painting. This paper will first examine the nature of the patrons and donors indicated on Goryeo Buddhist painting records, and through them examine the distinguishing characteristics of Goryeo Buddhist painting and religious trends of the period.5

II PATRONS AND DONORS OF GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING

There are twenty-three paintings for which the name or names of the patron or donor are known (Table 1). All of them date to the period of Yuan control of Goryeo, from the reign of King Gojong (r. 1213-1259) to that of King Chungjeong (r. 1349-1351). It is notable that the people who commissioned or donated paintings to temples, ranged from royalty, military officials and others at the center of power, monks, Buddhist communities (known as hyangdo), and individuals. Most Buddhist paintings were produced to pray for the peace and prosperity of the nation and the welfare of the people, the prevention of calamities, or for longevity and rebirth in Paradise, and were generally commissioned by individuals or a group of people.

The production of Buddhist sculptures or paintings was carried out under the auspices of the patron who wanted to pray for some purpose, donors making offerings of such works to temples, and the monk organizing the project. Sometimes the patron and the donor were the same, and sometimes different. Some paintings carry the name of all three parties, patron, donor and monk; some carry just the names of the patron and donor; some carry the name of the monk only, and some make no distinction between patron and donor. This paper will examine the patrons and donors under the categories of royalty, officials, monks, and Buddhist communities.

01 ROYALITY

An example of a painting commissioned by royalty is Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara at Kagami Jinja, Saga (Figure 1). Although no inscription or record remains today, there is a copy left when the painting was donated to the shrine (Table 1-15), written by the cartographer and surveyor named Inō Tadataka (1745-1818),6 when he visited the shrine on September 7, 1812. This inscription records that the painting was produced by the artists Kim U, Yi Gye-dong, Im Sun-dong and Choe Seung under the commission of a royal concubine in the fifth month of 1310.7 The concubine was Lady Kim, daughter of a retired high official and younger sister of the official Kim Mun-yeon. She was the concubine of King Chungnyeol. When both Chungnyeol’s Mongol wife, Princess Jeguk (1259-1297), and his favorite concubine, Lady Mubi, passed away, his son (the future King Chungseon) brought in Lady Kim, who had been widowed at a young age. She was given the title Sukchangwonbi and was a great favorite of the king.8 Chungseon, who had been living in Yuan China, returned to Goryeo in the fifth month of 1307 following the killing of his close associates Seoheunghu Jeon and Wang Yu,9 but Chungnyeol was so fond of Lady Kim that he visited her on the day of his return.10 After the death of King Chungnyeol in 1308 Lady Kim also became the concubine of King Chungseon, who met her at her brother’s house, and she was soon promoted to royal concubine of the first rank (sukbi ).11 Lady Kim was said to have “infatuated the king and thrown politics into confusion. Her behavior was not refined and she was so fond of luxury that even upon the death of her mother she held banquets and dressed as finely as a princess.” But she was a devout Buddhist and when the Chinese monk Shaoqiong came to Goryeo in 1305, she and Chungnyeol received the Bodhisattva vows (a set of moral codes), visited Eunjawon (the institute for copying sutras) where she made offerings with the prime ministers, and hosted a big Buddhist ceremony at Heungcheonsa Temple. Her power is made evident by several stories handed down. For example, at the request of King Chungseon, in 1311 the Dowager Queen of Yuan sent an envoy with a gift of the traditional Mongolian headpiece called gugu. Wearing the headpiece, Lady Kim held a banquet for the Yuan envoy and the officials gave her gifts and congratulated her on the occasion.12 Also, when Chungseon passed away in 1325, his mourning hall was set up in Lady Kim’s palace.13

( Figure 1 ) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, dated 1310. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 419.5 x 254.2 cm, Kagami Jinja, Saga

Lady Kim commissioned Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara in the fifth month of 1310. The inscription does not give details as to the specific prayers associated with the painting. Considering that King Chungnyeol passed away in 1308, it was most likely produced to pray for the repose of the king’s soul. When King Chungnyeol had fallen ill in the fifth month that year he was moved to the home of Lady Kim’s brother, Kim Mun-yeon, and died at Sinhyosa Temple two months later. It is said the mourning hall was set up in Lady Kim’s residence.14 Moreover, when the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara was completed, the crown prince passed away in the fifth month and many other big incidents occurred. Although Chungseon had risen to the throne upon the death of his father, having spent so much of his life in Yuan, he soon grew tired of politics and after just two months he returned to Yuan where he governed through letters, with jeandaegun Suk acting in his charge. In the first month of 1310, he tried to hand the throne to his son Gam by a Yuan woman but was stopped by his retainers. Gam and his attendants were killed in the fifth month that year.15

In the same month Lady Kim commissioned the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara painting. It is conjectured therefore that Lady Kim commissioned the painting and had it hung in a temple to pray for the former King Chungnyeol, console King Chungseon, who was in the Yuan capital at the time, and pray for the repose of the dead crown prince.16 Therefore, the painting was not commissioned by Lady Kim as an individual but to pray for the well-being of the royal court and the dead prince, and the work was carried out by Kim U, naebanjongsa, a ninth rank official at Aekjeongguk, the court office in charge of the king’s supply of paper, ink and brushes, and four other artists. Judging by the size of the work, which is over 5m high,17 it is surmised that the painting was enshrined in a royal temple or shrine in a ceremony with the Buddhist rites.

02 OFFICIALS

The patrons and donors of Buddhist paintings include a large number of state officials including civil officials, court attendants, and military officials. Among the most important patrons are some of King Chungnyeol’s close aides and military officials such as Yeom Seung-ik, Seo Ji-man, and Yi Yo-seom, as well as a man named Gwon Bok-su who is thought to be either Gwon Dan (1275-1308) or Gwon Bu (1262-1346).

The official most worthy of attention as a patron is Yeom Seung-ik, who commissioned the painting of Amitabha Buddha (Figure 2) from 1286.18 This painting was commissioned by Yeom to pray for the happiness and longevity of the king and his queen and concubines with wishes that they meet Amitabha and enter paradise upon death. Yeom was a descendant of Yeom Hyeon, who served as prime minister, and Yeom Sin-yak (1118-1192), who served as a high official of the second rank at Yebu, the ministry of rites, and the son of Yeom Sun-eon, who served as sobuseung, an official of the sixth rank.19 From an early age Yeom was seriously ill and put himself through severe physical mortification, such as making a hole in his hand and pulling a string through it, to cure his disease and prayed constantly for the relief of human illness. He became renowned as a healer, curing people through prayer and divination, and on the recommendation of the court official Yi Ji-jeo, he entered official service. Yeom earned the favor of the king and when Chungnyeol fell ill in 1277 he moved to Cheonhyosa Temple with Yeom accompanying him as jeongnang, an official of the fifth rank, to nurse him in his illness. Winning the king’s confidence, Yeom was promoted to the third rank, and in 1278 he was appointed bichikchi, one of a number of officials selected by the king to deliberate on policies.20 In the second month of 1280 he took charge of the construction of a temple hall at Hyeonhwasa Temple and in 1283 supervised repairs to the temple. He was put in control of big construction projects such as the pagoda at Wangnyunsa Temple and repair of Namgyewon Temple. Thereafter he served in a series of high ranking posts, and when the king and queen traveled to Yuan in 1289 and 1293 he attended them along with Jo In-gyu and Inhu (忽刺歹, Huratai; Mongolian). He retired in 1295 from illness and in 1302, after refusing further high appointments, he lived as before as a healer and practicing divination. It is recorded that “when the queen fell ill he went to the palace where he established a place for Buddhist sermons (beopseok) and bore holes in his hands and prayed.” Before his death he became a monk and died the same year.

( Figure 2 ) Amitabha Buddha, dated 1286. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 205.5 x 105.1 cm, Former Shimazu Collection

According to Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo) and other records, Yeom’s power was so strong that he could “…alone change the course of the nation.”21 It is said he employed 50 people to build his house, but fearing the reprimand of the queen he turned part of the house into an office for the copying of sutras. He also recommended people to government posts and committed acts of tyranny such as privately managing people who had run away, luring commoners to work as sharecroppers for him, or extracting taxes on commoner’s landholdings. Whenever he was caught, however, the king took Yeom’s side and protected him. Yeom was always in favor with the king and queen and stayed inside the palace, though he did not take part in the state council. One record states, “Hong Ja-beon is prime minister, Jo In-gyu is head of Eosade [office of inspection, i.e. as good as prime minister], and Yeom Seung-ik is next.”22 “With Heo and Jo, he [Yeom] takes his turn at holding power. No one can stand equal to them.”23 As these records indicate, Yeom was one of the most powerful men of his time.

The next patron to be examined is Gwon Bok-su, who donated the painting of Amitabha Buddha (Figure 3).24 In 1306, to pray for the longevity and good fortune of the Yuan Emperor Chengzong (r. 1265-1307, Temur Khan), for the speedy return to Goryeo of King Chungnyeol, for and King Chungseon (r. 1298, 1308-1313) and his Queen, and for himself and all sentient beings of the dharma realm to be reborn in paradise, Gwon, together with the priest Gyemun and a man named Park Hyo-jin commissioned a painting of Amitabha Buddha. The year 1306 was a time when conflict between Chungnyeol and Chungseon had escalated. Both were in Yuan, where Chungnyeol sought to dethrone Chungseon. The record on the painting says, “I wish for the speedy return of your three majesties,” i.e. King Chungyeol, as well as King Chungseon and his Queen.

( Figure 3 ) Amitabha Buddha, dated 1306. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 162.5 x 91.7 cm, Nezu Museum, Tokyo

The first line of the record on the facing left states “Donor Gwon Bok-su,” and the next line expresses the wish that “I myself and all sentient beings in the dharma realm should be reborn in paradise.” It then mentions that the painting was commissioned by Gwon together with the priest Gyemun and Park Hyo-jin, and this is followed by the date, the tenth year of Daedeok, which is 1306. What should be noted here is the name of the donor, Gwon Bok-su: although this name does not appear in Goryeosa or any other documents, it can be surmised from the quality of the painting and the content of the record that Gwon was a high-ranking official who was well versed in the affairs of state. Ide Seinosuke has proposed that Gwon Bok-su should refer to an official of that family name active in the Goryeo court, and has pointed to Gwon Dan (1228-1311),25 a twelfth-generation descendant of Gwon Haeng, the founder of the Andong Gwon clan, Gwon Dan was the son of Gwon Ui, a scholar at Hallimwon, the office in charge of the king’s writings26 and grandson of Gwon Su-pyeong, head of Chumilwon, an office in charge of the king’s expenditures, security and military affairs. Starting his government career as an official of the seventh rank, he passed the civil official licentiate exam and served in several posts including as a seventh-rank official at Hapmun, the office in charge of ceremonies and rites for the king. Under King Chungnyeol, he rose to even higher positions, and retired as a second-rank official. Known to be modest and upstanding, he was a devout Buddhist who called himself Mongam Geosa, “geosa” being the title for an ordinary male Buddhist layman. In 1304 when the Yuan monk Shaoqiong came to Goryeo, he entered Seonheungsa Temple and became a monk.

Gwon Dan was a man who served as a high official for 40 years. He ate no meat and lived like a monk, eventually becoming one in the end. It is highly possible that such a man commissioned the painting of Amitabha to wish for the speedy return of King Chungnyeol and King Chungseon and his Queen. But neither in Goryeosa or Goryeosa jeolyo (高麗史節要, Essential History of Goryeo) is there any mention of him apart from a post-1287 record stating that in the 12th month of 1311 Gwon Dan “passed away after retiring as Cheomui chanseongsa [high level official of the second rank].” This means that he retired from official life sometime between 1287 (age 60) and 1311 (age 84). In 1304 when the Chinese monk Shaoqiong came to Goryeo he became a monk at Seongheungsa Temple, and wandered around Mt. Geumgangsan and other places with Shaoqiong until his death in 1311.

If the donor is not Gwon Dan, attention should be shifted to his son Gwon Bu, who was a high official during the reign of King Chungnyeol and would have been familiar with the situation at court. Gwon Bu is the son Gwon Dan gained after praying to the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara at Bongnyeongsa Temple.27 He passed the classics licentiate exam (jinsasi) in 1276 at the age of 15, and over the next 50 years until his retirement at the age of 64, he remained active in government service. For a period of 13 years he was in charge of Jeongbang, which looked after personnel affairs, and for 22 years served as prime minister. He was thus active in government through the reigns of Chungnyeol, Chungseon, and Chungsuk. As a close aide to King Chungseon and scholar at Hallimwon, he was a leading force in the king’s reform efforts. When the king was sent to exile in Tibet (present-day Qinghai), he sent Gwon a letter asking him to make an effort to clear his name,28 indicating the closeness of their relationship. Chungseon’s faith in Gwon Bu is attested by the fact that he bought the house of the scholar An Hyang for Gwon’s eldest son, Jun,29 and bestowed the name Wang Hu on Gwon's fourth son, Jae, whom he later adopted him as his own son.30 In 1314 the king summoned Gwon Bu’s son-in-law, Yi Je-hyeon, to Yuan and gave him the opportunity to study Chinese classics and neo-Confucianism through association with famous Yuan scholars such as Zhao Mengfu (1254-1322), Yan Fu (1236-1312), Yu Ji (1272-1358), and Yao Sui (1238-1313).31 In this way, nine members of the Andong Gwon clan including Gwon Bu, his son, and his son-in-law became known as the “nine lords from one family,”32 providing the base for the clan’s rise to power and influence in the late Goryeo period.

Around the time the Amitabha Buddha was being painted in 1306, Gwon Bu was in his early 40s, and being appointed to key posts he was evidently familiar with the complex political surrounding Chungnyeol and Chungseon. Also, considering that there is no record of his activities between the seventh month of 1305, when he was appointed to cheomni (second rank) at the office of Docheomui, and the fourth month of 1308, when he was appointed pyeongni (also second rank), it is supposed that he was in Yuan with King Chungnyeol. As noted above, his father Gwon Dan intended to enter a temple and become a monk when Shaoqiong came to Goryeo in the seventh month of 1304, but his son's absence forced him to delay the event until after his son’s return.33 This is another indication that Gwon Bu was not in the country at the time. The year 1306 was a time of confusion in the nation as conflict between King Chungnyeol and King Chungseon reached a peak. As Gwon Bu had gone to Yuan and witnessed these events and it is thought that he may have commissioned the painting of Amitabha Buddha to pray for the safe and speedy return of the three royals. Gwon Bu was the son Gwon Dan had gained after praying to Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara at Bongnyeongsa Temple, and his son Jongjeong became a monk and served an official post (yangga dochongseop) at Seungnoksa, the government office in charge of Buddhist-related affairs. It is evident that the whole family were devout Buddhists.34 In his youth, however, Gwon Bu with Baek I-jeong and others had studied Neo-Confucianism under the tutelage of An Hyang,35 and when Baek returned from the Mongol capital Dadu (formerly Yanjing, present-day Beijing) to Goryeo, Gwon recommended that he publish Zhu Xi's Sishu jizhu (四書集註, Commentary of the Four Classics). As a Neo-Confucianism, it may have been difficult for Gwon Bu to commission a Buddhist painting under his own name. It can then be conjectured that he revealed only the family name “Gwon” and used the name “Bok-su” instead of his real name.

Next to be examined is the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra from 1323 (Figure 4; Rinshō-ji, Toyota), which was commissioned by the priest Simhwan, the court attendant Seo Ji-man, Buddhist monks and ordinary laymen, and a community of women believers. An important person here is Seo Ji-man, an in-court attendant (naesi) who lived at in the palace, who appears to have not only taken part in commissioning the sutra illustration but also in painting it.36 In the Goryeo dynasty the naesi constituted a class of court attendants who looked after palace affairs and waited on the king.37 In the early Goryeo period they came from the class of civil and military officials and took on additional important duties such as being envoys for the king, reporting to the king on the affairs of government offices, and conducting rites.38 From the reign of King Mokjong (997-1009), many civil and military officials were appointed as naesi to act as mediators between the king and government offices, thus facilitating communication and the smooth and speedy execution of court affairs. During the reign of King Euijong (r. 1146-1170) many members of the nobility entered the court as naesi.39 Fundamentally, the naesi could go no higher than the third rank, but they were a force holding real power through their direct contact with the king and function of relaying the king’s messages and commands to government offices and officials.

( Figure 4 ) Illustration of the Visualization Sutra, dated 1323. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 214.0 x 112.5 cm, Rinshō-ji, Toyota

As far as rank goes, a person of the naesi class had power enough to commission a Buddhist painting. But the question is, how could Seo take part in producing the painting when he was not an artist? It is believed the court attendants called naesi originally belonged to the office called Aekjeongguk, but during the reign of King Munjong (r. 1046-1083) they were placed under an independent office called Naesibu.40 This theory comes from the fact that they were also called naealja, meaning “one who reports internal affairs,” and that there was a position inside Aekjeongguk of the sixth rank called naealjagam. While some scholars dispute this, the overlapping of names and titles is worth noting.41 Indeed, Kim U, who painted the 1310 Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, and Seo Gu-bang, who painted the 1323 Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, were both officials of the ninth rank belonging to Naealsa, the new name for Aekjeongguk, and were responsible for producing Buddhist paintings. Therefore, it is likely that Seo Ji-man, as an official in the same office, was also an artist with the same duties. The fact that he commissioned the painting with groups of Buddhist laymen and a community of women believers attests to his deep faith.

The 1320 painting of the Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell (Figure 5; Chion-in, Kyoto) was commissioned by a man of the name Kim with the title seongongsi seung and Lady Yi, as with the title Wansangunbuin. Seongongsi is the court office in charge of construction works in the palace and government offices,42 while seung is a title of the sixth rank, indicating that Kim was a mid-level official. The title "-gunbuin (郡夫人)" comes from the Chinese system where it was applied to the wives and mothers of officials of the third rank or higher. Under the Joseon dynasty, during the reign of King Sejong (r. 1418-1450), it was applied to wives of the royal family and legal wives of officials of the first rank, attached to the end of the husband’s pen name or the name of his hometown. The title had already existed in the Goryeo dynasty, however. Titles were first given to the wives of officials in 988, seventh year of the reign of King Seongjong, and in 1391, third year of the reign of King Gongyang, the title daegunbuin was given to wives of officials of the second rank. Thus it is believed that the suffix "-gunbuin" generally refers to the wife of a high official.43

( Figure 5 ) Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell, dated 1320. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 156.1 x 85.1 cm, Chion-in, Kyoto

Lady Yi with the title Wansangunbuin can be identified with the wife of the high official Jo Hyeok and mother of Wonmyeong Daesa (Great Master Wonmyeong). Wonmyeong was a monk hailing from Hamyeol, Jeollabuk-do, and was active in Yuan toward the late Goryeo period. He left home to become a monk at the age of 12 and after passing the high examination for monks based on the five doctrines of the Hwaeom (C: Huayan) school in 1294 he stayed at Buljusa Temple. In 1305 he was invited to Yuan by the king who had heard of his great learning, and in 1311 he became the first abbot of Chongen-fuyuansi Temple.44 He died at this temple on the 28th day of the 2nd month of 1330. Wonmyeong's father, Jo Hyeok, was a military official of the third rank in the early Goryeo period. Considering that he was born in Hamyeol, it is possible that his wife came from the neighboring Wansan (Jeonju) area, and that she therefore had the title Wansangunbuin. In 1320, when the Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell painting was produced, Wonmyeong was abbot of Chongen-fuyuansi Temple. It can be conjectured that Kim and Lady Yi commissioned the painting to pray for the welfare of her son in Yuan. Aside from this painting, others commissioned by high officials include the painting of Avalokiteshvara and Kshitigarbha preserved at Minami Hokke-ji in Nara. The record of the painting mentions the wife of a high official by the family name of Yi and Jeong, but it is not known who she was.

The next patrons of Buddhist paintings to be considered are the military officials. The patrons of the Five Hundred Arhats (Figure 6, 1235-1236), which are among some of the earliest Goryeo Buddhist paintings, and the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (Figure 7, 1323) in Chion-in were all low-ranking military officials. The Five Hundred Arhats were painted between 1235 and 1236,45 commissioned by several different military officials led by Kim Eui-in, a ninth-rank official with the title of daejeong. The painting of 234th Arhat (Figure 6) from the seventh month of 1235 carries the name Yi Saeng and the title hongmuhadae. It is not known exactly what the title means but the dae at the end of the name indicates the lowest military unit made up of 25 members, led by a person titled daejeong, indicating Kim Eui-in. In the tenth month of the same year a painting of the 379th Arhat was commissioned by Yi Yo-seom, whose title was dobyeongmanoksa.46 This means he was an official at Dobyeongmasa, the office for deliberation of military affairs. It was a position temporarily served by those who had obtained high marks in the state military service exams, and though it carried the pay and prestige of a seventh-grade official it was not a formal position.47 In contrast, the painting of the 125th Arhat was commissioned by a general of the fourth rank, leading a 1000-member military unit called yeong. In the following year paintings of the five hundred arhats continued to be painted under the lead of Kim Eui-in, and the 170th Arhat was commissioned by a ninth-rank official titled gyowi leading a military unit called oh. Among the patrons recorded on the 1323 Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (Figure 7) are one Park with the title byeoljang, an official of the seventh-rank and leader of a unit lower than yeong, and one Kim In with the title daejeong.

( Figure 6 ) Five Hundred Arhats (234th Arhat), dated 1236. Hanging scroll; ink on silk, 54.0 x 37.2 cm, National Museum of Korea

( Figure 7 ) Illustration of the Visualization Sutra, dated 1323. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 224.2 x 139.1 cm, Chion-in, Kyoto

As indicated by the above, paintings of the Five Hundred Arhats and the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra were commissioned by low-ranking military officials, with the exception of the General. This being the case, it is natural to wonder how such officials had the economic means to be patrons of Buddhist art. The leaders of lower military units usually came from the class of rank and file soldiers.48 A few came from ordinary soldier class but generally they came from the ruling class of officials or the landed gentry.49 As members of the royal army, they comprised a hereditary class of soldiers and were provided with government land. The daejeong and gyowi were the sons of officials, but sometimes ordinary soldiers or those who had shown merit in battle. As leaders of small units their positions carried many difficulties. As such, their pay did not compare unfavorably to civil officials of the same rank, and in fact could be said their pay was even one or two levels higher.50 Hence, although they ranked low and enjoyed no special rights or privileges, those who were appointed as sons of officials of the fifth rank or above were given preferential treatment in pay and government land,51 and it is thought this would have given them the financial means to commission Buddhist paintings.

03 BUDDHIST MONKS

In the Goryeo dynasty monks were also major patrons of Buddhist paintings. As in the case of Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya from 1294, they commissioned works on an individual basis, or as in the case of the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra from 1323 and the Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya from 1350, as part of a group with other monks and believers. Ordinary monks used their Buddhist name, or the title doin in front of the name,52 or the title bindo (humble form) in front of the name (as in the 1350 Maitreya). Those who served as chief monks or other particular positions wrote their names in the order of position, title, and Buddhist name.

The highest monks known as patrons of Buddhist paintings are those who commissioned the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra of 1323 in Chion-in (Figure 7). The record mentions two monks with the titles of daeseonsa and seungtong, which are the highest positions in the Seon (C: Chan, J: Zen) schools and the Gyo (non-Zen) schools of Buddhism respectively. The first higher state examination for Buddhist monks, seunggwa, was held in 958 (9th year of the reign of King Gwangjong), and from the reign of King Seonjong (r. 1083-94) the examination was held every three years to fill these top positions. The examination were held in two divisions, the Seon examination being held at Gwangmyeongsa Temple in Gaegyeong, the Seon headquarters, and the Gyo examination at Samnyunsa Temple in Gaegyeong, the Gyo headquarters. Those who passed were given the title daeseon and gradually progressed through the ranks to daedeok, daesa, jungdaesa, and samjungdaesa. Higher titles in the Seon school were seonsa and daeseonsa, and in the Gyo school sujwa and seungtong. Those with the very highest titles, daeseonsa and seungtong, were appointed as guksa (National Preceptor) or wangsa (Royal Preceptor) and served as advisors to the king.53

The patron named "Jeongeopwon-juji-seungtong Jo" indicates a Buddhist priest of the highest rank, seungtong, of the name Jo who served as head monk at Jeongeopwon Temple. In the 14th century there was a Buddhist priest of the name Johyeong whose title was seungtong and served as Royal Preceptor. The only remaining record states that in 1325 (the ninth year of the reign of King Chungsuk) “Johyeong was appointed royal preceptor,” but no other details are known.54 Considering that a Buddhist priest with the title of seungtong could be appointed National Preceptor or Royal Preceptor, however, it is highly possible that Johyeong was the patron behind the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra of 1323. It is thought that Jo served as head monk of Jeongeopwon around 1323.

The name Jeongeopwon or Jeongeop Convent first appears in a record from 1164 during the reign of King Euijong,55 which says, “The king went to stay at Jeongeopwon.” A later record from 1251 (38th year of King Gojong) states that the scholar Park Hwon’s home was converted into Jeongeopwon where female monks lived, and that walls were built around the convent to prevent outsiders from entering.56 It is also known that in 1316 Lady Ban, the wife of Yi Jip, provincial governor of Hwangju, became a Buddhist nun and was sent to Jeongeopwon after killing her husband.57 From these clues it seems that Jeongeopwon was a nunnery. Chief priests of Jeongeopwon included the protégés of Royal Preceptor Naong such as Myobong and Myojang,58 and were always women until the early Joseon dynasty, which makes it clear Jeongeopwon was a nunnery.59 Does this mean Johyeong was also a nun? As there are no records of a woman passing the state Buddhist examination (seunggwa) or being appointed to any official position, it is certain that Johyeong was male. In this regard, Kim Yeong-mi conjectured that at the time temples for Buddhist nuns would have been headed by a male monk and that up until 1323 at least, when the painting was commissioned, Jeongeopwon was headed by a male monk also.60

The 1320 painting of Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas was commissioned by Anyangsa-juji-daesa and Sanin Un-u (Figure 8). Although it cannot be known who was the head abbot (juji) of Anyangsa Temple, the name indicates that the monk in question reached the position of daesa, a title used by both the Seon and Gyo schools. Commissioned by the head of Anyangsa Temple, it is certain this painting was produced somewhere nearby Gaegyeong. In the Goryeo dynasty there were many temples of the name Anyangsa around the country, in Geumju (present-day Siheung),61 Haeju,62 Mt. Jirisan,63 Mt. Oeumsan in Icheon,64 Gyeonggi-do Province; Mt. Bogaesan in Cheolwon;65 Gyodong-hyeon in Gyeonggi-do Province; Okcheon in Chungcheongbuk-do Province; Deogwon in Hamgyeong-do Province; Junghwa in Pyeongan-do Province; and Hongje-dong in Hanyang.66 It is not known which Anyangsa in particular the record on the painting refers to, but the style of this painting is typical of the court Buddhist painting style, indicating that it was connected to the court in some way or was produced in a temple named Anyangsa close to the capital. In this light, the most likely temple is Anyangsa in Geumju, which was built by Wang Geon, founder of the Goryeo dynasty, and had a seven-storey brick pagoda.67 Hence it is surmised that the chief priest of Anyangsa in Geumju commissioned the painting with a man named Un-u and had it enshrined in the temple.

( Figure 8 ) Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas, dated 1320. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 177.3 x 91.2 cm, Matsuo-dera, Nara

The Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya from 1350 at Shinnō-in was commissioned by the monk bindo Hyeoncheol with a group of 20 believers (Figure 9). Bindo is a humble term for an ordinary monk, the equivalent of the Sanskrit term shramana. From the record on the painting alone it is hard to tell what Hyeoncheol’s position was and what temple he belonged to, but from the content, which expresses the wish to listen to the sermons at the three dharma assemblies to be held under the dragon-flower tree when Maitreya, the Buddha of the future, enters the world,68 it is likely the painting was commissioned with laymen devoted to the cult of Maitreya. The name Hyeoncheol also appears in an earlier record with the title dongnyang doin regarding publication of the Lotus Sutra (Vol. 8, Shiga Museum) in 1332. This sutra copy was commissioned by the Oh Gye-yu, who was very powerful at the time, to pray for the longevity of the emperor and the welfare of the people and prosperity of the nation, so it can be guessed that Hyeoncheol was a monk at a temple close to the capital who was very active in Buddhist works such as the production of Buddhist paintings and sutras and annotations of the sutras.

( Figure 9 ) Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya, dated 1350. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 178.0 x 90.3 cm, Shinnō-in, Kōya-san

04 BUDDHIST COMMUNITIES AND INDIVIDUALS

Goryeo Buddhist paintings are characterized by their brilliant colors, gold leaf decoration, and fine, detailed style, and hence it is generally understood that the majority were commissioned by royalty and the aristocracy. In some cases, however, they were commissioned by individuals, groups of laymen, or hyangdo. Examples of paintings commissioned by groups include the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra from 1323 (Figure 4; Rinshō-ji), the Amitabha Triad from 1330 (Hōon-ji) and Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya from 1350 (Figure 9). Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (Figure 4), as discussed above, was painted by a court attendant (naesi) named Seo Ji-man and commissioned by Seo in conjunction with monks, laymen and ordinary individuals, including a community of female believers. Apart from one man named Hojang Park Yeong-gyeon, all of the people involved are commoners. The group includes male and female monks and many unnamed ordinary people from different parts of the country, as indicated by references to “Naksan-hain,” “Yangju-jeop” and “Jungdo-jeop,” who joined together to pray for the same purpose. “Naksan-hain” is interpreted as “people living under Mt. Naksan” or “people living under Naksansa Temple.” Considering the core of the group of patrons consists of monks, both male and female, the latter alternative seems more likely. There were several temples named Naksansa including one in Yangyang; in Jangdan, Gyeonggi-do Province; and Mt. Buksan in Gaegyeong. According to Ide Seinosuke, the temple in Jangdan is the most likely.69 Naksansa Temple in Jangdan was a temple on the slope of Mt. Yongamsan. Indeed, as the temple was close to the capital, Gaegyeong, King Chungnyeol often went there with Princess Jeguk.70 It was also the prayer temple of the monk Sindon, and the Temple where King Gongmin worshipped the Buddha.71 Enshrined at Naksansa Temple was a clay statue of Avalokiteshvara commissioned by Uisang Daesa, which gave the temple a reputation as a place with miraculous power for prayer and attracted a stream of male and female believers who burned incense endlessly.72 As this painting was produced by the court attendant Seo Ji-man it seems most logical to regard the male and female monks and believers of Naksansa Temple, the one close to the capital, as the patrons of the painting. The record of the painting indicates that many believers from Yangju-jeop and Jungdo-jeop were also involved.73 Yangju functioned as the center of Yanggwang-do, which covered the southern part of Gyeonggi-do, part of Gangwon-do, and most of Chungcheong-do in the Goryeo dynasty,74 and was under the position of the regional office called Gyesugwan. Jungdo is also considered by some to mean Yanggwang-do,75 but generally the name refers to the Daejeon area in particular. In this respect, it can be surmised that the court attendant Seo commissioned this painting in conjunction with Buddhist communities in the Gyeonggi-do and Chungcheong-do areas.

The major example of a Buddhist painting with individuals as the major patron is the Amitabha Triad from 1309 (Figure 10; Uesugi Jinja, Yamagata) commissioned by the Suhodang Seo family. At the bottom of the painting of Amitabha is an inscription stating that “Family funds were used to hire an artist to paint the Four Deities of the Western Pure Land to pray for good fortune in this life and to be reborn in Paradise after death.”76 Underneath the figures of Avalokiteshvara and Mahasthamaprapta, who flank Amitabha, are inscriptions reading, “Offering of the Suhodang Seo family.” There are many theories about this painting: that it was commissioned by a man named Suhodang Seo for his mother using family funds;77 that it was painted to pray for the welfare of the whole Seo family;78 that it was painted to pray for the Seo family’s good fortune and virtue in this life and the next;79 or that it was painted to pray for the welfare of Seo and his four sons in this life and their entry to Paradise in the next life.80 However, considering that the name Suhodang Seo is written in large characters and the names of his sons, Dong and Man, and others named Yusin and Gyeryang, in smaller characters seems to indicate that the painting was commissioned by four people, including two sons of the Seo family.

( Figure 10 ) Amitabha Triad, dated 1309. Three hanging scrolls; color on silk, 147.0 x 61.5 cm (each), Uesugi Jinja, Yamagata

It is believed that the Seo family referred to in this case means the descendants of Seo Hui (942-998), a military official and diplomat of early Goryeo, a major family of aristocratic lineage. The Seo clan hailing from Icheon continued to thrive and was a powerful force in late Goryeo also.81 Judging from the name Suhodang, which would be the name of the family home, and the act of hiring an artist to produce a Buddhist painting, the Seo family in question here was no doubt one with considerable power and financial resources. In this respect, Ahn Jae-hong pinpoints the family of Seo In (1277-?), who served as an official of the third rank at Saheonbu, the office of the inspector-general, and was an eighth-generation descendant of the Yanggyeonggong branch of the Icheon Seo clan. At the same time, arguing that it was rare for men to write just the family name on a painting record in the Goryeo dynasty, Ahn suggested the likelihood of the name referring to a woman of the Seo clan or the wife of an influential family by the name of Seo who commissioned the painting along with her children. To support his argument, Ahn cites the record on the Yuan dynasty painting of Amitabha in the Kyoto National Museum which mentions “the Buddhist woman believer Seo,” that is, a woman by the family name of Seo with no given names. If this is indeed the same woman as “Suhodang Seo,” or at least a woman from the same family, then questions must be raised as to the country of origin of the supposed Yuan painting of Amitabha in the Kyoto National Museum.82 However, there is no known incidence in Goryeo of the name of a family home such as Suhodang being attached to a woman’s name,83 and it is believed that if Seo were really a woman of a powerful family her title would be "–gunbuin" rather than the name of the home.

III GORYEO DYNASTY BUDDHISM AND SOCIETY SEEN THROUGH THE PATRONS OF BUDDHIST PAINTINGS

Discussed above are the patrons of Goryeo Buddhist art, who they were, and why and for what purposes they commissioned the paintings in question. In this section, the characteristics of Goryeo Buddhism and society as reflected patronage of Buddhist paintings will be examined from three aspects: the spread of Buddhism focused on praying for good fortune and the prevalence of Buddhist works and activities; the rise of influential political families in the late Goryeo period; and the growth of hyangdo.

01 SPREAD OF BUDDHISM SEEKING GOOD FORTUNE AND THE PREVALENCE OF BUDDHIST WORKS

Most of the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings were produced after the late 13th century. Few works from early Goryeo remain mainly because they were lost through frequent invasions and a long war with the Mongols. Another reason for the dominance of late Goryeo works, however, is the spread of Buddhism focused on praying for good fortune and the boom in production of paintings for prayer purposes, for Buddhist assemblies, and various rites and ceremonies.

Wang Geon, founder of Goryeo, upheld Buddhism, which flourished from the beginning of the nation under state protection and promotion. Wang Geon’s policy of worshipping Buddha and protecting Buddhism was passed down to successive kings, and in 958 King Gwangjong instituted the state exam for Buddhist monks, seunggwa, institutionalizing the Seon and Gyo schools. Most kings accepted the Bodhisattva precepts, and if they had four sons, they would make one of them a Buddhist monk. In the early Goryeo period, the monk Uicheon (1055-1101) studied the Cheontae (C: Tiantai) and Hwaeom schools of Buddhism in the Song Dynasty and when he returned to Goryeo in 1086 he founded the Goryeo Cheontae school. Doctrinal development was achieved, but various incidents involving monks upset public sentiment, such as Gwanggi from Gwangmyeongsa Temple being caught and punished for forgery of yin-yang texts, and large social gatherings of monks and nuns and young Buddhists. Many big Buddhist assemblies at court and other events aimed at seeking good fortune were held. In the 12th century, monks such as Hakil and Tanyeong led the development of Goryeo Buddhism in an unsullied direction, but in the reign of King Uijong (r. 1146-1176) the court attendant Yeongeui convinced the king that the fate of the nation and the longevity of the king depended solely on prayer; to ensure a long life, he told the king he must worship Avalokiteshvara and Indra and had him commission paintings of the two bodhisattvas to be enshrined in temples in the capital and the provinces in large ceremonies.84 In addition, the court attendant Baek Seon-yeon, to celebrate Buddha’s birthday in the fourth month of 1166, commissioned 40 paintings of Avalokiteshvara,85 which were enshrined at lotus lantern festivals (yeondeunghoe). The festival at Bongeunsa Temple was a big event drawing the participation of more than 1,500 people, indicating the growth in the scale of Buddhist activities.86 The king favored events with an invocatory nature; he filled the palace with monks and often held sermons at temples with his highest ministers, while the ministers and even ordinary people rushed to build temples and pagodas. In an attempt to reform Buddhism, in the mid-Goryeo period the monk Jinul (1158-1210) established a society focused on the concepts of mental concentration (samadhi) and wisdom (prajna) at Suseonsa, Mt. Jogyesan, creating a new movement within the Seon school. Buddhist works focused on praying for protection of the nation and good fortune continued to flourish, however, with the invasions of the Khitans and the Mongols during the reign of King Gojong (r. 1213-1259).

New trends in Buddhism began to emerge in the 13th century. The Gyo school, which had thrived during the 12th century, began to weaken while the Jogye and Cheontae orders grew into the leading forces. In the first half of the 13th century communities of Buddhists began to form and after a period of resistance against the Mongols, the military government fell, putting Goryeo under Yuan control and instigating sweeping changes. Under the influence of Yuan, Buddhism took on a mystical and doomsday nature, and forms of faith gradually moved toward miraculous powers and the practice of good deeds. From the early days of Goryeo, rather than the doctrinal and logical side of Buddhism using the monk Doseon's pungsu theories (C: fengshui, the theory of divination based on topography), or the rulers’ attempts to use Buddhism as a means to consolidate the people, the ritual and invocatory aspects of Buddhism came to the fore. In the late Goryeo period, as the driving force of Buddhism shifted from the aristocracy to the common people native, mystical Buddhism was revived in a big way in the first half of the 13th century. That is, in the transition from the aristocracy to the common people, religious tastes tended toward mystical and miraculous deeds rather than doctrine. And as these strange and wonderful aspects were incorporated into Buddhism, the Buddhist circle attracted a stronger following among the people.87 This popular taste for the mystical side of Buddhism spread to the intellectuals the major work reflecting the situation at the time is the Haedong beophwa yeongheom jeon (海東法華靈驗傳, Wonders of the Lotus Sutra) by the Cheontae monk Cheon Chaek (1206-1283) of the Cheontae order.88 Another book from the same period is the monk Iryeon’s Samgungnyusa (三國遺史, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) which also has a strong tendency toward the wonderful and miraculous in its stories. From this it can be surmised to what extent Buddhist faith at the time was focused on miraculous deeds and seeking good fortune.

The 13th century was also a time when various new sects of Buddhism appeared including the Sinin, Jinyeomeop, Yul, Bunhwang, and Soseung sects. Of these the most notable are the Sinin (munduru) and Jinyeomeop sects of tantric Buddhism. The Sinin sect is based on “Secret of Munduru” by Myeongnang of Silla and advocates belief that Buddhist worship can help the nation overcome disaster. It hence had a strong nation-protecting element. Jinyeomeop is a sect started by the Tantric monk Hyetong as a form of individual faith to pray for the cure of disease.89 It had a strong incantatory element as it advocated the belief that diseases can be cured with dharani. Goryeosa frequently mentions that the king and aristocrats went to the temple when they fell ill, or that they died at a temple. This shows that temples at the time were considered to be a place to recover from illness, and they did indeed have resident medical monks who cured illness using the magical power of the sutras or divine powers.90

This trend toward the mystical, miraculous and good deeds became even stronger in the 14th century. The nature of Buddhism at the time can be glimpsed in the publication of Samsippalbun gongdeokso gyeong (三十八分功德疏經) in 1331, a short sutra that promotes prayer to 38 Buddhas, bodhisattvas and venerable to accumulate virtue, which was promoted by the Hwaeom monk Chewon, who wrote the postscript to it himself; the Beophwa yeongheom jeon (法華靈驗傳, Wonders of the Lotus Sutra) by the Cheontae monk Yowon; the many sutras and paintings commissioned by royalty and the aristocracy; and in the popularity of the burial of incense in coastal and urban areas based on the cult of Maitreya. It was believed that wood buried in sea water was the best material for incense, while burning incense made with such materials was considered a highly virtuous deed. In regard to the development of Buddhism in this direction, the influence of Yuan’s Lama Buddhism cannot be ruled out, but this clearly shows the decrease in the social function of Buddhism.

This social climate of late Goryeo, when Buddhism had a strong invocatory nature and faith was focused on good deeds and miracles, promoted the commission of Buddhist paintings by individuals and groups.

02 RISE OF POWERFUL FAMILIES

Among the patrons of Buddhist paintings were a number of influential political families (known as gwonmunsejok) which emerged in the late Goryeo period. They included families of aristocratic lineage, families who had risen to the fore during the period of military government, and families which had prospered through their connection with Yuan. While the aristocracy dominated politics in the first half of the dynasty, these influential political families led in the second half.91 They began to form during the period of military rule and became the leading force during the reign of King Chungnyeol, their influence gained by collaborating in the Mongol invasions, accompanying the kings during their stay in Yuan, or inter-marrying with the families of civil and military officials who already had a solid power base.

Two of the most famous families at the time, although they did not count among the 15 families of prime ministers and meritorious officials that could marry royalty,92 were the Seowon Yeom clan and the Andong Gwon clan.93 The family of prime minster Yeom Seung-ik, who commissioned the Amitabha Buddha painting from 1286 (Figure 2), grew into a powerful force through his grandson Yeom Je-sin’s marriage with pro-Yuan forces and influential families. Yeom Sung-ik married one of his daughters to Moji (末吉; Mongolian) a high official in the Yuan court, and another daughter to Heo Pyeong, son of Heo Gong, the third of the three great prime ministers of Goryeo along with Yeom Seung-ik and Jo In-gyu (1227-1308).94 His son Se-chung married Jo's daughter but died at a young age. Se-chung’s son Je-sin went to Yuan when he was young. He stayed in the home of his aunt and uncle Moji, and with the help of Emperor Taiding (r. 1324-1328) and Emperor Shun (r. 1333-1367) served in official posts in the Yuan court. Yeom Je-sin’s daughter became a concubine of King Gongmin, while his three sons all passed the civil service exams and served in high official positions.

Gwon Bok-su, the patron of the 1306 painting of Amitabha Buddha (Figure 3) as mentioned above, may have been from the Andong Gwon clan. There are two Gwon clans, one from Andong and one from Yecheon. The Andong clan is the major of the two, but both clans had their names bestowed on them by the king. The founder of the Andong Gwon clan was originally named Kim Haeng, hailing from the royal Kim clan of the Silla Kingdom. In 930 when Gyeon Hwon of Later Baekje battled Wang Geon, founder of Goryeo, in the Andong region, Kim Haeng along with Kim Seon-pyeong and Jang Jeong-pil dedicated themselves to Wang Geon, who named them meritorious officials and granted them high titles. He bestowed on Kim Haeng the name of Gwon (meaning “power”),95 indicating that he was well versed in political affairs and the current situation. Although the Gwon clan established a firm base in Andong from the time of Gwon Haeng, its members did not enter central government but served as village chiefs from generation to generation. Gwon’s ninth-generation descendant Gwon Jung-si was the first to take a central government post, and his sons Gwon Su-pyeong (?-1250) and Gwon Su-hong began to have real influence. Gwon Su-pyeong was a military official with the title of daejeong and rose to an official of the third rank at Chumilwon, the privy council, thus paving the way for the family’s success. His son Gwon Wi served as a scholar at Hallimwon, and his son Gwon Dan (1228-1311) retired as an official of the second rank. The Andong Gwon clan’s rise into one of the major powerful forces of late Goryeo came with the rise of Gwon Bu (1262-1346), son of Gwon Dan. Gwon Bu, his five sons, and his three sons-in-law together received the title of bonggun (a second-rank office), and were known collectively as the “nine lords from one family.”96 The family thrived and become one of the most important forces of their day.97

The concubine Sukbi who commissioned the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (Figure 1) from 1310 hailed from the Eonyang Kim clan, one of the most influential political families during the time of military rule of Goryeo. The Eonyang Kim clan produced 12 prime-ministers or minister-level officials over five generations, starting with Kim Chwi-ryeo (?-1234), the Lord of Wiryeol, who served as minister of Jungseo-munhaseong, the Goryeo secretariat. Sukbi was the great-granddaughter of Kim Chwi-ryeo and younger sister of Kim Mun-yeon, who was in great favor with King Chungnyeol and King Chungseon. Kim Mun-yeon became an official of the eighth rank at the age of 30 and later rose to second-rank official at Cheomuisi, the highest administrative organ of Goryeo. Under the command of King Chungseon, in 1307 he returned to Goryeo from Yuan and delivered a declaration on reformation of affairs of state. He appointed 80 new officials and played a big part in returning Chungseon to power. It was largely due to his power and the influence of the Kim clan that Sukbi became the royal concubine when Princess Jeguk, Chungseon’s queen, passed away in 1297. During King Chungseon’s reign, the Eonyang Kim clan became one of the 15 most influential political families that could marry with the royal family of Goryeo.

03 RISE OF HYANGDO, BUDDHIST COMMUNITIES IN THE PROVINCES

The 1323 Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (Figure 4; Rinshō-ji) and the 1330 Amitabha Triad painting (Hōon-ji) was commissioned by a Buddhist community called hyangdo and other Buddhist laymen. Hyangdo existed in Korea from the Three Kingdoms period and their major purpose was to produce Buddhist images and bells and construct pagodas, and temples. They also provided the manpower and financial means for large-scale works such as assemblies, offerings to temples, and maehyang (埋香), burial of incense. Hyangdo generally included monks and laymen, and ranged in size from around 20 members, as in the case of the of that organized in Hyeonpung-hyeon in 928, to very large ones as in the case of that organized to produce the Hoejinsa Temple bell (c. 1011) in Gyeongju with over 3,000 members.98 In the early Goryeo period, they were sometimes organized by lower government officials with the village chief as head, and encompassing the two kinds of communities, the mireuk-hyangdo and the chu-hyangdo. This was the case for the construction of the stone pagoda at Gyesimsa Temple in 1011.99 But from the 12th century the nature and composition of hyangdo became diversified. Originally, hyangdo were communities of Buddhists based in the capital, Gaegyeong, and the provinces, who gathered voluntarily to carry out Buddhist activities and works. However, the custom and spirit of voluntary work was sometimes distorted, as in the case of large organizations called manbulhoe, composed of large numbers of Buddhist monks and nuns and believers who started donating their homes to temples, a practice that was banned by the state as it became widespread.100 Varied types of hyangdo then emerged, for example that composed of high government officials for prayer and the performance of Buddhist rites and music organized by General Shin Bo-sun (?-1187);101 another of candle and lantern bearers forming King Chunghye’s procession to Sinhyosa Temple in 1342;102 and others composed entirely of women or of common people in the provinces.

Such changes led to the development of agricultural technology, encompassing water works, improvement of seed varieties, and fertilization, which in turn led to changes within the farmer class.103 Some farmers totally collapsed, but others gained increased independence, and to protect their autonomy they began to reorganize rural communities. Hyangdo based on these farming communities began to appear in the provinces. The 20 some patrons of the Amitabha Triad from 1330 have ordinary native names with almost no family names attached, indicating that the hyangdo concerned was not composed of ruling class members in the capital but farmers in the provinces.104 In addition, while the major patron of the Rinshō-ji Illustration of the Visualization Sutra from 1323 (Figure 4) was the court attendant Seo Ji-man, the record of the painting mentions ten people from Naksansa Temple, four people from Yangju, eight people from Jungdo including the village chief by the name of Park Yeong-gyeon, and a women’s hyangdo from Yangju, which means it was supported by Buddhist communities in the provinces. Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (Figure 9) from 1350 was commissioned by the monk Hyeoncheol and a group of 20 believers. While the term hyangdo is not found on the record, judging by the expressed wish to “listen to the sermons at the three dharma assemblies to be held under the dragon-flower tree…” it is highly likely that the patrons belonged to a hyangdo of the Maitreya cult.

IV CONCLUSION

The Korean term indicating the patronage of Buddhist art is balwon (發願), which means “to realize one’s prayers” or “to make a prayer to the Buddha or Bodhisattvas.” The term indicating the donor is siju (施主) meaning the donor of something to a temple or monk, related to the term dana in Sanskrit, which means “selfless giving.” Therefore patrons and donors of a Buddhist painting are those who make a prayer and carry out Buddhist works such as donating goods to a temple. Selfless giving is one of the six paramita or “transcendent actions” in Mahayana Buddhism.

According to the records on paintings, it can be seen that a wide variety of people were patrons and donors of Buddhist paintings including royalty and officials (civil and military officials, court attendants), monks, Buddhist communities, and individuals. This reflects the prevalence of Buddhists seeking good fortune in the late Goryeo period, when it was widely believed that carrying out Buddhist works such as the construction of temples and pagodas, the copying of sutras and the enshrining of Buddhist images were ways to accumulate virtue. Such activities therefore flourished and it was this nature of Buddhism that led to the active commission of Buddhist paintings. Among the classes of people who were patrons of Buddhist art, it is notable that a shift occurred from the aristocracy in the early Goryeo period to the politically influential political families and local Buddhist communities called hyangdo.

As only twenty-three paintings with records of their production remain, discussion of the patrons and donors of Goryeo Buddhist paintings is inevitably limited. But the fact that such art works were commissioned by a wide range of people, from royalty to ordinary individuals, attests to the extent to which Buddhism had taken root in the lives of the people from the upper classes down to the lower classes.