The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

According to long-held traditional beliefs of the Joseon period (朝鮮, 1392–1910), objects simply served their owners as a means for achieving virtue. Excessive feeling for an object was discouraged through a belief known as wanmul sangji (玩物喪志), which is the idea that a preoccupation with an object could lead to the loss of selfhood (in short, that material wealth could result in spiritual poverty). However, around the turn of the eighteenth century, people came to place as much value on objects as on humans, at least in terms of the former becoming a subject of people’s interest and study. A belief arose that the pitfalls of materialism could be circumvented if people could avoid becoming fixated on or bound by objects. Recognizing the nature of objects and respecting their value emerged as important beliefs (Son Junghee 2012, 39–51). Once the view of objects changed, people in the eighteenth century started to become demonstrably engrossed with even trivial objects, and began taking an interest not only in appreciating paintings and calligraphy, cultivating flowers, and collecting books, but in animals and plants as well. As records on objects’ history and provenance increased in detail, objects came to gain a higher value and what was once considered taboo became the focus of natural history research (Jung Min 2007, 18–38). Rather than examining royal ceramics used for dining or ceremonial purposes, which were prominent types of ceramics in the Joseon era, this study focuses on ceramics that were collected, displayed, and bestowed for the purposes of admiration, trade, or gifting. They are here collectively referred to as “treasured objects,” or wanmul (玩物), and the study seeks to examine how they were perceived and valued at the time. This article draws on a broad range of contextual materials, including personal essays and official court records, as a means to examine how ceramics were socially positioned and perceived in relation to the individuals who used, crafted, and traded in them. It treats ceramics as part of material culture and reveals how culture is formed within the interrelationship between people and ceramics. From the Goryeo (高麗, 918–1392) to Joseon periods, it is rare to find traces of the practices of treating ceramics as objects of collection and appreciation per se, but conjectures can be offered based on a variety of historical records and collections of personal writings. Ceramics as Objects of Appreciation This section examines personal writings and diaries to find examples of ceramics being perceived as objects of interest, admiration, and appreciation and it identifies what kinds of ceramics were used as royally conferred largesse at official events, as diplomatic offerings by delegations, or for reciprocal gift-giving. It also seeks to investigate those used for display in a scholar’s study and hyanggak (香閣), both of which were adjunct structures to a residence where the men of the house studied, received guests, drank tea, and appreciated the arts. Subjects of Interest and Appreciation Appreciation and admiration for a wide range of goods and regional products can be traced back to records from the Goryeo period. The twelfth-century text Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經, Illustrated account of the Chinese Embassy to the Goryeo court in the Xuanhe era) by Xu Jing (徐兢, dates unknown) includes mention of a number of banquets set in the Goryeo capital city of Gaegyeong (present-day Kaesong in North Korea) honoring delegations from the Northern Song dynasty during the Xuanhe era (宣和, 1119–1125). It reveals glimpses of Goryeo appreciation for the craftwork, ceramics, and premium teas of the Northern Song dynasty. Descriptions of banquets for Goryeo officials given by envoys of the Northern Song emperor show that curiosities, antiques, rare paintings and books, incense, and fine teas were displayed throughout the banquet halls. The intricacy and novelty of the objects were said to have captured the attention of Goryeo officials, who, each according to his tastes, selected objects for themselves as gifts at the end of the banquet (“Assembly of the Guest Envoys” in Banquet Rituals, ch. 26, Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing). The Northern Song dynasty enjoyed a resurgence of appreciation for antique objects, including an interest in ancient bronzeware which inspired the production of ceramic imitations. The ease of producing ceramic objects in the forms of antique bronzeware helped meet the surging demand, and these tastes and production trends likely made their way into Goryeo (Lee Yongjin 2006, 183–185) (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Illustration of Antiquities (博古圖) by Liu Songnian (劉松年, died c. 1224) (detail). Song, 12th–13th century. Slight color on silk. 56.5 x 128.3 cm. National Palace Museum, Taipei (National Palace Museum 2003, Fig. 2) Meanwhile, Goryeo celadon had been known in China since the Song (宋, 960–1279) and Yuan (元, 1271–1368) dynasties. In Cao Zhao (曹昭, active in the 14th century)’s Gegu yaolun (格古要論, Essential criteria of antiquities), published in the early Ming period (completed in 1388 and revised with additions in 1459), Goryeo celadon is compared to the Longquan celadon of China. Among Goryeo records, the Dongguk yi sangguk jip (東國李相國集, Collected works of Minister Yi of Korea), a collection of writings by Yi Gyubo (李奎報, 1168–1241) includes an ode to the color and beauty of Goryeo celadon, indicating that ceramics were already an object of interest and appreciation at the time (Jang Namwon 2006, 290–291) (Fig. 2). Fig. 2. Celadon Girl-shaped Water Dropper. Goryeo, 12th–13th century. Height: 11.2 cm, Width: 6.0 cm. The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka Nevertheless, it was not until late in the Joseon period that Goryeo ceramics began to receive attention as prized possessions or collectibles (Jang Namwon 2009b). Referencing both the Song dynasty work Xiuzhongjin (袖中錦, Brocade in the sleeve) by Taiping Laoren (太平老人, dates unknown) and historical records from Goryeo that mention ceramics being sent to China during the reign of King Chungnyeol (忠烈王, r. 1274–1308) at the end of the Goryeo period, Yi Ik (李瀷, 1681–1763) claimed that the distinctive jade-green hue of Goryeo celadon, known as bisaek (秘色), to be the best under heaven. He once composed a poem about the origins of Goryeo jade-green celadon and a jade-green celadon cup and stand into which liquor from a gourd-shaped ewer was poured (Seongho seonsaeng jeonjip, vol. 4). With his commentary on the glaze color, form, and quality of celadon ware, these texts by Yi provide actual cases of searching for the origins of celadon and demonstrate the uses of celadon objects. In his Yeongyeongjae jeonjip (硏經齋全集, Complete writings of Seong Haeeung), Seong Haeeung (成海應, 1760–1839) mentions that a distinct jade-colored Goryeo celadon jar was excavated from the site of the Kaesong estate of the late Goryeo period scholar An Hyang (安珦, 1243–1306). This celadon jar was the property of Sim Sanggyu (沈象奎, 1766–1838), but the literati painter Sin Wi (申緯, 1769–1845) is said to have borrowed it and failed to return it for eight years. Later, during the reign of King Gojong (高宗, r. 1863–1907), Yi Yuwon (李裕元, 1814–1888) described this same celadon piece as bearing an image of six cranes and eight rising clusters of clouds. It is presumed that the object in question was a celadon maebyeong (梅甁, literally “plum vase”) inlaid with cranes and clouds (Fig. 3). Yi went on to discuss a celadon piece in his own possession, mentioning its fret design and milky celadon color. Interestingly, Sin Wi also wrote about the celadon vase with crane and cloud design he borrowed. Along with details on its form and decoration, Sin recorded his impression of the clouds and birds in flight having a transcendental atmosphere evoking a dwelling for the immortals. Based on his comments, it appears the celadon ware was a jar ornamented with a decoration of cranes and clouds. Sin Wi also used the phrase “milky celadon color” to describe the distinct shade of the Goryeo celadon glaze. Among Sim Sanggyu, Sin Wi, Seong Haeeung, and Yi Yuwon, there was a cycle of interest, appreciation, collection, and admiration that endured over an extended period of time with the celadon vase as the intermediary object. Fig. 3. Celadon Maebyeong with Inlaid Crane and Cloud Design. Goryeo, 12th–13th century. Height: 37.2 cm. Ehwa Womans University Museum Yi Yuwon also wrote about a ceramic work excavated from the Munmyo Shrine (文廟) dedicated to Confucius in Pyongyang which was shown to him by Gim Heunggeun (金興根, 1796–1870). Yi described the object as having a cloud and fretwork pattern and a color that struck the beholder with awe, adding that it was impossible to produce such a work in his day. Yi’s thoughts on ceramics are mirrored in his other writings, so while his personal experience and knowledge form the basis for his ideas, they are also an interesting reflection of how the literati of his time passed on, admired, and discussed ceramics. The Joseon scholar Gim Jeonghui (金正喜, 1786–1856) compared dynamic, refined, and dignified writings to the unique jade-green color of celadon (Epistle 33, vol. 3, Wandang jeonjip). In the poem “Byeonghwa” (甁花, Flowers in a vase), he also applies the expression “500 year-old jade-green” to describe a painting of a celadon vase with flowers. In his poem “Songpa sujak” (松坡酬酢, Exchanging poems in Songpa) included in the Yeoyu-dang jeonseo (與猶堂全書, Complete works of Jeong Yakyong), Jeong Yakyong (丁若鏞, 1762–1836) mentions receiving a gift of narcissus from Gim Jeonghui. According to this text, Gim’s father received narcissi from an envoy who had recently returned from China, and Gim planted them in a Goryeo celadon flowerpot he cherished before sending it to Jeong. The passage makes it clear that Jeong noted the Goreyo celadon ware, and it shows that men at this time had knowledge on the antique items they exchanged among themselves. Official Gifts Bestowed by the Government There are numerous examples of Chinese and Japanese ceramics making their way into the country and being used during the late Joseon period. Studies of excavated ceramics and heirlooms have recently revealed that a considerable volume of imported ceramic wares were used in the late Joseon period (Kim Mikyung 2009, 308–311; Koo Hyein 2009, 102–105; Jang Hyojin 2014, 131–134). Foreign-made ceramics that entered the country officially as diplomatic gifts or those that had been presented to the royal court and officials were of particular interest to people in Joseon since they represented new, never-before-seen objects. The following examines a few such cases. A record from 1783 in the Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon dynasty) includes a report of the chief envoy Jeong Jongyeom (鄭存謙, 1722–1794) and deputy envoy Hong Yangho (洪良浩, 1724–1802) of the Dongji saeunsa (冬至謝恩使, the winter solstice mission of appreciation to the Qing court), who both returned from Yanjing, present-day Beijing, the previous year with gifts of ceramics. Their reports relate that they attended a banquet at the Ziguangge (紫光閣, Pavilion of Purple Light), adjacent to the Forbidden City (紫禁城, Zijincheng), and that the emperor bestowed imperial gifts upon the attendees. Jeong received three rolls of silk, three rolls of Zhangzhou velvet, five small rolls of four-ply silk, five small rolls of five-ply silk, ten Hebao pouches, and one decorated porcelain cup. Hong was gifted one roll of silk, one roll of Zhangzhou velvet, three small rolls of eight-ply silk, three rolls of five-ply silk, six Hebao pouches, and one decorated porcelain cup (Entry for the 27th day of the second month of the seventh year, Jeongjo sillok, vol. 15). This document demonstrates that envoys were presented with Chinese silk and decorated ceramic cups, among other gifts, although specifics on the silk and ceramics are unknown. Furthermore, the Palace Museum in Beijing counts among its collection a colored painting titled Imperial Banquet in the Garden of Ten Thousand Trees (萬樹園賜宴圖, Wanshuyuan ciyan tu), produced in 1755 by Giuseppe Castiglione (1688–1766), also known as Lang Shining (郎世寧), and other painters of the Qing court. The painting includes a scene depicting an arrangement of items presumed to be official gifts to be bestowed by the royal court. The Garden of Ten Thousand Trees (萬樹園, Wanshuyuan) was located in the Imperial Summer Palace (避暑山莊, Bishu shanzhuang) at Chengde, Hebei Province, and the painting captures a banquet celebrating the submission of Amursana (阿睦爾撒納, 1723–1757), the prince of the Khoit-Oirat tribe of the Junggar Basin (准噶爾部), to the Qing government. The right end of the painting features an ornate tent with piles of scrolls and ceramics (Fig. 4). These items are presumed to be gifts intended for honored guests or those who came to offer submission. Fig. 4. Imperial Banquet in the Garden of Ten Thousand Trees by Giuseppe Castiglione and others (detail). Qing, 1755. Color on silk. 221.5 x 419.0 cm. The Palace Museum, Beijing (The Palace Museum 1995, p. 116) Although the above painting concerns different recipients of a banquet, if we presume that banquets for envoys from Joseon and representatives of other countries involved similar situations and gifts, the silk and decorated ceramics provided must have been gifts of high value that became treasured possessions to the recipients. In particular, scrolls of silk and paper as well as ceramics embellished with exotic motifs and colors are the most common subjects depicted in late Joseon paintings of books and scholar’s accoutrements known as chaekgado (冊架圖) and paintings of still life known as gimyeongdo (器皿圖). Thus, it is highly likely that gifts for envoys were among the objects that were adored and appreciated in both China and Joseon. There are also records of ceramics being used as gifts in official exchanges with Japan. In 1711, Im Sugan (任守幹, 1665–1721), a deputy envoy of the Tongsinsa (通信使, diplomatic mission to Japan), was staying in the port city of Busan before boarding a ship. At this time, the Joseon envoys were presented with a porcelain cup with a plant design from the Japanese ship owner and an ornately decorated vessel from the governor of Nagato Province (長門國) in Japan. In December 1800, a Japanese condolence delegation for the late King Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1776–1800) carried gifts that included a painted bottle. There is also a record of the chief and deputy Tongsinsa envoys on another mission from 1811 receiving polychrome stackable boxes, a stemmed brazier, and a polychrome Nishikite (錦手) bowl decorated in gold as gifts from a Japanese magistrate. During the diplomatic mission of 1811, Japanese officials distributed a range of miscellaneous items to the Joseon delegation of 373 persons from 31 different ranks. Among the delegation, 17 persons of seven ranks were said to have received plates, bowls with covers, stackable boxes, and other porcelain wares. In 1876, Gim Gisu (金綺秀, born 1832) and his party of envoys were dispatched on a goodwill diplomatic mission, known as Susinsa (修信使), to Japan, and among the reciprocal gifts the Japanese sent back to Joseon were stoneware vases from the Satsuma (薩摩) region. Gim Sanghyeon (金尙鉉, 1811–1890), the minister of rites (禮曹判書, yejo panseo), and Yi Inmyeong (李寅命, born 1819), the second minister of rites (禮曹參判, yejo champan), are said to have each received a pair of these Satsuma vases. On an 1882 Susinsa mission, Bak Yeonghyo (朴泳孝, 1861–1939) received ceramic wares including bottles and cups as parting gifts from the Japanese side. Along with gifts dispatched by the Japanese emperor to the Joseon king, Bak’s party received flower vases from high-ranking officials and adjutants. During the same 1882 trip, Min Yeongik (閔泳翊, 1860–1914) presented red ginseng, fans, brushes, and other items as gifts and received in return a pair of stoneware vases and two rolls of textiles from the Japanese emperor (Choi Kyunghwa 2009, 205–206). The delegation of 1882 included Bak Yeonghyo, Gim Okgyun, Seo Gwangbeom, and Min Youngik. It was dispatched by the Joseon court as a final gesture of apology following the completion of the Treaty of Jemulpo in 1882 between Korea and Japan in order to express regrets over the aftermath of the military uprising known as the Imo gullan (壬午軍亂). Bak kept a memoir of the trip to Japan titled Sahwa giryak (使和記略, Record of a delegation to Japan), which mentioned that Joseon’s official gifts to Japan included Goryeo celadon. Upon arrival in Japan, along with the sovereign’s message, the mission sent four different types of gifts to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. These included a copy of the Yeosa jegang (麗史提綱, Short history of Goryeo) consisting of 23 books, one Goryeo ceramic piece, one silver table service set, and ten hwamunseok (花紋席) sedge mats from Ganghwado Island. Details about the Goryeo ceramic ware are unknown, but in view of the strained political situation, it is likely that the gifts were intended to reflect Japanese tastes and preferences. One of the Joseon representatives at the Treaty of Jemulpo was the aforementioned Yi Yuwon, who had great enthusiasm for Goryeo ceramics and was then serving as the chief state councilor (領議政, yeonguijeong). He had visited Japan previously and was relatively knowledgeable about the country, so there is a strong likelihood Yi would have advised upon the gifts to be presented by the delegation. As explained above, ceramics being bestowed and received as gifts during official diplomatic exchanges with China and Japan were not uncommon. It is likely that ceramics were not merely presented as regional products, but as gifts meant to reflect the recipients’ tastes. There are also a number of cases where Goryeo ceramics were included among the offerings from the Joseon court to foreign countries. For example, Empress Myeongseong (明成皇后, 1851–1895) gifted a celadon bowl to Karl Ivanovich Veber (1841–1910), the then consul general of Russia in Seoul. The bowl which is now housed at the Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography in Saint Petersburg. A celadon ewer with a cover granted by the same Empress Myeongseong to Lillias Horton Underwood (1859–1921) is currently in the Brooklyn Museum’s collection. There is a high probability that the Goryeo celadon provided as gifts were esteemed objects in the Joseon court collection. From these examples, it is evident that official visits abroad were conducive to learning about new objects and collecting them. In his Yeolha ilgi (熱河日記, The Jehol Diary), Bak Jiwon (朴趾源, 1737–1805) writes about a meeting with a Chinese merchant named Tian Shi Ke (田仕可) in Shenyang, Liaoning Province, China. Tian was deeply knowledgeable about the history of ancient vessels, and Bak pursued the meeting because he wished to obtain rare and elegant antiques and “four treasures of the study” (文房四寶, munbangsabo). Tian advised that such sophisticated objects might be found on Liulichang Street (璃璃廠) in Beijing, but that coming across items like jade-hued ceramics or ancient bronzewares in Shenyang would be difficult (“Sokjae pildam” in Yeonamjip, vol. 11, Yeolha ilgi). The jade-colored ceramics are here thought to refer to celadon wares from the Song period or their imitations. Judging from the context, it is highly likely that Bak was seeking antique wares, such as Chinese celadon and bronze vessels. The text also describes Bak and Tian freely discussing antiquities, which implies that Bak had prior knowledge of Chinese ceramics and antiquities. First-hand experience and the ability to identify such objects would have been especially important given that Bak was attempting to purchase antiquities and scholar’s accoutrements during the diplomatic trip. Furnishings for Studies and Hyanggak Not much is known about how ceramics were collected and managed at the royal court during the Joseon period. Examples from surviving private writings do provide some idea of what types of ceramics were collected and displayed as treasured possessions by private owners. In order to commission epitaph tablets, Yi Hagon (李夏坤, 1677–1724), pen name Damheon (澹軒), observed the production of royal porcelain while staying near the Bunwon (分院) official kilns in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province, and he left an impression in poetry of what he witnessed. He wrote favorably of a toad-shaped water dropper and of the shape of a Chinese-style octagonal white porcelain jar. He also referred to white porcelain ware decorated with Chinese characters in underglaze cobalt-blue (Dutacho, fasc. 3). What is interesting is that Yi was among the most prominent bibliophiles of the late Joseon period. After refusing an offer of a government position, he built Wanwigak House (宛委閣) in Jincheon, Chungcheongbuk-do Province, and kept a library there that came to be referred to as Mangwollu Pavilion (萬卷樓, literally “pavilion with ten thousand books”) in reference to the more than ten thousand books in the collection (Fig. 5). Numerous renowned Joseon scholars visited Yi’s library to access its rare texts. Unlike other libraries, which mainly housed classical Confucian texts, historical records, and collected works of the literati, Yi’s collection at Wanwigak House featured a variety of ancient books, paintings, and calligraphy. This may indicate that painting and calligraphy had been accepted by the scholar-bureaucrats of the second half of the eighteenth century as a cultural product rather than a simple hobby for dilettantes (Park Yongman 2008, 71–72). Although information on collections of specific objects has yet to be uncovered, if Yi’s library was large enough to have an intellectual impact, there is reason to believe he would have also possessed an array of scholar’s accoutrements and antique items. Fig. 5. Ruins of Wanwigak House built by Yi Hagon in his summer mansion in Chopyeong-myeon, Jincheon-gun, Chungcheongbuk-do Province (Image from http://kansawi.egloos.com/5750605) Meanwhile, Yu Manju (兪晩柱, 1755–1788) reveals a love for scholar’s accoutrements in his diary Heumyeong (欽英, Admiration of excellence), particularly in the section about contemplations and readings. He kept the diary for 13 years until his death. One of his texts mentions that ostentatious homes, attire, and luxury goods were frowned upon, but that when it came to scholar’s accoutrements, extravagance was seen as a form of elegance capable of bringing peace and purity to the body, and that even the spirits would be forgiving such extravagance and turn a blind eye (Ahn Dae-hoe 2007, 27–28). This passage from the Heumyeong hints at the reason why details on the history and provenance of ceramic collections are not available prior to the late Joseon period, while different activities and trends related to the appreciation of books, paintings, and calligraphic works, such as collecting and cataloguing, have been recorded well before the late Joseon period. The reason behind this was the concept of wanmul sangji, which, as mentioned previously, purported that a preoccupation with trivialities would weaken a person’s spirit. The common perception was that extravagance involving vessels or clothes was degrading and antithetical to refinement. In contrast, luxury expressed in scholar’s accoutrements was permissible, which evinces the sharp increase of scholar’s accoutrements made from ceramics and other materials starting in the eighteenth century (Fig. 6). Fig. 6. White porcelain scholar’s accoutrements. Late Joseon. Height: 24.5 cm; 6.2 cm; 4.8 cm; 8.4 cm; 19.8 cm (by the order of Figs. 6-1 through 6-5). Ehwa Womans University Museum In his Imwon simnyukji (林園十六誌, Sixteen treaties on rural life and economy), Seo Yugu (徐有榘, 1764–1845) categorized Chinese scholar’s accoutrements by referencing numerous Chinese books about collections from the Song dynasty onward. He recorded the way prized objects were displayed on top of a chest reserved for scholar’s accoutrements and placed particular emphasis on inkstones and water droppers among the displayed utensils, which also included paper and brushes, among other items. He is believed to have had considerable knowledge of and experience with such treasured objects (Seo Yugu 1966, 329–330). In A Portrait of a Literatus Seeking Delight in the Arts (布衣風流圖, Pouipungnyudo), the artist Gim Hongdo (金弘道, 1745–1806) conveys the protagonist’s cultural tastes by depicting a bookcase; rolls of paper; a crackled ceramic bottle in the style of Ge ware (哥窑, Ch. geyao); a wine vessel in the ancient go (觚, Ch. gu) bronzeware style with coral, a ruyi (如意, scepter), and rolls of paper inside; a three-legged caldron in the ancient jeong (鼎, Ch. ding) bronzeware style; an inkstone and an inkstick; a brush; plantain leaves; a saenghwang (笙簧, free-reed musical instrument); a bipa (琵琶, lute); a gourd-shaped bottle; and a sword. Gim wrote on the left side of the painting, “I seek to spend all the days of my life in a house with clay walls and paper windows, never obtaining high office, simply reciting poetry.” These words speak to a desire for an unworldly life, yet the objects in the painting are patently the belongings of a prosperous member of the literati class (Fig. 7). This motif is a repetition of the Taoist theme seen in his painting Taoist Immortals (群仙圖, Gunseondo), and the illustrations of antiques, paintings, and calligraphy reflect those featured in Sandalwood Garden (檀園圖, Danwondo) and Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden (西園雅集圖, Seowonajipdo) (Fig. 8). At first glance, possession of such fine objects may seem to contradict the painting’s theme of unworldliness. However, for those who owned and enjoyed them, such objects may already have become ingrained as intimate everyday goods and thus no longer viewed as luxuries or dilettantish collectibles. There is also a good chance that the painting depicts treasured personal belongings that the artist used and appreciated in his daily life. This conjecture is based on the fact that despite dying in poverty, Gim earned a significant fortune from commissions in his prime years and was able to enjoy luxurious hobbies (Chang Chin-sung 2007, 263). It also takes into account Gim’s identity as a literati painter surrounded by poetry, calligraphy, painting, and music (Hong Sunpyo 2012, 134–135). Fig. 7. Portrait of a Literatus Seeking Delight in the Arts by Gim Hongdo. Joseon, late 18th century. 27.9 x 37.0 cm. Ink and slight color on paper. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Fig. 8. Sandalwood Garden by Gim Hongdo. Joseon, 1784. Ink and slight color on paper. 135.5 x 78.5 cm. Private collection One specific example of the display of a treasured ceramic collection comes from Yi Yuwon. In addition to serving as the chief state councilor during the reign of King Gojong, Yi visited China in the mid- to late nineteenth century as a document officer of the Dongjisa (冬至使, winter solstice mission to the Qing court) and again on the occasion of King Sunjong (純宗, r. 1907–1910)’s investiture as crown prince. In 1859, at the age of 46, he began preparing for his retirement by building an estate in Gaogok near what is now Hwado-eup, Namyangju, Gyeonggi-do Province. The estate included a library, teahouse, and two pavilions named Sasihyanggwan (四時香館) and Obaekganjeong (五百間亭). Inside Sasihyanggwan were displayed incense burners and various scholar’s accoutrements, paintings, and ceramic wares. This pavilion was a kind of teahouse, and presumably a very important space for Yi as a connoisseur of traditional tea-making. An essay titled “Sasihyanggwan so jeo gogi” (四時香館所貯古器, Ancient wares stacked in Sasilhyanggwan) in volume 34 of the Imha pilgi (林下筆記), collected writings of Yi Yuwon, describes the display of treasured objects in the pavilion as follows: “There are a painting of farming and weaving (耕織圖, gyeongjik-do) and an old inkstick made during the time of Emperor Kangxi (康熙帝, r. 1661–1722). There is one original goat-hair brush that could be used for calligraphy in large or small letters. A bamboo-shaped agate brush container has an inkstick rest, and a small celadon brush washer has two handles. There are also a white porcelain inkstone, a pair of Goryeo jade-green wares, Joseon ceramic wares, and more.” It is likely that the celadon brush washer was made in either China or Joseon and that the jade-green wares from Goryeo were identified separately because they were antique ceramic vessels passed down from this period. The passage offers a glimpse into a wealthy nineteenth-century Joseon citizen’s prized collection. Recognition of Ceramics as Valuable Goods In order to own ceramic wares, it is highly likely that ceramics aficionados and collectors had no alternative but to purchase them. Examples of purchases of ceramics are seen in the course of the production and supply of official court wares manufactured at the Bunwon official kilns in the first half of the eighteenth century, as recorded by Yi Hagon: “There are approximately 30 different kinds of vessels for royal offerings and 400 horse loads to be offered as bribes to the Saongwon (司饔院, Office of Royal Cuisine). Do not bother to argue about the clarity, smoothness, color, or shape of the vessels. The only sin is to not possess money.” (Dutacho, fasc. 3) This signifies that it was possible to obtain ceramics in diverse shapes and colors if sufficient funds were available. For those who desired premium-quality royal ceramics, the ceramic products from the Bunwon must have been objects of taste and appreciation, regardless of whether they were used or resold after being offered as bribes. This can be surmised because blue-and-white vessels as well as ceramics in the form of scholar’s accoutrements, such as the toad-shaped water dropper mentioned earlier, were highly esteemed at the time and therefore would have been subject to profit-making undertakings (Fig. 9). In sum, the various white porcelains that were produced at the official kilns were also sold to the general public, and Saongwon officials acted as intermediaries in the circulation and profit-making transactions of official wares. Fig. 9. White Porcelain Turtle-shaped Water Dropper. Joseon, 18th–19th century. Height: 8.2 cm. Ehwa Womans University Museum In another record by Yi Yuwon, we learn that antique celadon wares were traded in the market. The record testifies that the Japanese paid significant sums of money to purchase celadon tableware decorated with crane and cloud designs that had been unearthed from Goryeo tombs in Kaesong, which were already being looted by the nineteenth century (Jang Namwon 2009a, 202). Yi Yuwon is believed to have had extensive knowledge of the valuable nature of ceramics since he himself had furnished his hyanggak and teahouse with displays of ceramic wares. His being a collector and knowledgeable on market prices lead to the conclusion that his co and their environs, including burning incense, drinking tea, writing poetry, and appreciating calligraphy and music in the house, garden, library, hyanggak, or tea room. Along with the increasing enjoyment of and longing for a simple, unworldly life concentrating on the collection and appreciation of antique scholar’s accoutrements, books, potted plants, and scholar’s rocks, there was a growing appetite for intellectual pleasures and idealistic liberation from worldly existence, which testifies to the likely importance of flowerpots as a treasured type of ceramics (Fig. 11). Fig. 10. Resting after Reading Books (讀書餘暇) by Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676–1759). Joseon, 18th century. Slight color on silk. 24.1 x 17.1 cm. Kansong Art Museum (Gyeonggi Provincial Museum 2012, Fig. 1) Fig. 11. White Porcelain Flowerpot. Joseon, 19th century. Height: 11.0 cm, Diameter: 15.0 cm (mouth). Ehwa Womans University Museum Displacement of Ceramics into Images In literati-style ink paintings, such as those by Gim Hongdo and Gang Sehwang (姜世晃, 1713–1791), scholar’s accoutrements appear as symbols of pure enjoyment. However, in decorative paintings, such as chaekgado or gimyeongdo, these objects were depicted in a variety of colors and often in exaggerated forms to maximize their significance (Fig. 12). That is, in the late Joseon period, when the trend of appreciation for treasured objects permeated society, ceramics diversified from tableware to stationery, ornaments, reproductions of ancient bronzeware, and flowerpots, and painters practicing different styles portrayed these objects in accordance with the purposes of the paintings and the preferences of their patrons. Fig. 12. Painting of Books and Scholar’s Accoutrements (淸供圖) by Gang Sehwang. Joseon, 18th century. Slight color on silk. 39.5 x 23.3 cm. Sun Moon University Museum Chaekgado and munbangdo (冊架文房圖, paintings of books and scholar’s accoutrements) are among the most representative paintings that illustrate collections of different kinds of treasured objects (Kang Kwanshik 2001, 496–510; Chung Byeongmo 2012, 172–173). There are also folk-style gimyeongdo paintings that feature various ceramic vessels. It is interesting to note that most ceramics depicted in ornamental folding screen paintings of the late Joseon period are of Chinese origin, such as Song celadon, imitations of the Ge ware, or famille-rose porcelain of the Qing period. The objects depicted in these paintings differ from the ceramics that were popular in the imperial household of the Qing dynasty (Fig. 13). Therefore, it is believed that the painters were referring to examples that were introduced to the Joseon royal court or were referencing paintings that were popular in China at the time (Bang Byungsun 2007, 211; Kim Eunkyoung 2012, 188–189). Fig. 13. Painting of Books and Scholar’s Accoutrements. Attributed to Giuseppe Castiglione. Qing, 18th century. Color on paper. 237.6 x 123.4 cm. Hopes and Aspirations Collection (Kim Kumja Paik 1998, p. 25) Being knowledgeable, discerning, and appreciative of ancient things became de rigueur during the Song dynasty as an appreciation for ancient bronzeware swept the country. At the heart of Song culture were scholar-officials who emerged as a new ruling class through the civil service examination. As both civil officials and men of letters and culture, it was essential for them to demonstrate an interest in and knowledge of antiquities as well as poetry and calligraphy. After the Song and throughout the Yuan and Ming dynasties, interest in treasured objects among scholar-bureaucrats and the wealthy expanded from bronzewares to ceramics, rarities, and oddly formed rocks and stones. During the Ming dynasty, their interests also turned to selecting vases for flower arrangements. Books on flower arrangement from this period indicate that vases were chosen by season and placement, such as copperware for spring and winter, ceramics for summer and fall, sizable vases for large households, and small wares for studies (Fig. 14). The situation would have been similar in Joseon in the eighteenth century, when a fever for collecting painting, calligraphy, and antiquities established itself as part of mainstream culture. Fig. 14. Ge-type Ware Bottle. Qing, Yongzheng era (1723–1735). Baur Collection, Geneva In the late eighteenth century, King Jeongjo ordered a chaekgado painting to be installed behind the king’s chair in an effort to reverse a perceived decline in learning and to promote a studious ambiance. However, an entry from 1789 in the Hongje jeonseo (弘齎全書, Collected writings of King Jeongjo) notes, “In recent days, the ruling class strays from Joseon’s rules and formalities in trying to emulate strange customs from faraway China. . . . For example, they arrange odd items such as screens for inkstones (墨屛, mukbyeong), brush racks, chairs, stands, three-legged bronze caldrons, wine cups, and wine jars alongside them while drinking tea and burning incense. Their affected elegance and attempts to rise above the world are beyond description.” This text from the chapter “Huneo” (訓語, Admonishment) in the collection of King Jeongjo’s essays, Ildeungnok (日得錄), compiled in vol. 175 of the Hongje jeonseo, demonstrates that the trend of owning and arranging precious objects spread to scholars’ studies and the general public (Fig. 15). Starting in the second half of the eighteenth century, gimyeongdo paintings were produced in large numbers. The paintings portray the objects as more than focal points of hobbies such as the collecting of ancient bronzeware and the appreciation of books and stationary. This suggests that the painters were attempting to recreate an idealized space that was imbued with reality. In other words, with the passage of time, new elements like Joseon inksticks and ceramics were introduced to these paintings, adding reality to the composition (Fig. 16). Fig. 15. Folding Screen with Image of a Bookcase and Scholar’s Accoutrements (冊架文房圖) by Jang Hanjong (張漢宗, 1768–1815). Joseon, 19th century. Color on paper. 361.0 x 195.0 cm. Gyeonggi Provincial Museum Fig. 16. Folding Screen with Image of Tiger-skin Curtains by unknown artist (detail). Joseon, 19th century. Color on paper. 355.0 x 128.0 cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art By simply owning a painting or folding screen, the owner was able to possess many books and treasured ceramics, albeit figuratively. Whether at the court or in a private household, the owner would have been able to create an idealized space anywhere and at any time, simply by placing such a painting in his home. At the 40th celebration of the ascension of King Gojong in 1902, a folding screen with paintings of scholar’s accoutrements was installed behind the crown prince’s seat, showing that folding screens with these images were even used at royal banquets. It is interesting to note that treasured ceramic scholar’s accoutrements and counterfeit bronzeware were depicted even in Buddhist paintings of the late Joseon dynasty, showing the widespread practice of this cultural phenomenon (Figs. 17–1 and 17–2). Fig. 17-1. Ten Underworld Kings. Joseon, 1828. Color on cotton. 145.2 x 106.3 cm. Mok-a Museum (Seokdang Museum of Dong-A University 2013, Fig. 15) Fig. 17-2. Blue-and-White Porcelain Peach-shaped Water Dropper. Joseon, 19th century. Height: 10.0 cm. Ehwa Womans University Museum Conclusion This paper examined ceramics of the Joseon period in terms of their characteristics, distribution, status as treasured objects, sales, collection, appreciation, and transition into imagery. People create material culture, but they in turn can become bound to a new frame by the very objects they create. For example, to a bibliophile a book is not only a means to cultivate knowledge and character, but also a beautiful and beloved object composed of paper and string with letters and illustrations. The material culture perspective views the possession of a book as separate from the possession of the knowledge, information, or tools for moral cultivation contained within. The author or nature of the book may not even matter. The production and aesthetics of ceramics during the Joseon period was centered on the official court kilns. The items produced there adhered to an existing system of rites and were made to complement the authority of the royal court. In order to produce ceramics that served such functions, all possible financial and technical efforts were expended. Over time, however, these ceramics came to be used in more diverse ways, being not only functional tableware, but also scholar’s accoutrements, ornaments, and subjects of appreciation. The trend clearly manifested itself during the late Joseon period. The boundaries that determined the status of certain items, their original purpose, and the classes of people who used them all broke down. As ordinary people developed secular tastes and became more possessive about objects, they came to desire ceramics from the official court kilns, which were not previously available to them. Although hobbies, such as the collecting and appreciation of antiquities and scholar’s accoutrements, were claimed to be a component of the pursuit of unworldliness, in actuality they became a new form of worldly desire and ushered in changes in the use, production, and distribution of ceramics. The increase in popularity and production of ceramic scholar’s accoutrements stemmed from the change in perception of such objects. Apart from paintings and calligraphy, objects and attire were considered luxuries and thus subject to concern, especially among the literati, regarding the moral pitfalls of a fixation on material objects. Only scholar’s accoutrements were permitted as subjects of extravagance and luxury, which explains why such objects, whether ceramics or made from other materials, proliferated so rapidly from the eighteenth century and onward. Within Korea, it is presumed that the recognition of ceramics as treasured objects and the social phenomenon of collecting, appreciating, acquiring, and appraising ceramics, including Chinese ceramics, emerged in earnest in the eighteenth century. Frequently mentioned types of ceramics included white porcelain scholar’s accoutrements, white porcelain flowerpots, Chinese ceramics, and Goryeo celadon. To date, studies on Joseon ceramics have focused on the official court kilns or on style and dating. However, extant ceramic collections from the late Joseon period contain items such as scholar’s accoutrements and flowerpots that were used for decoration or enjoyment. The diverse motifs expressed in their ornamentation suggest the possibility that from the time of their production a distinction was made between ceramics intended for use in the court at official rites and ceramics created purely for appreciation. If we consider that there is a high probability that the Bunwon kilns produced high-quality ceramics that from the start were intended to be treasured objects, then it will be necessary to single out such wares from tableware and ceremonial wares used at the royal court and to study them as treasured ceramics, which reflect personal tastes. Through this process, an objective understanding can be gained of the broader historical issues that affected perception of ceramics in the late Joseon period.

When the Goryeo Dynasty (高麗, 918-1392) kilns were first established, they were heavily influenced by the Yuezhou (越州) kilns of southern China, as demonstrated by similarities in kiln structure, construction methods, and ceramic production methods. Later, however, Goryeo assimilated some new elements from northern China, including firing techniques, vessel types and forms, and decorative patterns and techniques. In other words, the following three factors represent such new elements from northern China. First, concurrent production of celadon and white porcelain: even in the early days of celadon production in Goryeo, there were occasions when celadon and white porcelain were made together in the same kiln, although they require different production conditions and processes. Given that, from the late 10th to the 11th century, celadon was mainly produced in southern China and white porcelain in northern China, the coexistence of white porcelain with celadon in Goryeo kilns suggests the influence of northern China. Second, some Goryeo wares showed different shapes and different formal characteristics from southern Chinese wares. One of the main examples of the Goryeo’s deviation from southern Chinese wares is that the bowls with a bi-shaped foot (haemurigup, 玉璧底) produced in Goryeo did not reflect the development of their south Chinese counterparts (as early Goryeo ceramics production closely did regarding kiln structure and various other details), such deviation exemplified by Goryeo’s unique bi-shaped foot wares is important to note: they showed a mixture of anachronistic and eclectic influences of older northern and southern Chinese and even Tang styles. Third, inlay and iron-painting decorative techniques, which developed in northern Chinese kilns such as Cizhou (磁州) kilns, appeared in the early days of Goryeo ceramics production. Thus, this article aims to identify the new techniques and formal elements that appeared in the development of Goryeo ceramics by investigating the relationship between Goryeo and the Liao (Khitan) and Jin (Jurchen) dynasties, and by comparing the manufacturing conditions at Goryeo kilns from the 10th-12th centuries with those of northern Chinese kilns of the same period. Despite the historical importance of Liao and Jin dynasty wares, which had a notable influence on the forms and techniques of Goryeo wares, they have only been broadly addressed in the context of the relationships between Song, Goryeo, Liao and Jin, due to the marked tendency to concentrate on the relationship between Goryeo and Song. As such, this article reinvestigates the relationship between Goryeo and Liao and Jin, already explored in an earlier article (Jang Namwon 2008a). However, due to the difficulty of distinguishing between the kilns of Liao and Jin, and between Northern Song and Jin, and identifying the changes over time at each kiln site, further materials from China will be necessary to provide more concrete evidence in the future. Relations between Goryeo and Liao and Jin Goryeo and Liao During the 10th century in Northeast Asia, the Liao dynasty was founded in 916, the Goryeo dynasty in 918, and the Song dynasty in 980. The foundation of the Liao dynasty (916-1125) marked the start of active official and unofficial exchanges between the Khitans and Goryeo, and Liao culture and technology was introduced to Korea when artisans from Liao settled in Goryeo. In 916, the Khitans had named their new state Liao (遼) and given their founding monarch the title of Emperor. In 928 they established their eastern capital, Liaoyang (遼陽), in the area of the former Balhae capital, Shangjing (上京). By 936, the Sixteen Prefectures of Yanyun (燕雲十六州, an area stretching from Beijing to Datong, modern Hebei and Shanxi) became part of Liao territory. This was an area to which Tang artisans and craftsmen from various fields had fled following the An Lushan rebellion (755). These Han artisans were treated well and in this way the arts and crafts techniques that had been inherited from Tang were assimilated by the Liao. As late as the fall of the Northern Song to the Jin in 1127, some Song craftsmen moved to Shangjing, the “supreme capital” of Liao. Moreover, under Liao rule, major Khitan bases such as Hebei, Shanxi, and Inner Mongolia saw further development in ceramics production. In the early years, ceramics were sometimes imported from the central plains region, but production by artisans at Liao kilns gradually increased (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Map showing location of Liao kiln sites. Goryeo maintained amiable exchanges with the Five Dynasties (907-959), but became hostile towards the Khitans (Liao) in the process of trying to recover former northern territories. In 993, the Khitans invaded Goryeo, but by 994, relations between the two states had improved, as records show that they established tributary relations. Moreover, following Goryeo’s victory in the Battle of Gwiju (龜州大捷, 1018) during the third Goryeo-Khitan war (1018-19), the two states negotiated for peace in 1022, ushering in a period of more active official exchange. At least until the first half of the 12th century, Goryeo-Khitan (Liao) exchange was as active as Goryeo-Song exchange. However, while Goryeo’s relations with Song centered on trade between private merchants, relations with Liao were mainly based on official government exchange. In the Amnokgang River (鴨綠江) area, the Khitans established a local government base to serve as the gateway to Liao, as well as a market for the exchange of local specialty products, where private trade did take place. The Khitans, who had defeated Balhae in 926, remained the most powerful force in the Liaodong (遼東) region for the next two hundred years, until the early 12th century. Throughout this period, even during the wars with Goryeo, Liaoyang served as the Khitans’ point of contact with Goryeo. The route connecting Liaoyang and the Goryeo capital Gaegyeong remained in use, pointing to the likelihood of Khitan civilization entering Goryeo through Liaoyang. King Taejo (r. 918-943), the founding monarch of Goryeo, created the Hunyo sipjo (訓要十條, The Ten Injunctions), which were then passed down to his descendants. The fourth article of this text says, “The Khitans are a barbarian nation with different customs and language to our own, so we should not make haste to follow their customs and institutions.” This clearly indicates Goryeo’s uneasy relationship with the powerful Khitans. From a cultural perspective, however, it is possible that, by the mid-10th century, the customs and institutions of the Khitans were already being introduced to Goryeo. Interestingly, in the year 1129, (seventh year of the reign of King Injong 仁宗, r. 1122-1146), an official report lamented the fact that the spirit and style of the Khitans had spread “from the court to the common people.” By this time, the Liao dynasty had already fallen to the Jin, and Goryeo was working toward better relations with Jin. So it seems that Khitan culture and institutions were introduced during the early stages of the Goryeo dynasty, and had become widespread by the first half of the 12th century. When the Jin dynasty (1115-1234) was established, it is generally believed that Goryeo considered the Southern Song dynasty to represent China proper, but Goryeo was still very mindful of Jin, and in fact maintained rather distant relations with Southern Song, which was now much weaker. Accordingly, Goryeo did not consider it necessary to continue the tribute-investiture system (朝貢-冊封) with Southern Song, and most state exchanges between Goryeo and Song came to an end. According to Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經, Illustrated Record of the Chinese Embassy to the Goryeo Court in the Xuanhe Era), written by the Song envoy Xu Jing (徐兢) in the first half of the 12th century, among the tens of thousands of Khitan prisoners of war in Goryeo, those possessing a particular skill were kept in the capital, Gaegyeong.1 From this, it can be deduced that Khitan artisans played a part in developing the art and crafts of Goryeo. In addition, a record from Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo) from 1116, the 12th year of the reign of King Yejong (睿宗, r. 1105-1122), says that when the king travelled to Nanjing, the southern capital of Liao, he watched various song-and-dance performances and other entertainments at a Khitan village. Khitan artisans were influenced by southern wares, as evidenced by discoveries of Yuezhou celadon in major Khitan archaeological sites, including a covered bowl found in the pagoda at Jingzhisi (靜志寺) in Dingxian (定縣), Hebei province, dating to 997 (second year of the Taping Xingguo, 太平興國), and a celadon dish found in the tomb of the Princess of the Chen (陳) state in Naimanqi (奈曼旗), Zheli Mumeng (哲里木盟), Inner Mongolia, dating to the seventh year of the Kaitai (開泰) reign of Liao, 1018 (Fig. 2). Fig. 2. Celadon jar in the shape of a leather flask, from the Yuezhou (越州) kiln. 10-11th century. Height 23.0 cm. National Museum of Korea. Goryeo and Jin The Jin Dynasty (金, 1115-1234) was founded by the Jurchens. From the early 10th century, the Jurchens had been vassals of the Khitans (Liao), but in the early 12th century, as their forces grew in Northern Manchuria, they founded Jin as an independent state. The Jin Dynasty eventually grew to take over the northern half of Song territory, including the once flourishing Northern Song kilns and their advanced production technology. Therefore, the various kilns that had been established in Inner Mongolia during the Liao Dynasty entered their most active period in the Jin Dynasty (Fig. 3). The Northern Song kilns suffered a setback from the Jinkang Incident, when Jurchen soldiers sacked the Northern Song capital, Bianjing, effectively ending the Northern Song Dynasty, but the kilns continued to produce under Jin control. The possibility has also been raised that some of the Ding kilns (定窯) and the Yaozhou kilns (耀州窯) served as official state kilns of the Jin Dynasty (Fig. 4). Production particularly increased at the Jun kilns (鈞窯) in Henan province, and new types of wares were developed to meet the rising demands of the market. The recent excavation of the Zhanggongxiang kilns (張公巷窯) in Henan unearthed some 330 coins alongside celadon vessels, including some coins of the Zhenglong reign (1156-1160) (Zhenglong yuanbao, 正隆元寶) coins cast in 1158 (third year of the reign of the Jin Emperor Hailing 海陵, r. 1149-1161) (Tang Junjie 2010, 64-69). Therefore, it is believed that the Zhanggongxiang wares were made in the Jin period, based on Northern celadon. Fig. 3. Map showing location of Jin kiln sites. Fig. 4. Celadon incense burner with embossed relief. 12th century. Yaozhou (耀州) Kiln Museum. (Author’s photograph). In addition, the Ding kilns, the major white porcelain kilns of the northern regions, continued to thrive and, in fact, reached their peak during the Jin Dynasty. Though Jin ruled the central plains of China, it is generally agreed that Jin ceramic ware does not show any significant differences in form from that of the Northern Song Dynasty. On the Goryeo side, after the fall of the Khitans, exchange with the northern kilns would have continued unimpeded from 1125, when Jin conquered Liao and forced a sovereign relationship on Goryeo, until at least 1153, when Jin remained based in the northern regions. Changes in Goryeo Ceramic Production Secondary Firing Method In the 11th century, a new aspect appeared in Goryeo ceramics production: a primary or bisque firing followed by a secondary firing to apply the glaze. After the Five Dynasties period, all of the kilns that utilized the techniques of the Yuezhou kilns employed only a single firing. But around the 11th century, when Korean style bowls with a bi-shaped foot were made in Gangjin, it became common to bisque fire the vessels first, and then fire once more after applying the glaze, with each vessel placed in a separate saggar. It is not known exactly when or how the secondary firing method began in Korea, but it may have been connected with the Yaozhou (耀州) kilns, based on shards of bisque-fired wares that have been found at Yaozhou celadon kilns in Shaanxi province. The use of multiple firings allows for a thick application of glaze, which produces a deep jade-green or green color, thanks to the scattering and reflection of light in the glaze layer. Evidence of similar glazing and firing methods was also found during the excavation of the Jiaotan official kiln site (郊壇 官窯址) in the city of Hangzhou (Fig. 5). Reflecting the influence of these official kilns, similar vessels, with thin walls and thick glaze fired multiple times, were produced in Longquan (龍泉), Zhejiang province, where ceramics production is known to have been active at that time (around the 12th century). But though the Yaozhou influence on Goryeo wares is considered to be the result of close exchange, the case remains in doubt since twice-fired vessels did not appear in Korea until sometime after the 11th century. Fig. 5. Cross-section of multi-glazed celadon, excavated from Hangzhou (杭州). 12th century. (Photograph taken by Shu Peiqi 舒佩琦 at the Hongxi Museum (鴻禧美術館), Taipei). There is another reason why it is problematic to assert that secondary firing in Korea was directly related to the tradition of the Yuezhou kilns. In Korea, the practice of secondary firing was not confined to the kilns of the central region, where early celadon was produced, but also developed in the kilns of the Gangjin area after the 11th century (Fig. 6). Thus, the source or channel for the introduction of secondary firing techniques to Goryeo between the mid-10th and early 11th century remains in question. Fig. 6. Bisque-fired shard (left) and twice-fired shards (right), from Yongun-ri no. 10 kiln site in Gangjin. 11th century. Excavation Report of Yongun-ri Celadon Kiln Sites in Gangjin: Illustrations (康津龍雲里靑磁窯址 發掘調査報告書-圖版編). 1996. (Seoul: National Museum of Korea), p.18, fig. 22. As for the origin of secondary firing, this method was already common in the production of the three-color (三彩, sancai) ware of the Tang Dynasty. In areas such as Shaanxi and Henan province, white-clay vessels were bisque-fired at high temperatures over 1,000°C, then covered in a low-fire glaze and fired again (Fig. 7). The bisque firing tradition of the kilns of northern China during the Tang Dynasty would have been maintained by the Song Dynasty. In the Yaozhou kilns in Shaanxi province, at least some of the wares produced during the period from the Five Dynasties to the early Northern Song Dynasty were fired twice. The techniques for making three-color wares spread through Shaanxi, Henan, and Hebei provinces and even into Inner Mongolia, and were also used in Balhae and Liao. Moreover, in addition to three-color wares, there is evidence that, in Liao and Jin territory, bisque firing was also used to make wares covered in colored or white glazes after the 11th century (Fig. 8). Therefore, based on international conditions at the time and the types of vessels that have been excavated together, the spread and development of secondary firing in Goryeo seems to date sometime between the late 10th and early 11th century, influenced by the active exchange of goods with Liao and the arrival of Liao artisans in Goryeo. Fig. 7. Bisque-fired vessels before three-color glazing, from the Huangye (黃冶) kilns in Henan (河南) province. 8th century. Height 7.4 - 8.5 cm, footring diameter 7.5 - 8.2 cm. New Archaeological Discoveries from the Huangye Kilns (黃冶窯考古新發現). 2005. (Henan: Daxiang Publishing House), fig. 125. Fig. 8. Three-color shards from the Gangwa (缸瓦) kilns in Chifeng (赤峰), Inner Mongolia. 11th century. Liao Dynasty Ceramics (遼代陶瓷), by Lu Jing (路 菁). 2003. (Liaoning: Liaoning Huabao Publishing House), fig. 2-41. Changes in Firing Supports High quality celadon wares from the southern part of China from the mid- to late Five Dynasties period usually show traces of ring-shaped supports attached to the inside of the foot (Fig. 9). But evidence from Goryeo kiln sites indicates that refractory clay supports were attached to the foot rim for firing (Fig. 10). Ring-shaped supports appeared at kiln sites from the early Goryeo period, but their use seems to have sharply diminished thereafter in favor of refractory supports made from clay mixed with round lumps of black and white sand, similar to supports found in most Liao kilns (Lu Jing 2003) (Fig. 11). Consequently, the use of only clay supports, with no ring support, is likely connected to the introduction of white porcelain production techniques from northern China. Interestingly, the clay supports used in Goryeo are quite similar in number, quality, and color to those used widely in Inner Mongolia throughout the Liao and Jin dynasties. Fig. 9. Footring and ring supports, from the Bangsan-dong kiln site in Siheung, Gyeonggi-do province. 10th century. (Haegang Ceramics Museum). Fig. 10. Traces of supports on the footring of the bowl from the Seo-ri kiln site in Yongin, Gyeonggi-do province. 10th century. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art). Fig. 11. Traces of supports inside the bowl from the Gangwa (缸瓦) kilns in Chifeng (赤峰), Inner Mongolia. 10th-11th century. Liao Dynasty Ceramics (遼代陶瓷), by Lu Jing (路 菁). 2003. (Liaoning: Liaoning Huabao Publishing House), fig. 2-11. Concurrent Production of Celadon and White Porcelain Another indication of the close relations between ceramics production in Goryeo and northern China is the simultaneous firing of white porcelain and celadon wares in the same kiln. The early Goryeo kilns that first began making white porcelain were near the Goryeo capital, Gaegyeong, and they produced a high proportion of white porcelain (Haegang Ceramics Museum 2000; Ho-Am Art Museum 2003). However, some other early Goryeo kilns, such as those at Bangsan-dong and Seo-ri, produced mostly celadon at first and white porcelain later. White porcelain and celadon are made with different clay paste and have different glaze melting points, and hence usually require different firing conditions. In other words, it is not appropriate to fire them together. But these kilns used different clay and glaze to make the white porcelain, which serves as evidence of the concurrent production of celadon and white porcelain. (Figs. 12 and 13). In this context, which factors led to the production of white porcelain in Korea? In China, white porcelain was widely made in Hebei, Henan and Shanxi provinces, as well as in the autonomous region of Inner Mongolia. Production in Korea would naturally have begun when the techniques and forms entered Goryeo, along with actual vessels. Indeed, production of white porcelain was likely made possible by the arrival of artisans from northern China. Fig. 12. Celadon and white porcelain dishes from the Bangsan-dong kiln site in Siheung, Gyeonggi-do province. 10th century. (Haegang Ceramics Museum). Fig. 13. Celadon and white porcelain bowls from the Sangban kiln site in Seo-ri, Yongin, Gyeonggi-do province. 10th-11th century. (Author’s photograph). In the tenth century, the major white porcelain kilns in northern China were the Xing (邢) and Ding (定) kilns in Hebei province. White porcelain forms and techniques are generally thought to have been passed from these northern kilns such as Xing and Ding to neighboring kilns during the Liao and Jin dynasties (Fig. 14). The use of white porcelain compared to other wares started to increase after the 10th century in particular, when the northern part of China came largely under Liao control. Therefore, as ceramics production focused more on white porcelain with the spread of techniques from the Ding and Xing kilns, greater diversity appeared in the northern style wares made in Liao territory kilns, and it is likely that similar developments occurred in Goryeo at the same time. Fig. 14. Drawings of cross-sections of white porcelain from the Xing kilns. Jin Dynasty. Xing Kiln Research (邢窯遺址硏究), by Yang Wenshan. 2007. (Lincheng: Kexue publishing), 330-340. Introduction of Northern Chinese Forms and Decorative Techniques The diverse types of ceramic vessels produced in Goryeo—including bowls, dishes, bottles, ewers, jars, incense burners, cups and stands, covered bowls, and stationery items—show similar characteristics in both type and form with wares produced at the Ding, Cizhou (磁州), and Yaozhou kilns through the Northern Song, Liao, and Jin dynasties. This section investigates some of the characteristics of the wares that probably entered Goryeo through Liao and Jin and thereby influenced Goryeo wares. Restoration of Bowls with Bi-shaped Foot (haemurigup, 玉璧底) In the mid-10th century, the following Korean kilns began production in the central-western part of the country, particularly in the vicinity of the Goryeo capital, Gaegyeong: seven kiln sites in Gyeonggi-do province (the Bangsang-dong kilns in Siheung, the Seo-ri Jungdeok kilns and Seo-ri Sangban kilns in Yongin, the Jungam-ri kilns in Yeoju, the Wonheung-dong kilns in Goyang, the Bugok-ri kilns in Yangju, and the Munae-ri kilns in Anyang); one the Gyeongseo-dong kilns in Incheon city adjacent to Gyeonggi-do province; two in Hwanghaenam-do province (the Wonsan-ri kilns in Baecheon and the Bongam-ri kilns in Bongcheon-gun); the Taeseong no. 1 kilns in Nampo in Pyeongannam-do province; four kiln sites in Jeollanam-do province (the Yongun-ri kilns [Fig. 15] and the Samheung-ri kilns in Gangjin, the Undae-ri kilns in Goheung and the Seondeok-ri kilns in Haenam [Fig. 16]); and the Yonggye-ri kilns in Gochang, Jeollabuk-do province (Fig. 17). Fig. 15. Bowls with bi-shaped footrings from the site of Yongun-ri kiln, Gangjin No. 10. 11th century. Yongun-ri, Gangjin Celadon Kiln Site Excavation Report: Illustrations (康津龍雲里靑磁窯址 發掘調査報告書-圖版編). 1996. (Seoul: National Museum of Korea), p.9, fig. 4-1. Fig. 16. Top and underside views of the same six celadon bowls with bi-shaped footrings from Sindeok-ri kiln site, Haenam (the top views showing the characteristic circular depression in the center inside the vessel). 11th century. (Gwangju National Museum). Fig. 17. Celadon bowls with bi-shaped footrings from Yonggye-ri kiln site, Gochang. 11th century. (Wonkwang University Museum). By examining the stratigraphy at these sites, we can determine when certain styles and types of pottery became prevalent in Goryeo. In the case of bowls, those with a narrow footring were succeeded by those with a wide footring like a jade bi (a jade disk with a small hole in the middle). However, in the Tang Dynasty, changes in the foot occurred in reverse order. Chinese bowls with a bi-shaped foot, characterized by a large diameter and wide footring, are generally found at kilns where celadon and white porcelain were made together, or at kilns that concentrated on white porcelain from the start. Also, only a small proportion of bowls with a bi-shaped foot have been discovered at Goryeo kilns that did not produce white porcelain, such as the kilns at Wonsan-ri in Baecheon, Bugok-ri in Yangju, and Wonheung-dong in Goyang. The question is, why did the Goryeo kilns that produced white porcelain and celadon together, or that produced only white porcelain, such as the kilns at Bangsan-dong, Seo-ri and Jungam-ri, begin to produce bowls with a bi-shaped foot in the first place? The onset of production of this style of bowl could possibly be explained in terms of usage, by the spread of the custom of tea-drinking, or perhaps in terms of production tradition, if we suppose that Goryeo artisans sought to restore a bowl type that had been popular during the Tang Dynasty. However, it is not plausible that Goryeo potters suddenly adopted a model of bowl that had been popular a century earlier. Most of the Chinese celadon wares discovered in Goryeo sites from after the 10th century have been bowls with a jade ring-shaped foot, and China was already moving toward new forms at the time. Moreover, the Goryeo bowls with bi-shaped foot have a circular depression engraved on the inside, a feature clearly distinguishing them from their Tang counterparts. This being the case, the next step is to ascertain which kilns were making vessels with a bi-shaped foot around the same time. Those that were making vessels unmistakably identified as bowls with a bi-shaped foot (disregarding differences in size and proportion) were in Liao and Jin areas. More specifically, such bowls were produced at the Gangwa kilns (缸瓦窯) in Chifeng (赤峰), Inner Mongolia (Figs. 18, 19) and the Lindong kilns (林東窯) in Shangjing, the Supreme Capital of Liao (Fig. 20). Fig. 18. Bowls with bi-shaped footrings from the Gangwa (缸瓦) kilns in Chifeng (赤峰), Inner Mongolia. 10th-11th century. Liao Dynasty Ceramics (遼代陶瓷), by Lu Jing (路 菁). 2003. (Liaoning: Liaoning Huabao Publishing House). fig. 2-7. Fig. 19. Bowl with bi-shaped footring from the Gangwa (缸瓦) kilns in Chifeng (赤峰), Inner Mongolia. 11th century. (Author’s photograph). Fig. 20. White porcelain bowl from the Lindong (林東) kilns in Shangjing (上京). 10th-12th century. Qing Mausolea (慶陵), by Tamura Jitsuzo (田村實造) and Kobayashi Yukio (小林行雄). 1953. (Kyoto: Kyoto University Press), fig. 10. Further evidence comes from examining archaeological sites that might shed light on the consumption of such wares. One group of sites that can be dated to that time is the royal tombs of the Liao Dynasty, located in the present-day autonomous region of Inner Mongolia. The Qingling (慶陵) or Qing mausolea in Bairin Zuoqi (巴林左旗), Chifeng, are presumed to be the tombs of three Liao emperors: Shengzong (成宗, r. 982-1031), Xingzong (興宗, r. 1031-1055) and Daozong (道宗, r. 1055-1101), whose tombs are named Yongqing (永慶), Yongxing (永興), and Yongfuling (永福陵), respectively. At the site of the Eastern Mausoleum (東陵, presumed to be the tomb of Shengzong, r. 983-1031), porcelain vessels with a wide, flat foot-rim have been discovered, and are thought to have been made at the Lindong kilns (Fig. 21). In addition, at the site of the Central Mausoleum (中陵, presumed to be the tomb of Xingzong, r. 1031-1055), shards presumably from northern celadon wares and white porcelain vessels with a bi-shaped foot have been found, which is helpful in dating the years in which the kilns mentioned above were active (Fig. 22). Fig. 21. Ceramics from the site of the Eastern Qing Mausoleum (慶陵 東陵). 10th-12th century. Qing Mausolea (慶陵), by Tamura Jitsuzo (田村實造) and Kobayashi Yukio (小林行雄). 1953. (Kyoto: Kyoto University Press), fig. 149. Fig. 22. Ceramics from the building sites of the Central Qing Mausoleum (慶陵 中陵). 10th-12th century. Qing Mausolea (慶陵), by Tamura Jitsuzo (田村實造) and Kobayashi Yukio (小林行雄). 1953. (Kyoto: Kyoto University Press), fig. 150. In Korea, it seems that artisans or actual ceramic vessels from northern China entered Goryeo from the first half of the 10th century, when Goryeo and Liao formed a peace treaty and began diplomatic relations. Consequently, from the time that ceramics production began in Goryeo, northern artisans who had come to the Goryeo kilns could conceivably have made bowls with a bi-shaped foot alongside white porcelain. Related artifacts with a known production date include the white porcelain ewer (Fig. 23) found at the tomb of Prince of Weiguo (衛國王), the Imperial Son-in-Law, in Chifeng, Liaoning province (959), and the celadon lidded-ewers found with bowls with bi-shaped foot at the kilns of Bangsan-dong (Fig. 24). Fig. 23. White porcelain ewer from the tomb of Prince of Weiguo, the Imperial Son-in-Law, in Chifeng, Liaoning province. 959. (Liaoning Provincial Museum). Fig. 24. Shards of celadon lidded ewers from the Bangsan-dong kiln site in Siheung, Gyeonggi-do province. 9th century. (Haegang Ceramics Museum). In the late 11th century, diplomatic relations between Goryeo and Song had been restored, and around the first half of the 12th century, when Goryeo began to actively accept Chinese culture, production of new types of celadon vessels from Northern Song began at the kilns in Gangjin and changes appeared in form and techniques. It is presumed that production of bowls with a bi-shaped foot, adopted from the northern part of China from the 10th century, continued until the early 12th century, undergoing gradual changes along the way. Inlay Technique The representative decorative method of Goryeo ceramics from the 12th and 13th centuries is often purported to be the inlay technique (Jang Namwon 2008b), but excavations have revealed that the inlaid white porcelain was already being produced at early Goryeo kilns from the late 10th and early 11th century (Haegang Ceramics Museum 2000; Ho-Am Art Museum 2003). These inlaid white porcelains show two types of inlay methods prevalent at Goryeo kiln sites. The first involves etching into the surface of a janggo (杖鼓, a double-ended waisted drum), and then filling in the carved areas with white kaolin clay (Fig. 25). The second method involves covering the surface of the vessel in black slip, and then etching the design into the surface and filling the carved areas with white clay. For the latter method, the kaolin was applied very thickly to create the impression of a clay body with two layers. The Seo-ri kilns in Yongin show a subtle difference from the second method, in that the surface of the janggo was dressed smooth after the design was filled with white clay (Fig. 26). Fig. 25. Shard of an inlaid janggo with leaf decoration from the Bangsan-dong kiln site in Siheung, Gyeonggi-do province (note that a very small part of the inlay still remains in the carved indentation). 10th century. (Haegang Ceramics Museum). Fig. 26. Shards of an inlaid janggo from the Jungdeok kiln site in Seo-ri, Yongin, Gyeonggi-do province. 10th century. Report on Excavation of the White Porcelain Kiln in Seo-ri Yongin II (龍仁西里白磁窯 發掘調査報告書Ⅱ). 2003. (Yongin: Ho-Am Art Museum), p. 256. Notably, the inlay technique has not been found in the kilns of southern China from this early period. Thus, although the basic production techniques of Goryeo ceramics came from the kilns of southern China, the discovery of these inlaid shards attests to the use of the inlay method of northern China. In other words, the influence of southern China was essential when Goryeo ceramics was initially established and developed, but soon there was an inflow of northern influence (Jeong Sinok 2007, 41-85). Considering all the evidence, we can estimate that Goryeo inlaid wares were produced at the kilns in the central part of the country by at least the late 10th century. Such evidence predates the well-known inlaid celadon wares of the peak of Goryeo ceramics by a century. The technique of carving the design into the clay body and filling it with clay of another color has been found in Chinese kilns from around the same time. Notably, most Chinese kilns where this technique has been found are in northern China, indicating that the development of Goryeo celadon was not influenced solely by the southern Yuezhou kilns. The inlaid techniques found in northern China at the Cizhou kilns and others in Hebei province are diverse and similar to Goryeo inlay. In particular, the method of carving flowers on the surface and filling the space with white clay is reminiscent of the first Goryeo technique mentioned above. At the Jiezhuang kilns (界莊窯) in Hunyuan (渾源), Shanxi province, the design was first pressed into the surface with a stamp, and then the indented space was filled with white clay. Some examples of this method have been found in Liao tombs (Fig. 27) (Feng Xianming, 1987). Fig. 27. Shards of inlaid celadon from the Jiezhuang kilns (界莊窯) in Hunyuan (渾源), Shanxi province. 11th century. (Shanxi Archaeological Research Institute, China). “Inlaid Pottery in Northern China during the Song and Jin Dynasties and the Relationship with Goryeo Inlaid Celadon (宋 · 金代 북방지역 瓷器의 象嵌工藝와 高麗 象嵌靑瓷의 關係),” by Jin Daesu (진대수). 1998. In Art History Forum (미술사 논단) 7: 45-76, fig. 17. Underglaze Iron-painting Technique From the late Five Dynasties to the early Song dynasty, black pigment was used to paint designs onto white surfaces at several kilns in Shaanxi, Henan and Hebei provinces, as well as at Jiangxi in the south, where migrating potters from the north were known to have settled. Throughout this time period, the influence of this decorative method spread through the Song, Liao, Jin and Yuan dynasties. Across China, from north to south, examples of black-painted porcelain with a white base have been found at many different kilns. At some kilns, such as the Xicun (西村) (Fig. 28), and Chaozhou (潮州) kilns in Guangdong province or the Cizao (磁竈) and Dehua (德化) kilns at the Qudougong (屈斗宮) archaeological site in Fujian province, black designs were sometimes painted straight onto the celadon clay body without first covering it in white slip. The same decorative technique was also used at several kilns in Liao territory which were under the influence of the Cizhou kilns (Fig. 29). Meanwhile, a shard from an iron-painted janggo was found in one of the later layers at the Silongkou (寺龍口) kiln, a major Yuezhou-type kiln in Zhejiang provincce, indicating the widespread influence of the iron-painting technique. Fig. 28. Iron-painted ware from the Xicun (西村) kilns in Guangdong province. 10th-12th century. Guangzhou Xicun Kilns (廣州西村窯), edited by Chinese University of Hong Kong, Art Gallery (香港中文大學文物館合編). 1987. (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press), figs. 33 (left) and 38-1 and 38-4 (right). Fig. 29. Shards of iron-painted white porcelain from the Gangwa (缸瓦) and Jiangguantun (江官屯) kilns in Inner Mongolia. 11th century. From Liao Dynasty Ceramics (遼代陶瓷), by Lu Jing (路 菁). 2003. (Liaoning: Liaoning Huabao Publishing House), figs. 2-122 and 2-33. In the Goryeo Dynasty, wares made at the Jinsan-ri kilns in Haenam were entirely covered with iron-painted designs, while vessels made in provincial kilns were decorated with simpler designs (Jang Namwon 2004) (Figs. 30, 31). Goryeo iron-painted wares resemble northern Chinese wares, especially those from the Cizhou kilns, in both the composition of the design and the motifs of black-incised peonies and chrysanthemums. At the same time, they are also similar to wares that were popular at the southern kilns in the Guangdong and Fujian areas in terms of vessel type and decorative technique. As such, it is difficult to pinpoint the exact kiln or even the region where the iron-painting technique originated. It can be estimated, however, that the iron-painted janggo, excavated from the Bangsan-dong kilns in Siheung was produced around the late 10th to early 11th century. The iron-painting technique also appears in various other special types of vessels, as well as forms such as headrests. Of the Korean iron-painted wares, those with Chinese-style designs include the janggo shards found at the Jungdeok and Sangban kilns in Seo-ri, Yongin. Meanwhile, the Jinsan-ri kilns in Haenam contain evidence of a clearly northern Chinese technique, in which the surface is covered in iron pigment, then the background of the design is carved out (sgraffiato) and the design is filled with white slip. Ultimately, it appears that there was a slight time difference between the appearance of southern and northern techniques of iron-painting, but it is presumed that northern elements had a greater influence in this area. Fig. 30. Shards of iron-painted janggo from the Jinsan-ri kiln site in Haenam. 12th century. (Mokpo National University Museum). Fig. 31. Iron-painted maebyeong vase from the Jinsan-ri kiln site in Haenam. 12th century. (Mokpo National University Museum). Conclusion This article has examined the changes appearing in Goryeo ceramics during the 10th to 12th centuries to illustrate how those ceramics were influenced by the Liao and Jin dynasties of northern China. Though I have focused primarily on how ceramics production in Liao and Jin related to Goryeo, some other issues or areas that are perceived to be gaps in the history of the development of Goryeo ceramic production have also been raised. In particular, extending beyond the prevalent emphasis on Goryeo’s relations with southern China makes it possible to investigate the lineage of Goreyo celadon and its production from various perspectives. First, changes in production techniques were examined, particularly the introduction of secondary firing and the use of different supports for firing. The original technology for secondary firing had already become established through Tang three-color ware, and from there it spread to the Shaanxi, Henan, and Hebei provinces in the north and then to Inner Mongolia. Thus, the prevalence of secondary firing in Goryeo seems to be more closely connected to northern China, specifically to the secondary firing method widely used in the three-color wares of Balhae and Liao, than with techniques used in southern China. The introduction of new technologies led to the appearance of new techniques and forms in Goryeo ceramics, namely the concurrent production of white wares and celadon. These forms and techniques had been passed down through the 10th and 11th centuries at the Jin Dynasty kilns of northern China. When Liao took control of northern China, the kilns in the region began to concentrate on the production of white porcelain, in response to its increased usage. Over time, the Liao white wares became more diverse as the kilns adopted some of the techniques used at the Xing kilns, which had developed a strong tradition of producing bowls with a bi-shaped foot, as well as the techniques of the Ding kilns. Interestingly, the bi-shaped foot, which was so popular during the Tang Dynasty, reappeared in Goryeo. Contemporary Liao and Jin kiln sites have yielded vessels that were unmistakably bowls with a bi-shaped foot, although different in size and proportion. This combination of white porcelain and a bi-shaped foot was commonly found in both Goryeo and northern Chinese wares from the latter half of the 10th century. Meanwhile, the production of inlaid wares began around the late 10th century at the brick kilns in the central part of the Korean peninsula. In Goryeo, the inlay technique was first used on white porcelain, which had probably been introduced from northern China, where white porcelain production was well developed. Goryeo wares were also directly and indirectly influenced by the iron-painting technique of the Cizhou kilns. These techniques first appeared in the 11th century in the kilns of the central region, and then spread to the southern region with similar designs and decorative motifs, which would indicate that the iron-painted wares in Goryeo developed in parallel with the general flow of early Goryeo ceramics. In the early stages of Goryeo ceramics production, the influence of southern Chinese kilns was very strong, but later, as diplomatic relations and individual contacts with the northern dynasties became more active, the production techniques and forms of the north spread throughout Goryeo. In particular, the Liao and Jin dynasties maintained relations with Goryeo for a long period of time, and they not only influenced Goryeo, but would also have assimilated some of Goryeo’s strongest features in return. While this paper has focused on the new techniques and formal elements that entered Goryeo from northern China, future research is needed to examine the issue from a more comprehensive perspective, including how Goryeo ceramics influenced northern China and other parts of Northeast Asia.

In Korea, 'hwajo' (花鳥: flowers and birds) was first used as a term to describe an art genre in the fifteenth century, during the early Joseon dynasty. The earliest surviving Korean text containing the term 'hwajo' is Hwagi (畵記: Records of Paintings), written by Sin Sukju (申叔舟, 1417-1475) in 1445.1 Around this period, hwajo along with the words josuchomok (鳥獸草木: birds, animals, grass, and trees), hwamokgeumjo (花木禽鳥: flowers, trees, and birds), hwachoyeongmo (花草翎毛: flowers, grass, birds, and animals), and hwajomokseok (花鳥木石: flowers, birds, trees, and rocks) came to be used as standard terms characterizing this genre.2 During the Six Dynasties period (220-589) in China, bird and flower painting had already evolved into an independent painting category. Throughout the Tang dynasty (618-906), it had developed into a new genre by virtue of the emergence of artists specializing in painting flowers and birds. Over the course of the Five Dynasties period (907-959), the Chinese painters Huang Quan (黃筌, ?-965) and Xu Xi (徐熙, first half of the tenth century) firmly established the stylistic traditions of Chinese bird and flower painting.3 Prior to this time birds and flowers were often used individually as subject-matter in the decorative designs and functional forms of various vessels, but over the course of the Six Dynasties period they came to be combined as in the main subject in paintings. As spiritual organisms, these subjects had been objects of worship since the prehistoric age, and from this time onwards they came to be widely used as auspicious and invocatory symbols of an abundant life filled with wealth, honor, longevity, offspring, and success.4 By combining these auspicious symbols with exquisite natural beauty, paintings of birds and flowers lent grandeur to the royal court and other noble places, and became popular as decorative paintings evoking scenes from paradise. They were also the essence of court painting and, in Japan, they became the main decorative theme of folding screens. From the time of the Northern Song dynasty (960-1127), huaniaohua, like shanshuihua (山水畵: landscape painting), featured significantly in literati painting theory as a means through which the profound principles of Mother Nature's order and harmony could be represented. As the genre grew increasingly popular as a medium for communicating the spirit of such principles, flower and bird painting developed into elegant representations of rarified ideology and transcendent lyricism. In Korea, too, birds – the main subject matter of hwajohwa – have adorned various kinds of artifacts since ancient times. Examples include the birds atop a branch seen on the front side of a ritual object from the Bronze Age in the National Museum of Korea,5 and the legendary birds that are described in the Chinese text Shanhaijing (山海經: Classic of Mountain and Seas), such as sanzuniao (三足烏: a mythical vermilion bird with three legs) as well as the cranes that are depicted in supernatural forms in the mural paintings of Goguryeo tombs. In Silla auspicious birds and lotus were depicted on a fan-shaped birchbark panel discovered from Cheonmachong (天馬塚: Tomb of the Heavenly Horse, late fifth to early sixth century)6 and phoenixes, peacocks, parrots, and ducks decorated metalwork and earthenware roof tiles (瓦塼, wajeon) together with various flowers in such patterns as pairs of birds under a tree and birds holding a branch in their beak.7 It was during the Goryeo period that hwajohwa came to form a distinct genre of its own, free of such supernatural and structural patterns, and the growth of this artistic form and the demand for it flowered in Joseon times. This study will first review hwajohwa of the Goryeo period – none of which survive as independent paintings today, although there are many examples of birds and flowers as subject-matter in Buddhist paintings of this period – using various historical sources, as well as examples on artifacts other than paper and silk, followed by an analysis of the changing patterns of hwajohwa of the Joseon period when the genre developed in four distinct phases.8 II HWAJOHWA OF THE GORYEO PERIOD It was during the Goryeo period (918-1392) that Korean art developed more refined and elaborate forms, and began fabricating a new tradition. This period witnessed the emergence of new avenues of creativity coupled with a culture of art appreciation which developed owing to the birth of a literati class that had appeared on account of the implementation of the civil service examination system in 958. The growth of paintings created for pure appreciation was also influenced by contemporary literati painting theories and by the art and literature of the Northern Song dynasty. These new trends in Goryeo paintings especially became prominent during the reign of King Munjong (文宗, r. 1046-1083), at a time when civil and cultural exchanges with Northern Song began to flourish.9 According to the chapter on Gaoli Guo (高麗國: Goryeo State) in Volume 6 of Tuhuajianwenzhi (圖畵見聞誌: An Account of My Experiences in Painting), written by Guo Ruoxu (郭若虛) of the Northern Song dynasty circa 1070, Goryeo emissaries brought a special gift item, jeopcheopseon (摺疊扇: folding fans) on their visits to China. The fans themselves are described as being originally from Japan, but the paintings on them are likely to have been made in Goryeo. On the acheongji (鴉靑紙: dark-blue paper) of the fan were drawn such subjects as ladies riding and saddle-horses (婦人鞍馬, buin anma) or flowering plants and waterfowl (蓮荷花木水禽之類, yeonhahwamoksugeum-jiryu). These artworks on the folding fans were described as elaborate, and the added use of silver pigment (銀泥, eunni) convincingly indicates that the fans must have been quite extravagant.10 It is also likely that the flowering plants with various waterfowl on these fans were depicted in a similar composition to paintings of lotus flowers and waterfowl (蓮池水禽圖, yeonjisugeumdo), which emerged as a decorative subject matter during the late Five Dynasties and the early Northern Song periods. Paintings depicting a pond with lotus flowers, reeds, and bamboo trees, and waterfowl such as ducks, mandarin ducks, and white herons were widely produced in the Northern Song dynasty.11 In Goryeo, similar motifs were used frequently on inlaid ceramic and bronze vessels of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Among the most representative examples are a bronze kundika with landscape design (National Treasure No. 92),12 a celadon vase with inlay of lotus flowers and waterfowl,13 and a celadon dish with inlay of flower, bamboo, and waterfowl in the Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka (Plate 1).14 The three white herons on the left and on the right of the celadon dish in the Osaka Museum may have been influenced by the figures of cranes painted by Huang Quan and described by Guo Ruoxu in the paragraph on Crane Paintings in Volume 5 of his Tuhua jianwen zhi, in which he listed six positions of cranes: crying, startled, pecking, dancing, relaxing, and strolling. ( Plate 1 ) Celadon plate with inlay of flower, bamboo, and waterfowl design Goryeo, mid-12th century H: 15.7 cm, D: 20.4 cm The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka Furthermore, combinations of various flowers and birds such as parrots, mandarin ducks, cranes, egrets, ducks, and sparrows are found on ceramics, bronze bottles, and bronze mirrors of the mid-Goryeo period.15 In particular, subjects such as willow and waterfowl and reeds and wild geese exhibit much affiliation with paintings. The pattern on a celadon bottle with carvings of reeds and wild geese in the National Museum of Korea16 is similar to the typical compositions of the close-up landscapes of reeds and wild geese from the Northern Song dynasty. In the case of flying cranes, such as those on a celadon maebyeong with clouds and crane design in the Gansong Museum of Art, they are very similar to the depiction of cranes flying over the Imperial palace in the painting entitled Ruihetu (瑞鶴圖, Auspicious Cranes) by Emperor Huizong (徽宗, r. 1119-1125) of the Northern Song dynasty, in the Liaoning Provincial Museum. Paintings by the Emperor, a master of bird and flower painting who was particularly fond of cranes, were introduced to Goryeo during the reign of King Yejong (睿宗, r. 1105-1122) and the early years of King Injong (仁宗, r. 1122-1146) along with other Chinese paintings that were pouring into Goryeo in “innumerable quantities (不可勝計).”17 Hwajohwa in Korea was much influenced by and developed in tandem with bird and flower paintings of the Five Dynasties and early Northern Song that celebrated the beauty of nature. The paintings advanced in artistic quality in the latter half of the Goryeo dynasty following the military rebellion in 1170. During this period, the scholar-officials, who had become the new elite in Goryeo society, regarded paintings as a medium for the exchange of artistic sensibilities and the expression of ideas. They also conceived the cultivation of painting skills and art appreciation as a requirement for cultured men, which not only led to the introduction of new perspectives on painting derived from Northern Song art theories but also to the growth of art works created for the purpose of appreciation.18 Accordingly, hwajohwa became an important subject of artistic creation and appreciation. A good example of this emerging trend is the remark by Yi Gyubo (李奎報, 1168-1241): “Surround myself with paintings of birds to admire.”19 Also Yi Saek (李穡, 1328-1396) envisioned the order and the way of the natural world by appreciating a painting of swallows and sparrows flying over and perching on the blossoming branches of an apricot tree.20 Although none of the works of hwajohwa from this era survives today, the delicate but dynamic feeling of natural movement can still be inferred from poems describing the paintings (題畵詩又, jehwasimun). Of the painting Ssangnodo (雙鷺圖: Two White Herons), Yi Gyubo wrote a poem: “Depicting shapes and forms as they are requires no great skill, but attaining the divine level is a most rare feat. And yet, the eyes [of the birds in the painting] palpitate as if they are alive.”21 Of a painting of Wild Geese, Lin Chun (李椿, late twelfth century) observed, “There are thirty-nine wild geese in the painting, among which eighteen are different from each other in shape: the geese, in various positions and motions, such as flying, coming in flocks, drinking, pecking, standing, lying prone, and spreading wings, are portrayed in delicate detail. The delicacy and the powerful, near-palpable motion in the painting have reached the highest level of artistry.”22 The various shapes and motions of these wild geese are reminiscent of the Baiyan tujuan (百雁圖卷: Scroll of One Hundred Wild Geese) by Ma Ben (馬賁, dates unknown), an artist of the Xuanhe Academy in the Xuanhe reign (1119-1125).23 Judging from such records, the works of hwajohwa during this period probably reached a high level of representation, not only aesthetically but also in the way in which the artists depicted the subject matters in a realistic manner by faithfully reproducing their gracefulness and dynamism. Among the Goryeo Buddhist paintings of the fourteenth century, glimpses of such artistic skills are offered in Gwan-gyeong simnyukgwan byeonsangdo (觀經十六觀變相圖: Sixteen Visualizations of the Contemplation Sutra) in Chion-in (知恩院), Saifuku-ji (西福寺), and in Rinsho-ji (隣松寺), and Suwolgwaneumdo (水月觀音圖: Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara) in Daitoku-ji (大德寺) (Plate 2). The latter depicts cranes, peacocks, and a blue bird pecking at a sprig of flowers elegantly illustrated in the techniques of gureukjeonchaepung (鉤勒塡彩風: ink outline and color fill) and molgolchaesaekpung (沒骨彩色風: boneless painting, i.e. without outlines in ink). The blossom at which the blue bird is pecking is a peony, as illustrated by Li Di (李迪, late twelfth century) and other artists in the court style of painting of the Southern Song dynasty. ( Plate 2 ) Anonymous, Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, detail Goryeo, 14th century Ink and colors on silk H: 227.9 cm, W: 125.8 cm Daitoku-ji, Kyoto III HWAJOWHA OF THE EARLY JOSEON PERIOD Due to the creative traditions and growing demands of the mid-Goryeo period onwards, by the early Joseon period (1392 to circa 1550), hwajohwa, like paintings of other genres, reached a higher level of artistic maturity than before. Realistic paintings in the style of gureukjeonchae and molgolchaesaek were officially promoted through the court painters of the Dohwaseo (圖畵署: Royal Bureau of Painting) in order to meet the increasing demands of the royal family. According to the section on the criteria for the selection of court painters (取才, chwijae) and the subject matters on which they were tested as recorded in the chapter Yejeon (禮典: Code of Rites) of the Gyeonggukdaejeon (經國大典: Complete Code of Law) completed in 1485, birds and animals, like humans, were classified as a third level subject. Therefore, the primary purpose of the selection process appears to have been to develop and to test the painter's mimetic abilities, as would have been required in portraiture. In order to improve the court painters' skills to 'observe and draw from life' (觀形摹畵, gwanhyeongmohwa) and to prevent any mistakes, King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469-1494) had various kinds of wild animals brought into the palace and had the court painters paint as realistically as possible all kinds of living organisms including grass, trees, birds, and animals.24 Such development of painting techniques (畵技, hwagi) was considered essential for copying and modifying the king's portraits (御容, eoyong) faithfully. It must also have been crucial for the production of paintings such as the following examples: Haecheongdo (海靑圖: painting of a falcon), made during the reign of King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418–1450), one of a series featuring various species of falcons drawn in a precise manner; an “extremely detailed” (極基精巧, geukgijeonggyo) parrot, drawn for the royal family during the reign of Yeonsangun (燕山君, r. 1494-1506); or New Year's paintings (歲畵, sehwa) such as the chu-eung baktodo (秋鷹搏兎圖: painting of a falcon hunting a rabbit in autumn), which were included in the paintings that the king presented to his relatives and senior ministers at the start of the new year.25 In the meantime, the sadaebu, who were the main patrons and admirers of art along with the royal family, saw bird and flower painting as a symbol of harmony with nature (江湖閒靜, ganghohanjeong) and transcendence from the secular world. They even considered the genre as a subject for allegory and satire as well as a medium for cultivating moral character.26 Seo Geojeong (徐居正, 1420-1488) realized a state of freedom in nature through paintings of ducks floating on the water and enjoyed imagining the ideal beauty of nature in the Jiangnan (江南) region in China from a painting of wild geese in a frosted field of reeds in autumn.27 This self-disciplined and moral-centered view that the nobility applied to bird and flower painting must have played an important role in the development of ink painting, a style that emphasized capturing the spirit of the object. On the basis of such acknowledgement and demands, during the early years of the Joseon period, hwajohwa included a variety of birds, such as ducks, egrets, cranes, falcons, wild geese, swallows, sea gulls, sparrows, magpies, doves, orioles, peacocks, and chickens in various combined settings with hwachojukmok (花草竹木: flowers, grass, bamboo, and trees). The early Joseon period produced many noteworthy literati painters of hwajohwa such as Ham Seoksung (咸石崇, early 15th century), Gim Jeong (金淨, 1486-1521, a former Minister of the Board of Punishment [刑曹判書] and one of the Joseon scholar-reformers who were purged in the gimyo sahwa in 1519), and Yi Am (利巖, 1499-?), who were all also cultivated men of letters. Moreover, An Gyeon (安堅, dates unknown), regarded as the best painter from the Dohwaseo of King Sejong's era, also produced masterpieces such as Noando (蘆雁圖: Geese and Flowers), Songhakdo (松鶴圖: Crane with Pine Tree), Hwaado (花鵝圖: Flowers and Geese) and Ando (Geese). The extant hwajohwa works of the early Joseon period include Jigoksonghakdo (芝谷松鶴圖: Cranes with Pine Trees in a Valley) by Yu Jami (柳自湄, late fifteenth century) in Gansong Museum of Art and paintings by Gim Jeong, Yi Am, An Gwisaeng (安貴生, late fifteenth century), Yi Jongjun (李宗準, ?–1499), Sin Jam (申潛, 1491-1554), and paintings attributed to Saimdang Sinssi (師任堂 申氏, 1504-1551, the mother of Yi Yi [李珥, 1536-1584], the greatest Confucian scholar of the mid-Joseon period). These works can be loosely divided into two painting styles: in ink and colors, or in inkwash alone. The former (chaemukpung) typically features different kinds of birds with delicate brush strokes in color and ink against a wide landscape (大景, daegyeong) with trees in the upper half of the painting and water or stones in the lower half. Inkwash painting (sumukpung), on the other hand, generally features detailed, close-at-hand landscapes (小景, sogyeong), where only one or two birds of the same kind are brushed in ink.28 Whereas chaemukpung developed on the traditions of Goryeo with mixtures of the realistic and decorative styles of the early Ming dynasty, sumukpung grew as a new style out of mukhui (墨戱: playing with ink), symbolizing the interests of the scholar-officials. Korean works that incorporate Chinese academic painting techniques29 include: Jigoksonghakdo by Yu Jami, four pieces of Hwajodo (花鳥圖) - purportedly by Sin Jam, Hwajodo by An Gwisaeng in the National Museum of Korea, and Hwajogujado (花鳥狗子圖: Flower and Bird with Puppies) by the court painter Yi Am in the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art. These paintings depict trees, stones, and earthen walls against a backdrop of natural features of the seasons, using the Zhe school (浙派) painting style, characterized by asymmetrical compositions and strong contrasts of black and white, and combining realistic and decorative elements in a harmonious mix of ink and colors – characteristic of the Ming style of bird and flower painting. In particular, such works are believed to have been influenced by the style of Lü Ji (呂紀, 1477-?), widely considered the master of academic court painting. Hwajodo, attributed to An Gwisaeng, is strongly evocative of the spring scene of Siji huaniao tu (四季花鳥圖: Flowers and Birds in Four Seasons) in the Tokyo National Museum by Lü Ji, although An's work has a softer and more lyrical mood. These styles are also reflected in the four pieces of Hwajodo by Sin Jam.30 It is in the Hwajogujado (Plate 3) by Yi Am, however, that they appear much more vividly. The flowering tree depicted in ink outline and color in the upper part of the painting and the innocent-looking bird in boneless technique in the lower part evoke a mood of innocence and a visual sense of beauty in a pure and unspoiled natural world. Yi Am, who excelled in depicting falcons and dogs, was regarded as the greatest painter of this genre. The chapter Chosenshokaden (朝鮮書畵傳: Notes on Joseon Calligraphy and Paintings) in the 50th volume of the Japanese work Kogabikou (古畵備考: Review of Old Paintings) defines Yi's paintings as “having the Joseon style of painting (有朝鮮畵風, yuchosengafu).” The sentimental and lyrical world of painting that Yi created laid the foundation for the development of hwajohwa of the Joseon dynasty. ( Plate 3 ) Yi Am, Flower and Bird with Puppies Joseon, 16th century Ink and colors on paper H: 86 cm, W: 44.9 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Hwajohwa paintings attributed to the representative style of sumuk with simple and light colors and the sogyeongsik frame or a close-range landscape format were produced by: Gim Jeong, Jo Gwangjo (趙光祖, 1482-1519, a leader who was also purged in gimyo sahwa), and Saimdang Sinssi. The small-size inkwash compositions typically come in two different kinds of representation: the first an extremely simple form whereby only one or two birds are featured, usually sitting on the extended end of jeolji (折枝: branch without the tree trunk) or on a flowering branch; the second a natural landscape, represented by rocks, cliffs, or waterside plants at the watersides and valleys. Both types were standardized during the Southern Song dynasty. In Korea, most of the former type portrayed small birds such as wagtails, great tits, snipes, and magpies on the end of a branch of plum or bamboo in ink in the sauiche (寫意體: style mimicking the essence or the mindset rather than the subject matter) through the application of dry brush strokes (粗筆, jopil) or free-hand brushwork (放筆, bangpil). In the latter presented as a vignette of a landscape, one finds a convergence of the byeon-gak (邊角: one-corner) composition from the Southern Song dynasty with the Zhe school style from the Ming dynasty. The Yeongmojeoljido (翎毛折枝圖: Bird on a Small Branch) (Plate 4) by Gim Jeong reflects the essence of sumukpung - simple composition and condensed use of brushstrokes. This style of painting developed as ink play by literary men and by Seon (Japanese: Zen) Buddhist painters. Seo Yugu (徐有榘, 1764-1845) observed that the Yijohwamyeongdo (二鳥和鳴圖: Two Birds Singing in Harmony on a Tree) from the Dongguo Huatie (東國畵帖: Painting Album of the Eastern State [i.e. Joseon]), which does not survive today, was “the oldest example of dongren momiao (東人墨妙: ink painting of the Easterners [i.e. Koreans])” that he had ever seen. It portrayed two birds on two different branches of a tree, one branch above the other. Seo remarked that despite the fact that the painting was so faded that it was hard to distinguish the technical artistry in the piece, he could still recognize the traces of ink play of a literary man.31 Such paintings created with ink play were considered as self-fulfilling and self-cultivating performances for the literati. Both Yeollodo (蓮鷺圖: Lotus Flower with White Heron) in the National Museum of Korea and Wonangdo (鴛鴦圖: A Couple of Mandarin Ducks) in a private collection, attributed to Saimdang Sinssi, illustrate birds and animals wading in water, suggesting sentiments of leisure found in a small vignette of nature.32 The uniformity of the ink brush strokes as well as the two dimensional expressions all contribute to evoking the lyrical feeling of the painting. These small-scale inkwash paintings focused more on creating an overall calm, feminine sentiment rather than recreating nature in detail. By the mid-Joseon period, this style, which focused on expressing the spiritual and serene scenery rather than merely representing the precise details of nature, strongly adopted the Zhe school ink brush modes into the style establishing the new main trend for bird-and-flower paintings. ( Plate 4 ) Gim Jeong, Bird on a Small Branch Joseon, early 16th century Ink on paper Private collection, Korea IV HWAJOHWA OF THE MID-JOSEON PERIOD Hwajohwa reached full bloom in the mid-Joseon period (circa 1550-1700), growing more vibrant than at any other time in the Joseon era. With the maturation of Joseon society, the scholar-officials came to view birds singing and flying freely in nature as the epitome of paradise and pure joy and the quintessence of the profound truth of cosmological movement. They actively promoted these paintings that combined flowers and birds with natural scenery as a medium for describing and expressing man's intimate relationship with nature.In fact, the mid-Joseon period produced the greatest number of leading literati painters of hwajohwa. Among the outstanding artists of the genre that have been documented are: Gim Si, (金禔, 1524-1593), also known as Dongbangsinpum (東方神品: Divine Creation of the East), the brothers Yi Gyeong-yun (李慶胤, 1545-1611) and Yi Yeong-yun (李英胤, 1561-1611), Yun Eom (尹儼, 1536-1581), Sin Serim (申世霖, 1521-1583), Yi Hangbok (李恒福, 1556-1618), Choe Jeon (崔澱, 1567-1588), Yi Jing (李澄, 1581-?), Jo Sok (趙涑, 1595-1668), Gim Sik (金埴, 1579-1662), Gim Jib (金集, 1574-1656), Yi Geon (李建, 1614-1662), Gim Hakgi (金學基, dates unknown), Yi Ham (李涵, 1633-?) Jo Jiun (趙之耘, 1637-1691), Yi Ryang (李湸, late seventeenth century), and Jeon Chunghyo (全忠孝, dates unknown). Most of these artists were either literati painters of the royal court or members of the scholar-gentry class. The typical two-tiered large-scale hwajohwa in color of the early Joseon dynasty continued to develop during the mid-Joseon period under the aegis of artists such as Yun Eom and Yi Yeong-yun. However, the most representative hwajohwa of the mid-Joseon era were small inkwash paintings of animals and birds.33 This technique of accentuating the bird as the essence of the painting against a backdrop of one or two loose branches (疎技, soji) or pyeon-gyeong (片景: a small, close-up, cut-off scene) is the most distinctive feature of mid-Joseon hwajohwa. Paintings of birds and animals on small branches, developed by painters like Gim Jeong in the early Joseon period, were well-loved not only because such works could convey the painter's mind with only a few brushstrokes but also because they resembled the flying, singing, sleeping, and feeding birds found in the Ming painting manuals such as Gao Song Lingmaopu (高松翎毛譜: Painting Manual of Birds and Animals by Gao Song).34 These traditions continued in the painting titled Jukgeumdo (竹禽圖: Wild Birds with Bamboo) by Sin Serim, Maejomunhyangdo (梅鳥聞香圖: Bird on a Plum tree Surrounded by Fragrance) in the Gansong Museum of Art by Gim Sik, Han-gadokjodo (寒柯獨鳥圖: Lonely Bird on a Branch in Winter) in Nakpayeonjucheop (駱坡聯珠帖: Painting Album by Nakpa Yi Gyeong-yun) in the National Museum of Korea by Yi Gyeong-yun, and Yusangchun-gudo (柳上春鳩圖: Pigeon on a Willow) in the National Museum of Korea by Yi Yeong-yun. Gim Sik's Bird on a Plum Tree Surrounded by Fragrance painted in the midst of his flight to Hongyang (洪陽) during the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 is, in terms of the overall structure and the posture of the bird, very similar to the paintings of birds and flowers by Wang Yuan (王淵, dates unknown), who was a pupil of Zhao Mengfu (趙孟頫, 1254-1322) of the Yuan dynasty, and whose work was included in the collection Gushihuapu (顧氏畵譜: Painting Manual by Gu Bing [顧炳], late sixteenth-early seventeenth century) of 1603. The Yusangchun-gudo by Yi Yeong-yun is akin to the ink painting of Geese by the celebrated Ming painter Lin Liang (林良, circa 1416-1480), in the British Museum. However, the former achieved a contrast between the ink painting method (墨法, mukbeop) applied to the leaves and the drawing technique with plain outlines (白描風, baengmyopung), along with the foggy landscape created by a darker background(外暈法, woe-unbeop) – that is, by using thin ink lightly around the bird, conveying an embossed-like effect – demonstrating new stylistic characteristics. Paintings of birds and animals on small branches reached an artistic peak and highest popularity with the works of Jo Sok. Widely respected for being a virtuous nobleman of the utmost integrity, he was esteemed also for being a virtuoso of hwajohwa.35 Many of Jo Sok's extant paintings are identified only by attribution because the artist barely left his signature or seal. Nevertheless, these paintings disclose Jo Sok's particular fondness for depicting small mountain birds perched or dozing off, sitting by themselves on the tip of a bare branch of a plum, bamboo, or Chinese hawthorn. He also liked to paint aquatic birds such as wild geese and cranes within a succinct background, often left almost blank. Jo Sok's style of painting, particularly his depictions of birds and triangular leaves presented in a mosaic style, as exemplified in works such as Nosuseojakdo (老樹棲鵲圖: Magpie Resting on an Old Tree) in the National Museum of Korea, also shows resemblance to the works by Lin Liang, much-admired by the gentry of Ming China.36 Jo's works are marked by a restrained elegance indicative of pure integrity. In particular, Gomaeseojakdo (古梅瑞鵲圖: Old Plum and Auspicious Magpie) (Plate 5), which accentuates, through flying-white outlines (飛白體, bibaekche), the solitude of the magpie perched atop the bare branch of a plum, is a masterpiece that best reflects these techniques. The powerful use of dry brushstrokes in the magpie's strong, straight, and steady posture makes it appear as if the bird is waiting steadfastly for spring as it gazes into the distance. In harmony with the restrained mungmaepung (墨梅風: plum blossom drawn in ink) distinctive of the mid-Joseon period, this, in turn, is strongly evocative of the ethos of the artist's pure sentiment of longing for spring to overcome the national suffering following the Chinese invasion of 1636. ( Plate 5 ) Jo Sok, Old Plum and Auspicious Magpie Joseon, early17th century Ink on paper H: 100.4 cm, W: 55.5 cm Gansong Museum of Art Along with the lofty sentiments and elegance created in his works, Jo Sok also painted mukgeum (墨禽: birds in ink monochrome), utilizing both the rough and simple jopil and bangpil strokes in saui style – techniques that are exemplified in Woryasugeumdo (月夜水禽圖: Waterbirds in the Moonlit Night) in the National Museum of Korea and Chunjijomongdo (春池鳥夢圖: Sleeping Bird by a Lake in Spring) in the Gansong Museum of Art. These paintings depict a solitary, small, sleeping bird with its head on its breast, perched on a plum or a bamboo tree, or under a dry, leafless, bare, protruding branch of a Chinese hawthorn tree, thereby evoking a sentiment of bearing through a challenging wintry season. This minimalistic trend in ink paintings of sleeping birds was continued in later works including Sukjodo (宿鳥圖: Sleeping Bird) (Plate 6) and Maesangsukjodo (梅上宿鳥圖: Sleeping Bird on a Plum), attributed to Jo Sok's son Jo Jiun, and Seorwoljomongdo (雪月鳥夢圖: Sleeping Bird in Snowy Night) in the Gansong Museum of Art by Yi Geon, dated 1661. Jo Jiun's painting style is barely distinguishable from that of his father, except that his depictions of bare branches are coarser and further simplified, creating a more liberated feel. In view of the fact that most of the works attributed to Jo Sok and Jo Jiun comprise the sleeping bird in light ink style or a solitary bird perching on a branch or branches, one may say that a new style of hwajohwa was established by these father and son painters. ( Plate 6 ) Jo Jiun, Sleeping Bird Joseon, late 17th century Ink on paper H: 78 cm, W: 50 cm Private collection Among sojiyeongmoryu hwajohwa – rather sketchy and abstract birds-and-flower paintings on small branches – there also exist paintings depicted in a more refined and graceful style. Yijohwamyeongdo (二鳥和鳴圖: Two Birds Singing in Harmony on a Tree) in the Gansong Museum of Art by Gim Sik and Sanchobaekdudo (山椒白頭圖: Bird with White Feathered Head on a Prickly Ash) and Danpungsojodo (丹楓小鳥圖: Small Bird on a Red Maple Tree) from the Yeongmocheop (翎毛帖: Painting Album of Birds and Animals) in the National Museum of Korea by Yi Ham are the representative examples. These works display distinct organizational elements in the way that the titmouse and a small bird of the wagtail family are 'paired together' or 'singing in harmony' with a bare branch between them. Moreover, in the lucid and deliberate brushstrokes that even detail the veins of the leaves, the painting creates a lyrical atmosphere which reflects the sculptural techniques of the academic style of the Southern Song dynasty and the Zhe school style of the Ming dynasty. In other words, they reflect a compromise between the structure of sojiyeongmo (small scenes of birds and animals on branches) and the expressive style of pyeon-gyeong yeongmo (cut-off landscapes with birds and animals), the next topic to be discussed. Within the style of sogyeong yeongmohwa, the main current of hwajohwa during the mid-Joseon period, pyeon-gyeong, or otherwise known as pyeongakgyeong (偏角景: a small, close-up, cut-off vignette of scenery) yeongmoryu (animal paintings), developed in tandem with and enjoyed the most popularity as sojiyeongmoryu. Small scenes with animals, combining the structural dimensions and the ink techniques of the Zhe school, are prominently displayed in the works attributed to Saimdang Sinssi. The style was further refined in the mid-Joseon era as represented in works such as Sugeumdo (水禽圖: Waterbirds) in a private collection by Yi Seunghyo (李崇孝, late sixteenth century) and Hajeongsugeumdo (夏汀水禽圖: Waterbirds on the Waterside in Summer) in the National Museum of Korea by Yi Gyeong-yun, along with other works by Gim Sik and Yi Jing. Gim Sik excelled at lifelike painting, known as saengchojitae (生肖之態: drawing so true to life that it seems alive) and his brush technique was hailed as ethereal. Gim was celebrated especially for the delicacy of his brushstrokes, with many expressing admiring disbelief that a 70-year-old man could be capable of brushstrokes that were “finer than the finest hair.”37 Others, however, rated Gim Sik's technique one level below that of Jo Sok, and in a book of the later period, Yeollyeosilgisul (燃藜室記述: Narratives by Yeollyeosil), it was asserted that Gim's brushstrokes were not delicate at all. The small scenes with animals attributed to Gim Sik currently housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Hongik University Museum would seem to confirm the latter assessment, as they exhibit the molgol or boneless technique, for example in his Umado (牛馬圖: Oxen and Horses). Likewise, as can be seen in Seokjukbiyeondo (石竹飛燕圖: Flying Swallow with Rocks and Bamboo), the vignette consisting of swallows, sweet williams, rocks, and waterfalls is painted in a method that eliminates borderlines and expresses a fine, sleek, deep, two-dimensional, balanced feeling. All this is presented within a structural frame that creates an overall pleasing atmosphere. These techniques and lyrical moods were further refined by Yi Jing and developed into a prototype.38 The illegitimate son of Yi Gyeong-yun, Yi Jing won King Injong's favor and painted under the king's auspices. Yi's style and techniques were reminiscent of those apparent in Qiuzhu shuiqin tu (秋渚水禽圖: Waterbirds on a River Bank in Autumn) in the National Museum of Taipei by the Ming master Lü Ji. This is particularly reflected in his work Noando (Geese and Reeds) now in a private collection. However, Yi's true distinctiveness in the genre of hwajohwa is better displayed in his small works in hwacheop (畵帖: painting albums and manuals). Among the works attributed to Yi, Sansu hwacheop (山水畵帖: Painting Album of Mountains and Waters) in the Gansong Museum of Art is his most representative. The work contains an introduction by Sin Ikseong (申翊聖, 1588-1644), who was King Seonjo's (宣祖, r. 1552-1608) son-in-law and a prominent collector and appraiser of paintings. Yodang wonangdo (蓼塘鴛鴦圖: A Couple of Mandarin Ducks on a Pond with Weeds) (Plate 7) is a painting included in this album. The painting is of an affectionate pair of ducks playing in water flowing around rocks that are covered with lichen. The contrast of the black and the white, the rocks on top of each other, their pointed shapes, and the brush technique of bubyeokjun (斧劈皴: axe-cut brushstrokes) are reminiscent of the art style of Chen Zihe (陳子和, dates unknown), a painter from Fujian Province (福建) of the Ming dynasty. However, in the application of the rhythmic method of the boneless style, seen in the detailed description of the duck feathers, and in the detailed depiction of the flower plants and water plants by the use of dots (點描風, jeommyopung), the distinctive artistic ethos and character of this period can be observed. In particular, the landscape consisting of a vignette of nature and a couple of birds, depicted by the distinct technique of sumuk or ink painting, gently evoking a harmony of the innocence and earthiness of the natural world, represents quintessential Korean aesthetics and sentiments founded in folk art.39 ( Plate 7 ) Yi Jing, A Couple of Mandarin Ducks on a Pond with Waterweeds Joseon, 17th century Ink and colors on silk H: 21 cm, W: 31 cm Gansong Museum of Art As seen above, hwajohwa of the mid-Joseon period brought forth numerous prominent painters, reaching its heyday through small inkwash paintings of birds and animals. By illustrating the subject of a lone mountain bird on a bare, broken branch, such paintings were able to evoke the restrained beauty of nature and the painter's lofty spirit through coarse and simple brushstrokes. This style was standardized and refined by Jo Sok. Close-view landscapes with birds and animals, characterized (through a variation on the conventions of Zhe school techniques) by endearing images of pairs of waterbirds in a stream or a river close to rocks and wild flowers, sought to recreate the calm and lyrical mood of nature. Yi Jing standardized and refined this kind of painting, which took place when Neo-Confucian ideology permeated more deeply into the society. Such painting styles and the social ideology are similar in their concept for they both highlight harmony with nature. On the other hand, while the restrained elegance of the former exercised a particular appeal to the literary society of the scholar-officials, the latter, with its decorative features, was greatly favored by the royal family and wealthy elites. V HWAJOHWA OF THE LATE JOSEON DYNASTY Hwajohwa of the late Joseon dynasty (circa 1700-1800) changed in more diverse ways as a result of the growth of a culture that valued paintings, new creative dispositions among painters, and the rise of a new trend of namjonghwa (南宗畵: Southern school or literati painters). In particular, through the works of masters such as Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676-1759), Jo Yeongseok (趙榮柘, 1686-1761), Sim Sajeong (沈師正, 1707-1769), and Gim Hongdo (金弘道, 1745-1806), a new creative and individualistic world of art sprang forth. Use of the light-ink method widely practiced in the mid-Joseon period diminished whereas chaemuk, using both color and ink, and detailed works with strong colors, increased. This change toward an elaborate and vivid aesthetic stemmed mainly from the inherent dynamism of the natural organisms in hwajohwa, but also from the increase in demand for invocative and decorative objects as a result of a more lavish lifestyle. Moreover, the importation of painting albums consisting of multi-colored woodblock prints made during early Qing times, such as Shizhuzhai huapu (十竹齋畵譜: Ten Bamboo Studios Manual of Painting) and Jieziyuan huazhuan (芥子園畵傳: Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting), must have played an important role in the development of Joseon hwajohwa. In the context of the new trends in late-Joseon hwajohwa, one prominent painter to emerge is the master of true-view landscape (實景, silgyeong) painting, Jeong Seon. Jeong did not paint many hwajohwa, but espoused an aesthetic that strove to capture the essence of nature. He left works such as Deungnyong unggyedo (燈籠雄鷄圖: A Rooster under a Tree with a Chinese maxim) (Plate 8) and Gyegwanmanchudo (鷄冠晩雛圖: Chickens with Cockscomb Plant), both of which breathe realism and vitality. The composition of his works followed the principles of byeon-gak pyeon-gyeong; however, the realistic depictions of roosters and hens leisurely playing around the barn with plants such as cockscomb and ground cherry in the background demonstrate a new realistic style of painting. In particular, the aggressive stance of the rooster, depicted in vibrant colors and vigorous brushwork, rises beyond simple description and is noteworthy in its realistic portrayal of the rooster's natural behavior. ( Plate 8 ) Jeong Seon, A Rooster under a Tree Joseon, early 18th century Ink and colors on silk H: 30.5 cm, W: 20.8 cm Gansong Museum of Art This new trend developed from a process of “self-taught (自得的, jadeukjeok)” creativity, obtained through keen observation that emphasized the structural characteristics and essential character of the object under study. Its development was led by a scholar- painter named Jo Yeongseok, who stressed jeungmulsajin (卽物寫眞: painting drawn as the object appears) or realistic painting. Jo Yeongseok, who was a childhood friend and a longtime neighbor of Jeong Seon in the northern part of Seoul, drew a rough sketch with willow charcoal' (柳炭略寫, yutanyaksa) of domestic birds (家禽, gageum) like chicks and quails and wild birds (野禽, yageum).40 Ssangjakdo (雙鵲圖: A Brace of Magpies) (Plate 9), which he created at forty, was based on the strength of rough sketches, in a departure from the mid-Joseon mimetic tradition typically placing a plum at the center. The painting brings to life two magpies sitting on a thick branch of an old pine tree. This work that recreates with precision and vigor the existential being of the magpies in a delicate mix of black ink and white chalk (胡粉, hobun) is the epitome of an art style newly developed through physiological sketches of nature, and reflects the essence of a theory that emphasizes the significance of delivering inner spirit rather than the outward appearance of objects (傳神, jeonsin).41 ( Plate 9 ) Jo Yeongseok, A Brace of Magpies Joseon, 1726 Ink and colors on silk H: 25 cm, W: 21 cm Private collection, Korea Chaemukpung hwajohwa was refined further as a delicate art form by Byeon Sangbyeok (卞相璧, 1730-?), the painter who was famed as “National Artist” (國手, guksu) for his excellence in portraiture. He drew cats so exceptionally well that he also gained the nickname of “Byeonmyo” (卞猫, Byeon: Byeon the Cat); he also excelled at rooster paintings, for which he gained a third nickname, “Byeongye” (卞鷄, Byeon the Rooster). Jawungjangchudo (雌雄將雛圖: A Hen and Rooster with their Chicks) (Plate 10) is remarkable in its composition observed from nature, the distinct posture of an aggressive rooster, and the high level of realism that comes from near-palpable, precise, and meticulous techniques. Gang Sehwang (姜世晃, 1713-1791), a scholar-painter and art critic of great repute, left the following encomium on the right side of this painting: “skills that far surpass those of the painters of the past, marvelous and wondrous in both precision and delicacy.” It was also said that the rooster in Byeon Sangbyeok's work could be mistaken for a real rooster because of the degree of realism achieved.42 ( Plate 10 ) Byeon Sangbyeok, Cock and Hen with Their Chicks Joseon, late 18th century Ink and colors on paper H: 30 cm, W: 46 cm Gansong Museum of Art In contrast with the realistic mimicry of color and ink hwajohwa, sumuk damchaepung (水墨淡彩風: ink painting with pale color), which was based on the painting aesthetics of the Southern School, was duly recognized as a legitimate art style of noble painters by Sim Sajeong after mastering the styles of masters in the Ming and Qing dynasties through the copying of Chinese painting albums. Sim Sajeong, who contributed greatly to the establishment of Southern school landscape paintings in Joseon society, was renowned as a painter of flowers and birds and insects. Replicating the art style of Jiang Tingxi (蔣廷錫, 1669-1732) of the Qing dynasty, who acquired his meticulous techniques from studying Song painters, Sim Sajeong used colorful and delicate gongpilchaesaekpung in his works, as is evident in Yeonjiyuapdo (蓮池遊鴨圖: Ducks on a Lotus Pond) in the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art. Sim also cultivated his own distinct style through his liberal yet strong brushwork and skillful blending of color. Sim Sajeong enjoyed painting hawks, pheasants, woodpeckers, and Indian kingfishers. He partially continued the tradition of the simple brushwork of Jo Sok, as reflected in his Sugeummunhyangdo (水禽聞香圖: Waterfowl Surrounded by Fragrance) (Plate 11). Sim incorporated in his work the strong brush and ink of Lin Liang of the Ming dynasty; the broad brushstrokes of the Wu school (吳派) of the Ming dynasty like Shen Zhou (沈周, 1427-1509) and Chen Shun (陳淳, 1483-1544); and rough brushstrokes comparable to the style of Zhou Zhimian (周之冕, sixteenth century), the pioneer of the bird and flower painting of Changzhou (常州) in the late-Ming. His work reflected the literati painters' comprehensive style of damchae (淡彩: light coloring).43 ( Plate 11 ) Sim Sajeong, Waterbirds and Fragrant Flowers Joseon, early18th century Ink and colors on paper H: 27.2 cm, W: 21.2 cm Gansong Museum of Art Sim Sajeong's style developed under the influence of namjong (Southern School) literary painters and painting manuals. His style was soon admired by yeohang (閭巷: the lower social class that appeared at the end of Joseon dynasty following the fall of the higher sadaebu class) literary painters such as Choe Buk (崔北, 1712-1786) and Gim Hongdo. Gim Hongdo, who was regarded as the finest painter in the circle of artists of King Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1776-1800), excelled in all aspects of paintings. Gim left great accomplishments in color and ink paintings of flowers and birds, devising and employing his own creative perspective method known as the Danwon technique, named after his pen name, “Danwon (檀園: birch tree garden).” Gim left many paintings featuring mallards, egrets, magpies, pheasants, hawks, and cranes. He utilized the traditional grand-view and close-view landscape compositions in his own distinctive ways, but he also achieved a higher creativeness in his animal paintings by breaking away from the typical formal layouts by incorporating realistic scenes of remote mountains, deep valleys, rural fields and gardens into his works.44 Gim's greatest works such as Churimssangchudo (秋林雙雉圖: A Brace of Pheasants in an Autumn Grove), Gyeryuyuapdo (溪流遊鴨圖: Ducks on a Stream), and Chunjakbohuido (春鵲報喜圖: Magpies Making Joyful Sounds in Spring) (Plate 12) are all included in Byeongjinnyeon-hwacheop (丙辰年畵帖: Painting Album of byeongjin Year), compiled by Gim Hongdo at the age of 42. His technique, characterized by virtuosic brushstrokes, clear and lucid colors, and exquisite structures balanced by blank spaces, has produced scenic landscapes unsurpassed in beauty and overflowing with lyricism. Gim's paintings typically portray a quiet scene from nature such as birds playing peacefully or an earthy moment of everyday life, which burst forth joy and poetic lyricism through his unique brushworks. Such are essentially the products of Gim's exceptional talents, but also of the significant artistic development in the late Joseon period nurtured by the true-view landscapes of Jeong Seon and the Southern School style of Sim Sajeong. ( Plate 12 ) Gim Hongdo, Magpies Making Joyful Sounds in Spring in Byeongjinnyeon-hwacheop Joseon, 1796 Ink and colors on paper H: 26.7 cm, W: 31.6 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Gim Hongdo's hwajohwa style had a great influence on his son, Gim Yanggi (金良驥, dates unknown) as well as the court painters of late Joseon, including Gim Deuksin (金得臣, 1604-1616), Sin Yunbok (申潤福, 1758-?), Yi Sumin (李壽民, 1651-1724), Jang Hanjong (張漢宗, 1768-1815), Jo Jeonggyu (趙廷奎, 1791-?), Yi Hancheol (李漢喆, 1808-?), and Yu Suk (劉淑, 1827-1873). Much influenced by Gim's new style and the widely-available painting manuals, these painters were able to manifest their uniqueness in both composition and brushworks, and to leave their own marks on Joseon painting. In the late Joseon period, colorful hwajohwa featuring birds, flowering trees, and rocks depicted in cheongnokpung (靑錄風: blue-green style) came to be everyday decorative and celebratory artifacts that were not only enjoyed at the royal court and in the chambers of the wealthy, but also in the homes of jung-in (中人: middle class) as well as wealthy merchants (who were considered to be below jung-in in the social hierarchy). The growth of hwajohwa during this period was due in large measure to the economic stimulus and the consequent spread among the wealthy of a taste for an extravagant lifestyle. On one hand, paintings intended for celebration or invocation, or for wishing longevity continued to be produced, including New Year's paintings such as Ugilhochwido (旭日豪鷲圖: Heroic Condor at Dawn) in the National Museum of Korea by Jeong Hong-rae (鄭弘來, 1720-?) and Songhakdo. On the other hand, the bulk of hwajohwa produced during this time was intended for decoration – to transform one's house into a beautiful and fantastic paradise. It became a popular practice to give baekjado (百子圖: paintings of one hundred children at play) and hwajohwa screens to daughters on the eve of their wedding with which to decorate their bridal chamber.45 Among the decorative chaesaek (彩色) hwajohwa painted on screens that represent good fortune, delicate workmanship, and dazzling colors, haehakbandoryu (海鶴蟠桃類: paintings featuring cranes and peach trees as symbols of immortality and longevity), which was used in the palace, stands out as the epitome of decorative beauty and structural grandeur.46 Hwajodo in the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art painted by Sin Hanpyeong (申漢秤, 1726-?) at the age of 62, Hwarimchaegeumdo (花林彩禽圖: Colorful Birds with Flowers) Gansong Museum of Art by Yi Uiyang (李義養, 1768-?), and a hwajodo screen (Plate 13) by an anonymous artist are decorative chaksaek hwajohwa with an elaborate cheongnokpung (bluish-green hue), that exhibit detail and elegance, along with beautifully decorated birds highlighted by a lucid color contrast of green and red expressed with fine brush strokes. These chaesaek hwajohwa came to be greatly modified as decorative art through the late-Joseon period due to the growth of the market. The majority of these works were produced as folk paintings and a substantial amount of these paintings are extant in large and small screen painting formats. ( Plate 13 ) Anonymous, Flower and Bird Joseon, 18th century Ink on paper H: 132.8 cm, W: 48 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art VI HWAJOHWA OF THE END OF THE JOSEON DYNASTY Toward the end of the Joseon period (circa 1800-1910), a culture of producing art for appreciation (as opposed to invocative or didactic purpose) emerged under the leadership of Gim Jeonghui (金正喜, 1786-1856), the leading artist of appreciative paintings and a school of yeohang literary artists. Masterpieces of the 'Four Gentlemen' (梅蘭菊竹: plum, orchid, chrysanthemum, and bamboo), which aimed at ink-concentrated calligraphic excellence as well as floricultural and landscape paintings became prevalent.47 The hwajohwa of this period not only continued to follow Gim Hongdo's tradition but also new approaches exhibiting a propensity for one's subjective expressions through the use of utmost succinct ink brushworks. This new expressive approach, mainly used in floral and landscape paintings, brought about an exotic feel. In the field of hwajohwa, the new trend fused with the traditional sauiche sumuk of the mid-Joseon period, as exemplified in Yeongmobyeongpung (翎毛屛風: Folding Screen of Birds and Animals, National Museum of Korea) by Hong Seseop (洪世燮, 1832-1884). The panels of this screen, now mounted as eight hanging scrolls, drew attention for their unique composition and the sensitive use of light and rich inks, reminiscent of Western watercolor painting.48 This style of painting also shows some connections between Bada Shanren (八大山人, 1626-1705, one of the individualist painters of the Qing dynasty) and ink brushworks by Gao Qipei (高其佩, 1672-1734) and Gao Fenghan (高鳳翰, 1683–1748) among the group of Yangzhou (揚洲) artists. At the same time, with the exception of the ink smearing effect as shown in Biando (飛雁圖: Flying Geese) (Plate 14), the peculiar scenic structure in yaapdo (野鴨圖: paintings of wild ducks) and the bold use of the bird's-eye view in yuapdo (遊鴨圖: paintings of ducks swimming), the style of hwajodo of the end of the Joseon period was in line with the past traditions. For example, the shape and posture of birds such as magpies and sleeping birds in the five pieces of these hwajohwa hanging scrolls including maejodo (梅鳥圖: paintings of birds and plum blossom), the command of woe-unbeop – a technique that gives a three-dimensional effect and the expression of decorative water plants in specks of dark and light ink, all reflect techniques in the tradition of Jo Sok. ( Plate 14 ) Hong Seseop, Flying Geese Joseon, late 19th century Ink on ramie fabric H: 119.6 cm, W: 47.9 cm National Museum of Korea In the last years of the Joseon dynasty, during the period of Korea's opening and enlightenment period, hwajohwa was transformed into the new liberal, but understated inkwash and light color (sumuk damchae) style, chiefly under the influence of Jang Seungeop (張承業, 1843-1897). Jang, whose art studio was located in central Seoul, became very popular among wealthy patrons for his own individual style based on the prevalent styles of paintings by Shanghai artists that flowed into Joseon.49 Jang developed the style of gimyeongjeoljido (器皿折枝圖: flower-and vessel painting) by incorporating the hwahwebakgodo (花卉博古圖: still-life paintings with flowers and antiquities) using three-dimensional shading effects and light ink coloring that in effect evoked a modern stylistic impression. He popularized the image of falcons as a symbol of a bird of prey, perched on one leg on a branch of a tree in a robust manner, as well as a new form of noando, portraying large-headed wild geese descending toward a field of reeds. Ssangchido (雙雉圖: A Brace of Pheasants) (Plate 15) shows Jang's vigorous style of employing ink in boneless technique and the smearing effect or the dynamic use of light coloring. Jang's art traditions were carried forward by Jo Seokjin (趙錫晉, 1853-1920) and An Jungsik (安中植, 1861-1919) as the main current of the Korean art scene until the 1920s, when a new style of modern Japanese art came into the picture. ( Plate 15 ) Jang Seung-eop, A pair of Pheasants Joseon, late 19th century Ink and colors on paper H: 135.5 cm, W: 55.3 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art