The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

In fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Joseon (朝鮮, 1392–1910), blue-and-white porcelain, known as cheonghwa baekja (靑華白磁), was used by a limited group of people—the royal court and ruling class. As a result, extant examples from this period, including findings from excavations, are scarce. Scholars have been relying mainly on historical records and the small number of heirlooms that have survived to this day (傳世品, jeonsepum).1 Around the turn of the new millennium, however, large quantities of Joseon ceramics were discovered during excavations carried out in connection with urban redevelopment projects in Seoul. In particular, sites in Cheongjin-dong in Jongno-gu yielded a large quantity of blue-and-white porcelain believed to date from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, providing concrete evidence of its use in the early Joseon dynasty. The excavations greatly facilitated research into consumption patterns and characteristics of blue-and-white porcelain of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that previously had been little known. This study seeks to explore the aesthetic characteristics and consumption patterns of the blue-and-white porcelain recovered from sites within the city wall of Seoul, known as Hanyangdoseong (漢陽都城), which protected the Joseon capital of Hanyang (漢陽, present-day Seoul). Particular focus will be placed on sites in Cheongjin-dong in Jongno-gu, Seoul. The study will first provide an overview of sites in Seoul where blue-and-white porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was discovered, and then examine the forms and designs of the blue-and-white porcelain wares recovered from sites in Cheongjin-dong through a comparison with other extant examples, including heirlooms and those excavated from kiln sites. It will further investigate the characteristics of the blue-and-white porcelain unearthed from Cheongjin-dong and analyze historical documents to determine how blue-and-white wares was used outside the royal court. Past studies on blue-and-white porcelain excavated from the Cheongjin-dong area have focused on individual sites. This paper is significant in that it provides a comprehensive survey of early Joseon blue-and-white porcelain discovered from several sites within the city wall of Seoul. Details of Excavations of Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-century Blue-and-white Porcelain from Sites within the City Wall of Seoul Historic sites within the city wall of Seoul that have confirmed the consumption of blue-and-white porcelain during the early Joseon period are located in the Cheongjin-dong and Seorin-dong areas, Jongmyo Shrine Square in Jongno-gu, and the ancient sites of Dongdaemun Stadium, Wongaksa Temple within Pagoda Park in Jongno 2-ga, and the Gungisi at Taepyeongno 1-ga in Jung-gu (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Blue-and-white porcelain consumption sites in the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Hanyang after Doseongdo (都城圖, Map of Capital City) (detail). Joseon, late 18th century. 67.0 × 92.0 cm. Treasure No. 1560. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies (Image edited by the author; Seoul Museum of History 2016, p. 64) Redevelopment projects in Cheongjin-dong, where the excavations were the largest in scale and produced the greatest yield, were carried out as part of the Seoul Urban Renewal and Revitalization Project in the area north of the Hangang River in Seoul (Research Institute of Korean Architectural Culture of Myongji University 2007; Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2011a, 2012, 2013a, 2013b, 2013c). Cheongjin-dong, located within the heart of the capital city of Hanyang, was an area partially encompassing Unjongga Street, a central commercial avenue lined with government-licensed shops known as sijeon (市廛). It was also near Yukjo Street, where the six ministries, or yukjo (六曹) were located. Moreover, in the northern part of Cheongjin-dong were situated royal residences, including Yongdonggung Palace (龍洞宮) and Sujingung Palace (壽進宮). A wide variety of artifacts ranging from earthenware and porcelain to metalwares were excavated in Cheongjin-dong. A total of 62 blue-and-white porcelain wares from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were discovered—most of which are high-quality porcelain with a cross-section for the foot in the shape of an inverted triangle or trapezoid and fired on a support of fine sand, similarly to other surviving blue-and-white heirlooms of this date. In the area where Cheongjin-dong meets the main street (Jongno-daero) in front of Jongmyo Shrine Square, structural remains of licensed shops were discovered. It is believed that a marketplace of licensed shops, known as sijeon haengnang (市廛行廊), was established around the present-day Jongno intersection (Hoh Young-Rok 1995, 70–76). Large quantities of both domestic and imported ceramics were recovered from this commercial area, just as from other excavation sites within Cheongjin-dong. Each of the shops in the commercial area specialized in the sale of a specific type of goods, and therefore not all of the ceramics recovered would have been intended for sale. From this perspective, there is a high probability that the pieces discovered were personal possessions of the licensed merchants. Among the ceramics excavated from the sites of licensed shops, only thirteen examples of blue-and-white porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were discovered, which is minimal in terms of the total number of ceramics found. Most of them are high-quality white porcelain, and similar types of rimmed dishes and jars were found in large amounts concentrated in small areas. Small numbers of blue-and-white porcelain wares were also discovered from other sites within the city wall, such as Dongdaemun Stadium, Jongmyo Shrine Square, the Gungisi, and Wongaksa Temple sites. At the Dongdaemun Stadium site, structural remains from the Joseon period had been damaged and most of the related findings had been disturbed, making it difficult to date the excavated ceramics and other remains (Seoul Metropolitan Government and Jungwon Cultural Properties Institute 2011, 424). As for official porcelain from the early Joseon period, seven blue-and-white porcelain shards of various sizes were recovered together with porcelain wares bearing inscriptions incised on the glazed surface. The Gungisi site was the location of the Gungisi (軍器寺, Government Arsenal), which was responsible for the production of gunpowder and weapons during the Joseon period. From this site, four pieces of early Joseon blue-and-white porcelain were recovered—most of which were excavated from the interior space of architectural structures (Hangang Institute of Cultural Heritage 2011b, 652). Notable among these findings is White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Inscription of “Dohwaseo” in Underglaze Cobalt-blue, which bears an inscription of “Dohwaseo” (圖畵署), the government-run bureau of painting where court painters worked (Fig. 2). Fig. 2. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Inscription of “Dohwaseo” in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Excavated from the Gungisi site. Diameter: 20.0 cm (mouth). Seoul Museum of History (Hangang Institute of Cultural Heritage 2011b, p. 105) Excavation of the Wongaksa Temple site was conducted by the Seoul Museum of History in 2001. The temple was ordered closed in the early Joseon period and was continuously vandalized thereafter. In consequence, the current findings are weighted more towards their relevance to the government offices or private homes that were later built on the site (Seoul Museum of History 2002, 109–111). Two shards from blue-and-white rimmed dishes were discovered here. They were excavated from different locations, but they are similar in terms of appearance and craftsmanship. Also found at this site were high-quality bowls and dishes with inscriptions engraved into the glazed surface of the exterior base and fired on a support dusted with fine sand. The site of the square at the entrance to Jongmyo Shrine yielded different kinds of porcelain shards dated from the early Joseon period to the early twentieth century (Seoul Museum of History 2012, 429). Findings from the site include a large amount of premium-quality royal porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries with inscriptions on the glazed base. Also unearthed from the site was a blue-and-white porcelain shard from a jar simply decorated with a plum and bamboo design and a shard from a rimmed dish with a bosanghwa (寶相華, Ch. baoxianghua)scroll design. The sites of the Jongchinbu (宗親府, Office of the Royal Genealogy) and Eoyeongcheong (御營廳, Royal Guards Command), also in the Jongno area, each yielded a shard from a decorated rimmed dish inscribed with a poem. In the Seorin-dong area in Jongno-gu, where structural remains of buildings from the Joseon period were found, White Porcelain Lid Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue was discovered together with Ming Chinese blue-and-white porcelain. The shard is described in the excavation report as being from Ming China, but it appears to be a product of the official court kiln of Joseon (Hangang Institute of Cultural Heritage 2012, 87). This paper has thus far examined blue-and-white porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries discovered at sites within the city wall of Seoul. The characteristics of the sites and the quantity of blue-and-white porcelain excavated are outlined in Table 1. It is important to note that the Cheongjin-dong area, where government bureaus and upper-class residences were situated, yielded the largest amount of blue-and-white porcelain. However, in the future, more blue-and-white porcelain is likely to be excavated from the sites of the central commercial area of licensed shops (sijeon haengnang), the Gungisi office, Jongmyojeongyo Bridge in Jongmyo Shrine, and Wongaksa Temple where the Jangagwon (掌樂院, Royal Bureau of Music) was established during the reign of King Yeonsangun (燕山君, r. 1494–1506). As for the sites in Seorin-dong and Dongdaemun Stadium, only structural remains of buildings lacking sufficient corresponding written records have been identified, which makes it difficult to verify the functions of the remains. Only a small quantity of blue-and-white porcelain was discovered in Seorin-dong. Table 1. Sites that yielded fifteenth- and sixteenth-century blue-and-white porcelain and the amount of porcelain excavated Excavation Site Discovered Remains Function or location of Excavated Site Number of excavated finds Cheongjin-dong Sijeon haengnang Licensed shops Commercial area 13 Miscellaneous Buildings Adjacent to administrative offices and royal residences 62 Dongdaemun Stadium Buildings Adjacent to military facilities and city wall 7 Gungisi Site Government Arsenal Administrative office 3 Wongaksa Temple Site Buildings Administrative office (Jangagwon) and residences 2 Jongmyo Shrine Square Jongmyojeongyo Bridge Remains of royal palace 2 Eoyeongcheong Site Royal Guards Command Administrative office 1 Jongchinbu Site Office of the Royal Genealogy Adjacent to Jongmyo Shrine 1 Seorin-dong Buildings Unidentified 1 Blue-and-white porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was excavated from layers dating to the early to mid-Joseon dynasty. At most sites, blue-and-white porcelain from private local kilns in China was discovered in large quantity along with high-quality Joseon official porcelain incised on the glazed exterior base with Chinese characters, including 天 (cheon, heaven), 地 (ji, earth), 玄 (hyeon, black), 黃 (hwang, yellow), 左 (jwa, left), and 右 (u, right). However, porcelain with decorations of inlaid designs, underglaze cobalt-blue designs, and underglaze iron-brown designs were discovered in small numbers and only at certain building sites, demonstrating that the ownership of decorated porcelain produced in the official court kilns of Joseon was highly restricted. Among the decorated porcelain discovered, those with underglaze cobalt-blue motifs were the rarest. Formative Characteristics of Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-century Blue-and-white Porcelain Excavated within the City Wall of Seoul Over 100 items (shards and/or intact vessels) from a total of 88 blue-and-white porcelain wares from the early Joseon period were unearthed within the city wall of Seoul. Overall, they are similar in terms of form and design to heirlooms and those excavated from kiln sites. However, there are also items that are of a unique type and design, as indicated in Table 2. Table 2. Type and design of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century blue-and-white porcelain excavated from sites within the city wall of Seoul Type Rimmed dish Dish Jar Lid Cup with two lugs Bowl with lid Cup Water dropper Stem cup Memorial tablet Incense burner Flower-pot Game Figurative vessel Unidentified Total(number of tems) Design base body Floral scroll 1 3 1 4 9 Grass and flower 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 14 Plum and bamboo 3 1 5 9 Plum blossom 1 1 2 2 1 1 3 3 14 Fish and water plant 6 1 7 Poetry 7 7 Chinese character 1 1 2 1 5 Pine tree 4 4 Dragon and cloud 1 1 1 4 Bamboo 1 1 1 3 Landscape 1 1 Grape 1 1 Bird and flower 1 1 Crab 1 1 Wave 1 1 Others 3 1 1 1 1 7 Total 22 1 9 8 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 9 21 88 The excavated blue-and-white porcelain is diverse in type. However, the majority is comprised of rimmed dishes and jars, and there is a concentration of special ware compared to daily tableware. In terms of design, plum blossoms and floral scrolls are most prevalent. Many of the porcelain designs are highly sophisticated and correspond to accounts in the Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam (新增東國輿地勝覽, Revised augmented survey of the geography of Korea) and Yi Ro (李魯, 1544–1598)’s Songamjip (松岩集, Complete works of Yi Ro), which state that court painters painted designs such as fish and water plant, crab, and bird and flower motifs on blue-and-white porcelain. This paper focuses on jars and rimmed dishes since they were excavated in the greatest number and appear to be the most diverse in style. Characteristics of their forms and featured designs will be investigated in the following. Jars High-quality porcelain jars—both plain and decorated—were excavated from sites within the city wall of Seoul. These mid-to large-sized jars were intended as special vessels for storage or decorative purposes rather than for everyday use. Blue-and-white porcelain jars are highly sophisticated vessels with exquisite designs, and many heirlooms are testimonies of their outstanding quality. The shapes of blue-and-white porcelain jars from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries can be largely grouped into three types: jars with an upright neck, slightly inverted rim, and S-shaped body; jars with a high foot and slender body; and jars with an everted mouth and body tapering sharply toward the base (Kim Hyejeong 2017, 115–116). Comparisons with heirlooms confirm that the shards discovered from sites within the wall of Seoul—particularly those from the mouth and lower body—match these three categories. The only differences among the shards are the thickness of the walls and the apparent quality of the original jar. Among the blue-and-white porcelain found at sites within the Seoul city wall, over 30 shards from 23 porcelain wares feature plum blossom designs, amounting to 20 percent of the total number of shards found. Among the blue-and-white porcelain jars recovered within the ancient city walls, those decorated with plum and bamboo design were found in the greatest numbers. In District No. 5 of the Cheongjin-dong area, seven shards of blue-and-white porcelain were discovered that are similar in form to White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Figs. 3-1 and 3-2). The colors of the glaze and the decorative motifs on the seven shards identify them as originating from at least two different vessels. Shards similar to the abovementioned seven were discovered in Districts Nos. 1 and 8 and 12 through 16 of the Cheongjin-dong area. Furthermore, an example of the same shape and design as these shards was discovered in Gwancheol-dong in Jongno-gu in the 1970s (Fig. 3-3). Additionally, a lid shard decorated with a plum and bamboo design in underglaze cobalt-blue was discovered from the Beoncheon-ri kiln site No. 9, which is presumed to have operated in the 1550s. Given this, it is probable that blue-and-white porcelain jars featuring this type of plum and bamboo design were continuously produced in the early Joseon era. All of these plum and bamboo designs feature rather schematized and conventional expressions and compositions, suggesting that the jars were used for ceremonial purposes where such stylistic uniformity was required. Fig. 3-1. White Porcelain Jar Shards with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 5.0 cm (lower part). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong District No. 5. Seoul Museum of History (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2012, Fig. 552) Fig. 3-2. White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 41.0 cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 5) Fig. 3-3. White Porcelain Jar Shard with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Diameter: 17.2 cm (mouth). Excavated from Gwancheol-dong. National Museum of Korea (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 22) Most of the plum and bamboo designs on the abovementioned jars and shards are painted ornately yet harmoniously with twisted and curved plum branches and upright bamboo stems. They are rendered using the gureuk (鉤勒, Ch. goule) technique in which a pattern is outlined and then filled in with color (in this case, cobalt-blue). The bamboo stems are delicately rendered with attention to details such as the veins of the leaves, and the plum branches are crafted in short, repetitive brushstrokes to accentuate their three-dimensionality. The latter technique is thought to have been devised to remedy the difficulty of creating a natural effect of light and shade using cobalt-blue pigment. The plum trees are characterized by a composition of a gnarled curving trunk that accentuates the jar’s curved surface, and the bamboo is defined by bold outlines that emphasize its decorative features. Blue-and-white porcelain with less elaborate designs of plum and bamboo have also been discovered, as evidenced by White Porcelain Shards with Plum and Bamboo Design in Cobalt-blue excavated from Cheongjin-dong (Fig. 4-1). Missing its rim and lower body, its overall shape is not identifiable, but the depiction and composition of the design is comparable to White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue housed in the Museum of Oriental Ceramics in Osaka, Japan (Fig. 4-2). On both jars, the plum and bamboo motif is rendered in a simple manner using the molgol (沒骨, Ch. mogu), or boneless, technique that uses washes of ink and color. The plum blossoms on the branches are noticeably fewer compared to the aforementioned jar in the Leeum collection (Fig. 3-2). The lotus petal bands on the shoulders and lower body have disappeared, which suggests that they were produced in the sixteenth century when Joseon blue-and-white porcelain deviated from the influence of Chinese models. Fig. 4-1. White Porcelain Shards with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (body). Joseon, 15th–16th century. Length: 11.8 cm (max). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16. Seoul Baekje Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013c, Fig. 2131) Fig. 4-2. White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 35.0 cm. Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 62) White Porcelain Jar Shard with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue and White Porcelain Jar Shard with Plum Blossom Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue excavated from Cheongjin-dong resemble White Porcelain Jar with Plum, Bird, and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in the National Museum of Korea and White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bird Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in the Ewha Womans University Museum (Figs. 5-1 through 5-3). The jar shard illustrated in Fig. 5-1 was unearthed with the rim section missing, but the shape of its lower portion and the curves of the body present a striking likeness to that of the two intact examples in the National Museum of Korea and Ewha Womans University Museum. The height of the shard is 24.2 centimeters, while the vessels in the National Museum of Korea and the Ewha Womans University Museum measure 24.5 centimeters and 27.0 centimeters in height, respectively. Compared to the abovementioned jar in the Leeum collection, the shoulders of the shards excavated from Cheongjin-dong and the two intact examples are lower and they feature simpler designs with more empty space left in the background. These traits can be attributed to the sixteenth century. Fig. 5-1. White Porcelain Jar Shard with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 24.2 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16. Seoul Baekje Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013c, Fig. 850) Fig. 5-2. White Porcelain Jar Shards with Plum Blossom Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 11.9 cm (top right). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong District No. 5. Seoul Museum of History (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2012, Fig. 930) Fig. 5-3. White Porcelain Jar with Plum, Bird, and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 24.5 cm. National Museum of Korea (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 64) Floral scrolls, which are a typical motif of blue-and-white porcelain from the early Joseon period, strongly reflect influences of blue-and-white porcelain of Ming China. Many examples adorned with floral scrolls were excavated from sites in Seorin-dong and Cheongjin-dong in Jongno-gu. Floral scrolls are also the most common design on Ming Chinese blue-andwhite porcelain excavated from sites within the city wall of Seoul, which indicates a preference for floral scrolls at this time (Park Jungmin 2013, 38–39). Because the floral scrolls are found mostly on body shards, it is difficult to extrapolate the complete forms of the original vessels bearing this design. However, considering that the walls are thick and the motifs relatively large, the shards are presumed to have been from jars. The flowers of the four seasons, featuring scrolls with different kinds of flowers, represent a motif that demonstrates a heavy influence from Ming Chinese blue-and-white porcelain. A shard from the body of a jar featuring the flowers of the four seasons was discovered at a Cheongjin-dong site (Fig. 6-1). Only a few intact blue-and-white porcelain wares decorated with these four-season flowers have survived today, including White Porcelain Jar with Flowers of the Four Seasons Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue housed in Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art and White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Floral Scroll of the Four Seasons Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue housed in the Dewazakura Art Museum in Japan (Fig. 6-2). The shard excavated from Cheongjin-dong features two different large floral designs, which are presumed to be part of a four-season floral scroll design. The design is executed in relatively delicate detail, and the elaborate flowers add to its splendor. Fig. 6-1. White Porcelain Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (body). Joseon, 15th–16th century. Length: 8.2 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p. 52) Fig. 6-2. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Floral Scroll of the Four Seasons Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Diameter: 20.0 cm (mouth). Dewazakura Museum of Art (Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka 1991, Fig. 1) White Porcelain Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue excavated from Cheongjin-dong is 16 centimeters wide, 2.3 centimeters thick, and relatively crude in form (Fig. 7). This body shard features fairly large bosanghwa flowers and scroll motifs elaborately painted in cobalt-blue pigment, yet its glazed surface is cracked and the pigment is smudged. The bosanghwa motifs is rendered as if being viewed from the side rather than from above, which is common to blue-and-white porcelain of Ming China. Fig. 7. White Porcelain Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (body). Joseon, 15th-16th century. Length: 12.0 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p. 54) White Porcelain Lid Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue excavated from Seorin-dong is remarkably similar in design to two dishes bearing the identical title of White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue respectively housed in the Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka and Nezu Museum in Japan (Figs. 8-1 and 8-2). The flowers surrounded by scrollwork are painted using the gureuk technique in which the flowers are outlined and filled with color. A shard featuring the same scroll design was discovered in Cheongjin-dong. In terms of composition, the design reflects influences Ming Chinese blue-and-white porcelain, yet it differs in that unlike the stylized scroll designs of Ming China, the scrolls are rendered in an irregular manner across an empty background and the floral motif is reminiscent of a sunflower viewed from above. Fig. 8-1. White Porcelain Lid Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 5.2 cm. Excavated from Seorin-dong. Seoul History Museum (Hangang Institute of Cultural Heritage 2012, p. 198) Fig. 8-2. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Diameter: 22.7 cm (mouth). Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 60) Two shards bearing the same title, White Porcelain Jar Shard with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue were also discovered at a Cheongjin-dong site. One of the shards has an upright mouth with a slightly inverted rim and broad shoulders, suggesting that it comprised large, tall jar of high-quality porcelain delicately decorated with clear and bright cobalt-blue pigment (Fig. 9-1). The shape of the mouth and shoulder and the composition of the design recalls a dragon jar illustrated in the Gukjo oryeui (國朝五禮儀, Book on the Five Rites of State, 1474) (Fig. 9-2). Fig. 9-1. White Porcelain Jar Shard with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 13.1 cm (eft). Length: 8.6 cm (right). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12-16. Seoul Baekje Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, Fig. 838) Fig. 9-2. Illustration of a dragon jar in the Gukjo oryeui. Joseon, 1474 (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 35) There are two representative examples of blue-and-white porcelain decorated with dragons and clouds in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art; both carry the same title of White Porcelain Bottle with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (Fig. 9-3). The vigorous dragons and clouds on the bottles are similar to the dragons on the shards from Cheongjin-dong. Therefore, it can be assumed that the designs rendered on the Cheongjin-dong jar shards depict the propitious vapors surrounding the head and body of a dragon. A similar shard of a blue-and-white porcelain jar with dragon and cloud design was excavated from the Usan-ri kiln site No. 9 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province (Fig. 9-4). The shard has horizontal lines across the upper and lower parts of the mouth which is decorated with large cloud patterns. The body features a dragon executed in dynamic brushwork, and the detailed depiction of the scales of the dragon resembles its counterparts on shards from Cheongjin-dong. Moreover, White Porcelain Lid Shard with Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue excavated from Cheongjin-dong is similar to an example recovered from the Beoncheon-ri kiln site No. 9. Considering its flaring rim and the composition of the design, this lid shard is thought to have formed a pair with a jar with a dragon and cloud design. Fig. 9-3. White Porcelain Bottle with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 25.0 cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 55) Fig. 9-4. White Porcelain Jar Shard with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Excavated from the Usan-ri kiln site No. 9. Height: 22.0 cm. Ewha Womans University Museum (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 17) Rimmed Dishes Rimmed dishes, characterized by a form strongly influenced by metalware, were used as rests for cups (Jeon Seungchang 1997, 101–110). They are unique in that, unlike conventional dishes, the interior base is plane and they have a raised flat rim. The inner base usually features highly pictorial designs or poetic verses written in a variety of scripts. There are a number of rimmed dishes among the ceramics unearthed from the sites of official court kilns in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province, and several well-preserved heirlooms of this type have survived to this day. Thus, it can be presumed that rimmed dishes were produced and used as one of the major forms of blue-and-white ceramics in the early Joseon period. This is also indicated by finds from sites within the city wall of Seoul, where 21 rimmed dishes were discovered, thus outnumbering other types of blue-and-white porcelain. Moreover, a considerable number of lower-body shards retrieved from these sites are believed to be the feet of rimmed dishes. Rimmed dishes were produced in a wide range of sizes, but regardless of size they were fired in the same kilns. By the late sixteenth century, rimmed dishes had been reduced in size and the concavity had been increased to form a taller dish (Song Hojin 2013, 34). Rimmed dishes excavated within the Seoul city wall range from 18 to 22 centimeters in diameter and span 1.5 to 2.8 centimeters in height. This is within the parameters of the examples excavated from kiln sites from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, as well as of other surviving examples from this period. The rimmed dishes discovered in Cheongjin-dong are predominantly decorated with fish and water plant designs. A total of six rimmed dishes depicting fish or water plants were excavated from Cheongjin-dong. Among heirlooms, there are three definitive examples of blue-and-white porcelain adorned with fish and water plant designs. These are White Porcelain Jar with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue housed in Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art; White Porcelain Flat Bottle with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in the Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka; and White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in a private collection in Japan (Fig. 10-1). In addition, a shard from a rimmed dish was found at the Beoncheon-ri kiln site No. 9 that features a water plant that appears to be part of a fish design. Among the intact surviving blue-and-white porcelain embellished with fish designs, the iconography of the Chinese porverb tiaolongman (登龍門, the carp leaping over the dragon’s gate) in which a fish leaps over water plants is an often-used decoration. Fig . 10-1. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Diameter: 22.7 cm (mouth). Private collection in Japan (Ebine Toshio 1999, p. 255) Shards of rimmed dishes with fish designs excavated from Cheongjin-dong feature not only depictions of fish dynamically twisting and leaping, but also of them peacefully swimming amid water plants (Figs. 10-2 and 10-3). The latter motif is not found among heirlooms. The depiction of water plants and fish is executed in minute detail, and three-dimensionality is suggested through the use of light and shade. No features of the shards of such rimmed dishes are alike, and each displays distinctive brushwork and composition, demonstrating the pictorial quality of fish painting in the early Joseon period. Fig. 10-2. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 1.8 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p. 96) Fig. 10-3. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 2.1 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p.84) The Cheongjin-dong area also yielded White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Crab Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue, whose flat inner base is decorated with a crab motif in cobalt-blue pigment (Fig. 11). Although the coloring is rather somber, the crab is rendered in a highly sophisticated manner. The claws and even the hairs on the legs of the crab are meticulously depicted against a background of sparsely arranged reeds. Fish and crabs are both iconographic representations of a fruitful career, and using rimmed dishes with these designs as saucers could be understood as an expression of the desire for such success in life. Therefore, rimmed dishes with fish or crab designs befitted scholar-officials more so than the royal household, and could have possibly been used as royal gifts or at royal banquets attended by officials (Kim Hyejeong 2017, 149–150). Also found at the same site is White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Bird and Flower Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (Fig. 12). This dish shows two concentric circles in the center of the inner base, while birds and trees densely fill the rest of the base in the register between the circles and the rim. This decorative arrangement finds no parallel among heirlooms. Fig. 11. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Crab Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Diameter: 19.6 cm (mouth, restored). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p.51) Fig. 12. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Bird and Flower Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Diameter (mouth): 22.0 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16. Seoul Baekje Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013c, Fig. 1716) The abovementioned examples correspond with records indicating that blue-and-white porcelain wares of the early-Joseon period were decorated by court painters and therefore provide material for studies of Joseon painting. There are only a small number of extant bird-and-flower paintings from the early Joseon period, but studies have revealed that bird-and-flower paintings were produced at the royal court in the late sixteenth century. This suggests that blue-and-white porcelain wares with bird and flower designs reflect the culture and penchants of the royal court of the late sixteenth century. In addition to jars and rimmed dishes, there are other types of unearthed blue-and-white wares, though small in number, that match the types of surviving examples, including lidded bowls, cups with two ears (兩耳盞, yangijan), water droppers, and epitaph plaques. Cups with two ears are assumed to have comprised a set with a rimmed dish. Previously unseen types of blue-and-white porcelain include stem cups, flower pots, legs of an incense burner, dice, a game piece for janggi (將棋, Korean chess), and figurines. Among these findings, there are flower pots and water droppers adorned with plum branches executed with crude yet distinguishing brushstrokes. A piece for janggi with the inscription of the Chinese character 兵 (byeong, soldier) was discovered at the Gungisi site, and white porcelain dice featuring different Chinese characters written in cobalt-blue were found at a Cheongjin-dong site, making clear that game pieces were also produced in blue-and-white porcelain. As examined above, a number of blue-and-white porcelain wares of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were excavated from sites within the city wall of Seoul. In terms of type, rimmed dishes and jars were the most common, and plum and bamboo and floral scroll designs were the most frequently found motifs on the wares, thus indicating the characteristics of blue-and-white porcelain of this time. In addition, unprecedented types and designs were observed, demonstrating the emergence of new styles in the early Joseon period. Characteristics of Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Blue-and-white Porcelain Excavated within the City Wall of Seoul What is noteworthy about the blue-and-white porcelain found within the city wall of Seoul is that it was unearthed in the heart of the ancient capital city, an important area for the consumption of blue-and-white porcelain. Since the establishment of the Bunwon (分院), the official court kilns administered by the Saongwon (司饔院, Office of Royal Cuisine), in the years around 1467 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province, raw materials for producing white porcelain were regulated by the government (Entry for the seventh day of the sixth month of the 12th year, Sejo sillok, vol. 39). Moreover, according to the Daejeon songnok (大典續錄, Supplementary records to the Great Code) and the Gyeongguk daejeon (經國大典, Great Code of the State administration), ceramics produced in official court kilns in the early Joseon period were used by the royal court and government offices. They also state that others were forbidden from using them except with permission. The Yongjae chonghwa (慵齋叢話, Assorted writings of Yongjae) written by Seong Hyeon (成俔, 1439–1504) records the difficulties faced in the production of blue-and-white porcelain due to problems linked to the supply of cobalt-blue pigment. Nevertheless, various sites inside the Seoul city wall, including Cheongjin-dong, have yielded high-quality white porcelain as well as blue-and-white porcelain from official kilns. Although these exclusive pieces were excavated in the central region of the capital in the vicinity of the royal court and government offices, it is believed that official white porcelain and blue-and-white porcelain wares were also disseminated among the general public (Kim Youngwon 2003, 180–183). Historical accounts have revealed that blue-and-white porcelain produced in official court kilns was indeed transmitted to places other than the royal court and government offices. The Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon dynasty) recounts that from the beginning of the dynasty kings bestowed white porcelain and blue-and-white porcelain wares. Such royal gifts were the official means by which blue-and-white porcelain could be disseminated. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, they were bestowed on several occasions, as seen in Table 3. Table 3. Royal bestowal of porcelain in the fifteen and sixteenth centuries (Based on records in the Joseon wangjo sillok) Period Date Recipient (Person or Institution) Type of object Number of objects Prior to the establishment of the official court kilns King Sejo (r. 1455–1468) 28th day of the seventh month of the second year Third State Councilor Yi Sacheol (李思哲, 1405–1456) Large cup with blue-and-white decoration 1 Fourth day of sixth month of the seventh year Second State Councilor Sin Sukju (申叔舟, 1417–1475) Cup(s) with painted decoration (hwajong) unknown Seventh day of the 11th month of the eighth year Grand Prince Imyeong (臨瀛大君, 1420– 1469), Yang Jeong (楊汀, died 1466), Chief State Councilor Sin Sukju, and others Cup with painted decoration (hwajong) 1 each After the establishment of official court kilns King Seongjong (r. 1469–1494) 21st day of the eighth month of the second year Seonggyungwan White porcelain jar 2 Fourth day of the second month of the ninth year Seonggyungwan Blue-and-white porcelain jar, Large cup with painted decoration 2 each 22nd day of the seventh month of the 20th year Seonggyungwan Blue-and-white porcelain jar(s) unknown Seventh day of the 12th month of the 22nd year Seungjeongwon (承政院, Royal Secretariat) White porcelain cup(s) unknown King Yeonsangun (r. 1494–1506) 29th day of the tenth month of the eighth year of the eighth year Princess Hwisun (徽順公主, born 1495) Jar with painted dragon design Presumed During the reigns of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) and King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469–1494), white porcelain and blue-and-white wares were bestowed seven times on the kindred of the king, court officials, and to the Seonggyungwan (成均館), the national Confucian academy. These royal gifts are recorded as including white porcelain jars and cups, blue-and-white jars, and hwajong (畵鍾), which means “painted cup” and is assumed to refer to blue-and-white porcelain cups. During the reign of King Sejo the official court kilns were yet to be established, so it is uncertain where the blue-and-white items he bestowed were produced. However, according to records from 1461, a poem composed by the king was written on the interior wall of a vessel, which suggests that the gifts were highly likely to have been manufactured in Joseon (Entry for the fourth day of the sixth month of the seventh year, Sejo sillok, vol. 24). Some of the building sites in Cheongjin-dong may have been sites of government offices or residences of royal clansmen or high-level officials, and therefore official porcelain found at the sites would probably have been transmitted through the official means of royal gifting. However, rather than royal bestowal, the main reasons why porcelain from official kilns were disseminated among the public were due to embezzlement, theft, and private commissions. A record in the Jungjong sillok indicates that in 1524, Yi Chim (李忱, 1489–1526), also known as Prince Gyeongmyeong (景明君), who had supervised the Saongwon, misdirected for his personal use official wares such as porcelain jars (Entry for the 27th day of sixth month of the 19th year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 51). It is unknown whether the official porcelain wares referred to in the above record were blue-and-white porcelain. However, it is evident that royal porcelain was pilfered from the court, government offices, and official kilns, and that demand existed for it outside the court. Such abuse of authority could occur relatively easily because production in the Saongwon was mainly managed by high-ranking government officials of the royal family like Prince Gyeongmyeong. Evidence of such irregularities appears regularly in records after the sixteenth century. The outflow of royal porcelain included not only theft of blue-and-white porcelain, but also stemmed from the production of ceramics for personal use at the official kilns in Gwangju (Kim Youngwon 2003, 180–183). It is recorded that in 1540, Han Semyeong (韓世鳴), a junior eighth-ranking bongsa (奉事) official at the Saongwon, ordered potters to manufacture porcelain for his personal use. Although the precise extent of private production is unknown, it would seem that it was not a small amount because the record says that Han collected equal amount of porcelain from each potter (Entry for the 11th day of the fifth month of 35th year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 93). Moreover, the Jungjong sillok recounts that even people in Hamgyeong-do Province and military border districts purchased and used porcelain from Gwangju (Entries for the sixth day of the second month of the 23th year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 60; 18th day of the eighth month of the 33rd year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 88). This suggests that porcelain wares produced for private ends were being sold by government officials. In addition, the Gyeonhan jamnok (遣閑雜錄), an assortment of writings by Sim Sugyeong (沈守慶, 1516–1599), records that Sim Ilseung (沈日昇), a junior ninth-ranking chambong (參奉) official who was a superintendent and at the same time an overseer (監造官, gamjogwan) of the Saongwon, requested that his uncle Sim Sugyeong compose a poem so he could have a saucer produced with the poem inscribed on it. A shard of a rimmed dish featuring this poem in iron underglaze was recovered from Cheongjin-dong, thereby demonstrating that official court kilns did produce porcelain for private use, and that these wares were distributed among the general populace. The official court wares discovered from sites within the city wall of Seoul therefore include not only royal gifts, but possibly also wares that were pilfered from the court, government offices, and official kilns. A point worthy of note is that a far greater quantity of blue-and-white wares were excavated from the Cheongjin-dong area, where licensed shops were located, than from other areas. Based on historical records, it is assumed that the buildings in Cheongjin-dong once housed the annexes of government offices, residences of government officials and licensed merchants, as well as the palace estates of royal family members. Since such places were part of the official circulation routes of blue-and-white porcelain, the chances of discovering blue-and-white wares here are higher. Moreover, the licensed merchants who resided near centers of licensed shops had close ties with the political elite of the time, and thus it was likely possible for them to obtain blue-and-white porcelain through unofficial means such as private production or embezzlement (Park Pyeongsik 2009, 137). Blue-and-white porcelain excavated from Cheongjin-dong appears to have been circulated outside of the court through such routes. Moreover, in Cheongjin-dong, metalware, stationary goods made of stone, and Chinese ceramics were discovered together with blue-andwhite porcelain, a fact which further supports the notion that people residing in this area had the wealth and drive to pursue higher culture. Conclusion Excavations carried out inside the city wall of Seoul have provided an opportunity to examine the characteristics and consumption patterns of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century blue-and-white porcelain. Excavations have been conducted in various areas of the city. However, the discovery of blue-and-white porcelain from the early Joseon period has been restricted to areas housing former government offices or portions of their surroundings. It is notable that a greater amount of blue-and-white porcelain has been excavated from the Cheongjin-dong area, which encompassed a marketplace of licensed shops. Most of the blue-and-white porcelain wares recovered from Cheongjin-dong comprised jars and rimmed dishes, and this is in accordance with surviving examples of blue-and-white porcelain. This paper examined jar shards with dragon and cloud design by making a comparison between heirlooms and their excavated counterparts and suggested that the shards could be the actual models for the illustration of a dragon jar featured in the Gukjo oryeui. Moreover, the sophisticated decorations on the shards, including plum and bamboo, fish, bird and flower, and crab motifs, conform to records stating that these designs were executed by court painters. Thus they can be expected to serve as resources for further studies on early Joseon paintings. The use of blue-and-white porcelain was, at least officially, limited to the royal court and ruling class. Nevertheless, blue-and-white porcelain wares were misdirected due to systematic irregularities at the Saongwon and corruption among related officials, as well as private commissions. By investigating the rimmed dish with an inscription of a poem featured in Sim Sugyeong’s book among other cases, it is proposed that the blue-and-white porcelain wares found in the Cheongjin-dong area were products of the official court kilns and that they may have been manufactured and used for private purposes.

True-view landscape paintings of the late Joseon Dynasty represent an important artistic trend in the history of Korean culture. While there is nothing extraordinary about Joseon artists painting their native land, the development of true-view landscape painting, including the work of Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676-1759; sobriquet, Gyeomjae), is considered a landmark in the literary and artistic history of the late Joseon Dynasty. One reason is that it represents a quantum leap from the early-Joseon mode of landscape painting, which was largely inspired by Chinese styles from the Song and Ming dynasties. The emergence of true-view landscape painting (眞景山水畵, jingyeong sansuhwa), therefore, embodies the will of contemporary Korean artists to turn their attention back to their native land, refusing to follow Chinese ideals of landscape beauty. Ultimately, it was a notable shift from illusionary idealism to truthful realism. Above all, the real significance of true-view landscape painting is found in the painters’ abandonment of a long-established mannerism to create an art form that could best express the reality of their beloved homeland. Hence, in terms of cultural history, at least, greater value is placed on paintings with place names in their titles. True-view landscape painting enjoyed a surge in popularity in the 18th century, during which a vast number of great painters were produced under the influence of Jeong Seon. The ideology behind this new mode of painting and its formal characteristics were consistent with Silhak (實學), the school of “practical learning,” which advocated values like reality, originality, unrestrained expression of sensibilities, and pursuit of a “Joseon style,” as well as other new trends of the time in literature, music and the performing arts.1 Recently, old literary anthologies from the late Joseon Dynasty have been newly found or rediscovered in substantial numbers. These books contain numerous poems, afterwords and critiques about paintings, many of which are art and literature theories on the subject of true-view landscape painting.2 In addition, scholars of Korean painting history tend to show increased reliance on literature for their research, and are also eager to discover new literary materials on painting. It is a beneficial trend that will enrich materials for historical research. Writings that combine the subjects of literature and painting, however, often run the risk of disregarding the fundamental difference between these two fields of study. While poems (題詩), colophons (跋文), and critiques (畵評) about paintings are primary sources in literature, they are only secondary sources in art history. To take an example, few of the landscape paintings of Jeong Seon are a faithful depiction of the actual scenery. Specifically, his paintings of the Diamond Mountain (金剛山, Mt. Geumgang or Geumgangsan, located in today’s North Korea), while bearing the most salient features of his artistic style, show the greatest degree of distortion and modification. Yet his contemporaries lavished praise on his works with such false descriptions as: “exact likeness (形似, hyeongsa)” that reveals “both physical (形神) and spiritual qualities (神似)” of the subject; “corporeal expression of emotional resonance (傳神)” of the majestic scenery; or “great accuracy (寫眞)” that reveals the psychological meaning embedded in the subject.” In some extreme cases, expressions like “complete mirror image (臨鏡寫照)” or “lifelike illusion (眞幻)” are exaggerations that are pure fantasy. While some of these descriptions are almost fictional, they may have some importance to literature. But as a reference for art history, the wording often serves as an obstacle for objective analysis of individual paintings as it can lead to false interpretations. Korean ink and wash landscape painting has limitations in expressing the color and texture of the landscape due to some innate properties of the materials. For example, Samil Lake (三曰浦, a lake near Haegeum River in North Korea) was extolled for its deep blue color and glossy surface, often likened to a woman of sumptuous beauty. When Shim Sajeong (沈師正, 1707-1769; sobriquet, Hyeonjae) painted the place, he chose pale jade-green paper, probably taking the colors of the sky and water into account. In the painting he created, however, using hemp-fiber strokes (披麻皴) with the dry-brush technique (渴筆) and light colors, there is nothing sumptuous about the lake. The white clouds, blue sky, green woods and the water reflecting them were not expressed in the vivid colors we would see in the actual scenery. The same applies to Jeong Seon’s paintings of Samil Lake created around the same time.3 The weakness of ink landscapes by the two Joseon masters is apparent when compared with a painting of the same subject using Western materials, “Samil Lake” (三日浦, Samilpo, acrylic on canvas, 112 x 145 cm, private collection) from 1999 by Kang Yobae. Employing a bird’s-eye view (俯瞰視), Kang depicted the lake with a pale sun and early moon reflected on the water. From this color painting it is possible to truly appreciate the actual scenic beauty of the lake. This shortcoming of ink landscape painting is confirmed again when it is compared with Dutch landscape paintings of the 17th century and later works from Europe. While I traveled around the Netherlands in the summer of 2007, I saw “View of Delft” (oil on canvas, 96.5 x 115.7 cm, Mauritshuis Museum, The Hague) painted in 1660-1661 by Johannes Vermeer (1632-1675). Impressed, I went right away to see the actual site. It was as if the cityscape along the canal under the clear sky had been preserved just as it was depicted in the 17th-century landscape painting. It occurred to me that the landscape I had seen in the painting must be an illusion (幻影) but a truly lifelike illusion (眞幻) of the scenery that I was looking at with my own eyes.4 This realistic style influenced 18th-century Chinese and Japanese oil paintings and etchings. Major Chinese examples are oil paintings like “Emperor Qianlong on the Archery Field” (乾隆射箭圖) by Jean-Denis Attiret (王致誠, 1702-1768) and “Dyeing Factory” (織染工場) by an unknown artist.5 In the Edo period, Japan, Shiba Kokan (司馬江漢, 1747-1818) was a famous Western-style artist. His engravings like “The View from Mimeguri” (三圍景, 1783) and “Mt. Fuji in Suruga Province” (駿州八部富士, post 1787) reveal the strong influence of Dutch painting.6 Painting in 18th-century Joseon also went through new changes,7 but with few elements of European influence.8 Although three-dimensional shading and perspective were partly employed, neither color etchings nor oil paintings were produced as in Edo Japan and Qing China. Instead, the true-view landscape paintings of Jeong Seon and many of his contemporaries became a fixed trend, achieving a unique Joseon style. It is my personal belief that Joseon true-view landscape painting deserves a place in the world history of art. To prove my point, I attempted a comparison of the work of Paul Cézanne (1839-1906), credited as the father of modern Western painting, with that of Jeong Seon.9 In the summer of 2001, I visited southern France, the home of the French artist. While analyzing the multiple viewpoints and bird’s-eye view employed in his landscapes, I realized that it was the viewpoint (視方式) and angle of view (畵角) that make Korean true-view landscape painting so original. The idea for this paper was formed during that trip. II CLOSE, OR NOT SO CLOSE, TO REALITY I visited many of the places depicted in the true-view landscape paintings of the late Joseon Dynasty—including the Yeongnam region in 1980 and the Diamond Mountain in 1998—to compare the paintings with the actual scenes they represent.10 After the field surveys, I classified the paintings into two categories. One category is paintings that bear no resemblance to the place identified in the title. In this case, it is presumed the artist painted from memory a short time or a long time after visiting the place. The second category is paintings that bear a close resemblance to the place identified in the title. In this case, the artist is presumed to have made a full sketch, or at least a rough draft, on the spot and completed the painting later elsewhere. Interestingly, this classification also applies to 20th-century landscapes of the Diamond Mountain, to which painters from South Korea have limited access.11 These two categories also represent two different methods typically adopted when painting a given subject. One is “representation” of the external appearance. In theories of Asian painting, it is close to the concept of hyeongsa (形似, realism), making a copy of what is physically visible. The other is “expression” of the artist’s emotional response to the subject, which is close to the concept of saui (寫意, impressions), emphasis of the psychological meaning associated with the subject. Based on this distinction, painting from memory is a method inclined to emotional expression, while painting from real life promotes accurate representation. As is widely known, Jeong Seon was by far the most talented and prolific painter of true-view landscape painting. He brought the new style to perfection, and the majority of existing paintings of the kind are attributed to him. In this paper as well, Jeong Seon accounts for the greatest portion of the chapters about individual artists grouped together by style.12 This imbalance implies the unrivaled status that Jeong Seon occupied in true-view landscape painting. He excelled in style and artistry, as well as in choice of place. There were few sites of scenic beauty in Joseon that he did not explore. From the Diamond Mountain to Gwandong palgyeong (關東八景, the eight most scenic spots in eastern Korea), he painted all the most beautiful and famous sites, including the temples, Confucian academies, and provincial government offices he came across during his painting trips. In Seoul as well, either on commission or for pure joy, he painted a variety of famous places as well as houses, villas, and offices along the Han River (漢江), including Cheongsong Pavilion (靑松) and Jangdong palgyeong (壯洞八景, the eight most scenic spots in Jangdong, Seoul).13 Afterwards, Jeong’s followers and literati painters like Shim Sajeong and Yi Insang (李麟祥 1710-1760; sobriquet, Neunghogwan) broadened the potential of true-view landscape painting by introducing diverse stylistic elements. Succeeding this tradition, Kim Hongdo (金弘道, 1745-?; sobriquet, Danwon) made groundbreaking achievements for further development.14 Even so, Jeong’s work still serves as the standard for analyzing works of these subsequent painters. To Jeong, great accuracy of depiction was not of pivotal importance. True-view landscape painters can be divided into two groups: those who painted like Jeong Seon and those who painted with a close resemblance to reality. Kim Hongdo, with his superb skill for faithful depiction, falls under the second category. Considered chronologically, Jeong Seon’s style, which made bold modifications to the actual scenery, dominated the early 18th century (reign of King Yeongjo, 1724-1776), and Kim’s style, faithful to reality, prevailed in the late 18th century (reign of King Jeongjo, 1776-1800).15 Years ago, I sorted out this idea with the following statement: “King Yeongjo’s reign coincides with the age of Jeong Seon, who produced the solemn, early classical style, and King Jeongjo’s reign coincides with the age of Kim Hongdo, who created the varied and cheerful, late classical style based on complete internalization of the earlier style. In its last phase, the style of the golden age declined into mannerism. Just as late Joseon painting was hallmarked by the emergence of true-view landscape painting, the course of the former followed the development, sophistication and decline of the latter.”16 At the time, I had a debate with Professor Shim Gwang-hyeon (沈光鉉) on the social phenomena and cultural and artistic changes related with this topic.17 Later, I also attempted a different classification into Daoist and realistic true-view landscape painters. I placed Jeong Seon and his followers, Yi Insang, and Yun Jehong (尹濟弘, 1764-?; sobriquet, Haksan) in the first category, and Shim Sajeong and Kim Hongdo in the second.18 While looking through numerous true-view landscape paintings in preparation for this paper, I reconsidered this topic and came to the assumption that Jeong Seon’s unrealistic landscapes were mostly painted from memory, while Kim Hongdo’s realistic landscapes were recreated from actual scenery. Based on this assumption, I examined the difference in composition between the memory-dependent Daoist landscapes and the site-dependent realistic landscapes. I found out that the paintings fell under one of two types: those where the whole scene could be framed within the viewfinder of a 35mm camera and those where it could not. Jeong Seon’s landscape paintings usually depict a scene that cannot be captured with a lens of 28-50mm focal length. Only a wide-angle lens shorter than 28mm or a panoramic lens can contain the scene in one frame. On the contrary, most scenes in Kim Hongdo’s works can be framed in the viewfinder of a camera with a 35-50mm lens, which is similar to the angle of view employed in European paintings of the 17th-19th centuries. This experiment shows how a viewpoint—such as a bird’s-eye view, multiple viewpoints, a moving viewpoint—and the angle of view can serve as criteria to distinguish between painting from actual scenery and painting from memory. Viewing the landscape is as creative an act as painting it.19 Landscapes have such great significance to humans as places for living that the choice of site, along with the viewpoint and the scope of the captured scene is a meaningful standard for appraising a landscape painting. Scholars of civil engineering and landscape studies claim that the human vertical and horizontal fields of view are 10° and 20°, respectively. Roughly speaking, it is an area covered by the hands with arms stretched out in front.20 Our field of view is much narrower than we presume. Given this fact, Jeong Seon had a field of view five times wider than normal. It is commonly said that when we look ahead fixedly at a certain object, the widest range of vision is 60°. However, the Korea Ophthalmological Society claims that an adult can see as wide as 150° and children 130°.21 Back to the first claim, if humans can see 60° in the horizontal field with ease, this is equivalent to the angle of view covered by a 35mm lens. A 50mm standard lens generally covers 46°; 28mm and 17mm wide-angle lenses 75° and 104°, respectively; and 85mm and 135mm telephoto lenses 29° and 18°, respectively.22 With this information, I set off to analyze true-view landscape paintings one by one on the actual sites. On previous field trips I used to carry a camera with a 50mm standard lens and 35mm and 28mm wide-angle lenses. For a trip to the Diamond Mountain in August 1998, however, I carried a 180° panoramic lens, too. III PAINTERS WHO RELIED ON MEMORY Like their master Jeong Seon, some of his followers relied on memory at the expense of accuracy: Choe Buk (崔北, 1712-1786; sobriquet, Hosaenggwan), Jeong Hwang (鄭榥, 1735-?; sobriquet, Sonam), Kim Eunghwan (金應煥, 1742-1789; sobriquet, Bokheon), and Sin Hakgwon (申鶴權, 1785-1866, sobriquet, Doam). But another group of Jeong’s followers showed interest in accurate description: Kim Yun-gyeom (金允謙, 1711-1775; sobriquet, Jinjae) and Jeong Chungyeop (鄭忠燁, 1725-?; sobriquet, Yiho). Some literati painters also preferred to paint from memory: Yi Insang, Heo Pil (許佖, 1709-1761; sobriquet, Yeongaek), Yi Yunyeong (李胤永, 1714-1759; sobriquet, Danneung), Yun Jehong (尹濟弘, 1764~?; sobriquet, Haksan), and Yi Bang-un (李昉運, 1761-?; sobriquet, Giya). Consequently, their works bear a similar level of resemblance to the actual scenery in Jeong Seon’s work, that is, less than 50 percent. 01 JEONG SEON It seems that Jeong Seon was not interested in depicting the actual scenery as faithfully as possible. With one or two exceptions such as “After Rain at Mt. Inwang” (仁王霽色圖, Inwangjesaekdo, ink on paper, 79.2 x 138.2 cm, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art), most of his landscape paintings bear little resemblance to the actual scenery, probably because he painted mostly from memory. Jeong’s landscape paintings have deep emotional resonance because they express not only the actual topography of the site but also the artist’s impression or feelings about the landscape. A good example is “Bagyeon Falls” (朴淵瀑圖, Bagyeonpokdo, ink on paper, 119.5 x 52 cm, private collection) painted in the 1750s. The water crashing down from the falls has been expressed magnificently on the paper. By painting the falls twice as long as they are in reality and heightening the contrast of black ink and white paper, he managed to capture even the roaring sound of the water on a two-dimensional plane.23 The act of painting from memory involves a high degree of perception by the brain. Indeed, to recall shapes, looks, or sounds (of the falls, for example) is a highly intellectual process. Jeong was also a man of letters, well versed in the Chinese classics. A number of literary records refer to him as “a scholar devoted to The Book of Changes (周易) and The Doctrine of the Mean (中庸),” and state that his painting style was largely influenced by theories expounded in these works.24 The genealogical record of his family states that he wrote the book The Illustrated Account of the Book of Changes (圖說經解).25 The disparity in physical features between his landscape paintings and the actual scene was in fact a dominant style in the early Joseon period. To take his earlier work as an example, “Seongnyu Cave” (聖留窟, Seongnyugul, ink and light colors on paper, 27.3 x 28.5 cm, Kansong Art Museum), painted in the 1730s-40s, features at its center a rocky peak projecting skyward with small hills on the right and Wangpi River (王避川) on the left. In reality, however, the rocky peak and the adjacent hills are the same height. The exaggeration of the rocky peak at the center is in accordance with the composition of traditional landscapes. The surface of the rock was painted darker with repeated ink retouches, a technique originated from the axe-cut texture stroke (斧劈皴法) of the Chinese Northern School of painting. On the contrary, the hemp-fiber strokes and various dot texture strokes used to depict the earthy hills are techniques of the Chinese Southern School. Jeong Seon thus combined the two distinct styles to create his own original one.26 He also used this combination of techniques when painting other subjects, such as Danbal Ridge (斷髪嶺), various peaks of the Inner Diamond Mountain, the periphery of Mt. Inwang, and the Han River. 1) Landscape From a Bird’s-Eye View Painted in 1734, “General View of Mt. Geumgang” (金剛全圖, Geumgangjeondo, ink and light color on paper, 130.7 x 59 cm, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art) is a masterpiece of landscape painting by Jeong Seon. Some have attempted to analyze this painting based on the Book of Changes, focusing on the circular composition of the taegeuk (太極, taiji, or the Great Ultimate) as well as the yin-yang contrast of the dot texture strokes (rendered pressing the brush sideways) for the earthy mountains and the vertical strokes (rendered holding the brush vertically) for the rocky mountains.27 Others have compared the rhythm of his brushstrokes to the prosody of Jeongcheol’s (鄭澈, 1536x1593; sobriquet, Songgang) poetry, which has a 4(3)-3 meter.28 As these extraordinary efforts indicate, Jeong’s style embraced these contrasting elements with intriguing harmony: rhythmical expression of emotion and logical reinterpretation of those feelings. It’s almost certain he was an artist with a cool head and a warm heart. “General View of Mt. Geumgang” clearly shows the artist’s boldness in reconfiguring the scenery, using an unusual viewpoint—an aerial view—as if he had flown high into the sky and looked down on the entire mountain range with his head turning 360°, just like an owl. While the peaks in the upper middle section are seen from the front view, the rugged peaks on the sides are seen from the side. Together, the cluster of peaks creates a circular composition, which is quite a logical arrangement. In addition, the peaks rising one above another have been described with a high-distance perspective (高遠法). This unique viewpoint and composition emphasize the solemn beauty of the mountain and the originality of the artist (Figure 1). ( Figure 1 ) “General View of Mt. Geumgang” (金剛全圖), Jeong Seon, 1734, ink and light color on paper, 130.7 (h) x 59 (w) cm, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art Although this painting does not name the peaks, focusing only on its aesthetic aspect, some of Jeong’s other paintings of the same mountain name various spots, for example, “Complete View of the Inner Mt. Geumgang” (金剛內山總圖, Geumgangsan naechongdo, 1711), part of The Album of Paintings of Geumgangsan in Autumn (楓嶽圖帖, Pungakdocheop, ink and light color on silk, 36 x 37.4 cm, National Museum of Korea) and “Complete Survey of the Inner Mt. Geumgang in Autumn” (楓嶽內山總覽, Pungaknaesan chongnam, 1720s-30s, colors on silk, 100.5 x 73.6 cm, Kansong Art Museum). With names of over 30 spots, including the peaks such as Biro Peak (毘盧峰), Hyeolmang Peak (穴望峰), Sohyangno Peak (小香爐峰), Daehyangno Peak(大香爐峰), and Junghyang Crags (衆香城); valleys of Manpok Valley (萬瀑洞) and Baekcheondong (白川洞); and temples including Jangan Temple (長安寺), Pyohun Temple (表訓寺), and Jeongyang Temple (正陽寺), these paintings are almost like three-dimensional maps. No map before or after Jeong Seon had such detailed information of the mountain. In other words, these comprehensive paintings of the Diamond Mountain have no precedent of any kind. They are a patchwork of memories of spots surveyed by the artist. Of course, Jeong’s memory must have failed him sometimes, resulting in the wrong position or different shape of a certain peak or spot. Saja Cliff (獅子岩) in the “General View of Mt. Geumgang” would be a good example. The bird’s-eye view of the beautiful mountain captured in a circular composition contains all the peaks, valleys, and temples that Jeong visited on foot and memorized in his head. From Jangan Temple at the foot of the mountain to the highest Biro Peak, his viewpoint moved as he traveled. This way, he created a very original style that captured a wide expanse of mountain within a single frame. It is a wonderful idea that strikes a chord with anyone who has wished to see the whole spectacular mountain in one sight. This creative style is so closely associated with Koreans’ collective impression of the mountain that Jeong’s paintings of the Diamond Mountain have been loved by many people past and present. When compared with the actual landscape, the top section of “General View of Mt. Geumgang” (with Biro Peak surrounded by Junghyang Crags) is similar to the scenery as viewed from Bangu Cliff (盤龜臺). The only difference is that Biro Peak, the main peak of the mountain, has a rather round top in the painting (Figure 2). In spite of its similarity to the real scene, the bird’s-eye view indicates that the painting was based on the artist’s memories, considering the impossibility of the painter flying up like a kite or a bird to get a view of this vast mountain from the sky. In short, Jeong used both his feet and his imagination to create this breathtaking painting. ( Figure 2 ) Biro Peak (毘盧峯) surrounded by Junghyang Crags (衆香城) in “General View of Mt. Geumgang” In Biro Peak (毘盧峯, Birobong, ink on paper, 34.8 x 25.5 cm, private collection), which Jeong painted in the 1730s, the main peak has been extremely exaggerated, shooting skyward above the rugged crags of Junghyang Crags, perhaps in an attempt to emphasize the main peak’s towering presence. The painter’s whimsical boldness in wielding his brush is wonderfully expressed in a poem by his close friend Yi Byeongyeon (李秉淵, 1671-1751; sobriquet, Sacheon). An album of paintings and poetry, Transmission of the Spirit of the Ocean and Mountains (海岳傳神帖, Haeak jeonsincheop) contains the poem “My Friend Jeong Seon Paints Biro Peak in a Sea of Mist (鄭元伯霧中畵毘盧峯),” which reads as follows: “My friend Jeong Seon doesn’t even carry a brush. He steals one from me whenever he feels inclined to paint. Since his return from the Diamond Mountain, his brushstrokes have grown bold to the point of arrogance …”29 A line at the end of the same poem—“Full of mirth, he put aside the brush and just enjoyed himself in the mountain”—shows that the painter was more interested in enjoying the scenery than making sketches. A decade ago, an American art historian and a geographer from Germany conducted a joint study to find the possible spot from which Jeong Seon painted the Diamond Mountain. This involved creating a three-dimensional version of a map of the mountain.30 The painting under investigation was “General View of the Inner Mt. Geumgang” (金剛內山全圖, Geumgang naesan jeondo, colors on ink, 33.3 x 54.8 cm, Monastery of St. Ottilien). Painted in the 1730s-40s, this painting depicts the inner part of the mountain, similar to Jeong’s 1742 work “Inner Mt. Geumgang” (金剛內山, Geumgang naesan, ink and light colors on silk, 32.6 x 49.5 cm, Kansong Art Museum). On the far right side of the canvas is Jangan Temple, and next to it, to the left, are Pyohun Temple and Jeongyang Temple. The earthen peaks, where several temples are nestled, are rendered with dot texture strokes and placed at the bottom and on the left of the canvas, encircling the rocky peaks in the middle. The two scholars reported the result of their study as “disappointing.” Even with a map of the hypothetical topography, created by exaggerating the heights of the peaks, they could not find a single point that gave them a complete view of the entire area as depicted in the painting. This result confirms Jeong Seon’s unique viewpoint—the combination of a bird’s-eye view and a multiple viewpoint. 2) A Multiple Viewpoint and a Moving Point of View Jeong Seon used a bird’s-eye view, a multiple viewpoint (多視點) and a moving point of view (視點移動), all in one painting. The combination of viewpoints is easily found in his paintings of the entire mountain viewed from Danbal Ridge, as well as other paintings of Jangan Temple and Jeongyang Temple and Manpok Valley and Baekcheondong valleys. Unlike “General View of Mt. Geumgang,” these paintings reveal the painter’s original way of viewing the subject. It is as if the artist painted them while moving in the sky above the scenery. The Album of Paintings of the Mt. Geumgang in Autumn, completed in 1711, includes a painting that Jeong Seon created after returning from his first trip to the mountain: “Mt. Geumgang Viewed from Danbal Ridge” (斷髪嶺望金剛山, Danballyeongmang geumgangsan, ink and light colors on silk, 34.3 x 39 cm, National Museum of Korea). He painted the same scene 10-20 years later, and in the later version, titled “General View of Mt. Geumgang Viewed from Danbal Ridge” (斷髪嶺望金剛全圖, Danballyeongmang Geumgang jeondo, ink on paper, 25.7 x 28.5 cm, National Museum of Korea), the hill is lower and the mountain much higher. The painting dates to the 1730s, when the artist was in his late 40s or 50s. In reality, however, the mountain is barely visible from the hill. Many years after he had explored every nook and cranny of the mountain, Jeong might have found the mountain in his memory so imposing that he depicted it as clearly visible from the faraway hill. The later version, “General View of Mt. Geumgang Viewed from Danbal Ridge” has two distinct sections: the hill on the right is depicted as if viewed from below, from the foot of the hill, while the mountain on the left is a distant bird’s-eye view. There are three people at the top of the hill. Two of them are holding a piece of drawing paper. The third, presumed to be Jeong Seon himself, is painting the distant mountain with his back to the viewer. Dressed in a horsehair hat and white robe, the painter must have made some preliminary sketches on the spot, admiring the view spread out before him. The scene has a horizontal field of view close to 90°, meaning the entire scene could be framed by a wide-angle lens with a focal length of less than 28mm. No painter before Jeong Seon had thought of adopting this wide range of field. “Bihong Bridge at Jangan Temple” (長安寺飛虹橋, Jangansa Bihonggyo, colors on silk, 32 x 24.8 cm, Kansong Art Museum) from 1742, included in the Transmission of the Spirit of the Ocean and Mountains, gives a detailed view of the temple, similar to the simplified version that forms part of the 1734 work “General View of Mt. Geumgang.” The painting of the bridge at the foot of the mountain aptly illustrates how the painter used a moving point of view. Today, the arched bridge has been replaced by a horizontal concrete bridge, and only the site of the temple remains. However, a photograph of Jangan Temple taken in the 1930s shows that it was quite similar to the temple depicted in the painting. One obvious difference is the two-storey pavilion near the bridge, which is far closer to the water in the painting than in the photograph. In the “Bihong Bridge…” painting the scenery is viewed from higher up in the sky, compared with the corresponding scene in “General View…” Jeong’s confidence and dexterity in brushstrokes resulted in the masterpiece expressed with an excellent gradation of ink. Somewhere in the wooded peaks on the left of the canvas would be a path to Jeongyang Temple, and on the right, across the stream, we can see a path up to Janggyeong Peak and Myeonggyeong Cliff. This composition is very similar to the view I saw at Jangan Temple site. However, the peaks in the background, including the faintly distant view of Gwaneum Peak (觀音峯) at the center, are twice as high as the actual peaks. In this painting, following the ever-changing perspective of the painter, there are three distinct viewpoints: 1) Bihong Bridge viewed while approaching it from Naegang-ri; 2) Jangan Temple viewed from Bihong Bridge; and 3) Gwaneum Peak viewed from Jangan Temple. In 1998, I took two photographs at the site using a 35mm wide-angle lens, one of the temple bridge taken at a point downstream of the river and the other of the distant peak framed from the temple site. These two photographs represent the first and third viewpoints described above, while a photograph of Jangan Temple taken in the 1930s represents the second viewpoint. To reproduce the three separate viewpoints of the painting, the three photographs would have to be combined somehow in one frame. This analysis shows that Jeong Seon used a combination of a few different viewpoints recomposed in a bird’s-eye view (Figure 3). ( Figure 3 ) Comparison of Jeong Seon’s moving viewpoints. Left: “Bihong Bridge at Jangan Temple” (長安寺飛虹橋), Jeong Seon, from Transmission of the Spirit of the Ocean and Mountains (海岳傳神帖, Haeak jeonsincheop), 1742, color on silk, 32 (h)x 24.8 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum Top right: A picture of Gwaneum Peak, taken by the author from Jangan Temple Center right: 1930s photograph of Jangan Temple Bottom right: Bihong Bridge at the entrance to Jangan Temple Painted in the 1740s, the fan painting “Jeongyang Temple” (扇面正陽寺, ink and light color on paper, 22 x 61 cm, National Museum of Korea) has a complete view of the Inner Diamond Mountain, with the temple as the main subject. The temple is nestled in one of the wooded peaks on the left, over which rocky crags are spread wide to cover the entire fan. The painter’s signature (謙老) and the title of the painting at the top left indicate that this is one of his later works. Depicting Jeongyang Temple and the entire inner mountain viewed from Cheonil Cliff (天一臺), the painting clearly reveals the artist’s skill in capturing an extensive range of view (Figure 4). ( Figure 4 ) “Jeonggyang Temple” (扇面正陽寺), Jeong Seon, 1740s, ink and light color on paper, 22 (h) x 61 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea A group of people, probably the painter and his party of travelers, is seen under the fir trees on Cheonil Cliff in the lower middle part of the fan. The field of view from the cliff that encompasses all the inner part of the mountain—including the peaks of Biro Peak, Junghyang Crags, Hyeolmang Peak, Daehyangno Peak and Sohyangno Peak—is almost 180°. The painter must have looked around the vast landscape turning his head from left to right, and then depicted them all in one scene. The painter’s group is pictured as seen from Banggwang Cliff (放光臺), the smaller peak of dotted texture at the far right bottom. In sum, this painting consists of three different viewpoints—the temple viewed from the cliff at the center; the rocky crags viewed from the same cliff; and the group of people viewed from the smaller cliff on the far right. All these different viewpoints are combined to produce a spectacular bird’s-eye view. There is no way to have this kind of view at any point on the land, which means this painting is a product of the painter’s imagination (Figure 5). ( Figure 5 ) Left: Inner Mt. Geumgang from Jeonggyang Temple, showing angle of view and viewpoint and comparison with real scenery Top right: Photo of Inner Mt. Geumgang taken by the author from the Heolseong Pavilion site Bottom right: 1930s photo of Heolseong Pavilion and Inner Mt. Geumgang The two-storey structure in the temple complex shown in the painting is Heolseong Pavilion (歇惺樓). When I visited the Diamond Mountain in 1998, I took a picture of the inner mountain from the site of the now non-existent pavilion. However, neither my photograph of the pavilion nor the one taken in the 1930s can capture the mountain in the background as magnificently as the painting. Although I tried both a 20mm wide-angle lens and a panoramic camera, the trees on the border of the pavilion site have grown so high that a wide view of the mountain was impossible to obtain. Then, I realized that the landscape reconfigured based on the painter’s memory and imagination delivered a sense of reality even stronger than photographs. The moving, multiple points of view employed in this painting is of great significance in understanding Jeong Seon’s landscape painting because this style is reflected in his masterpiece “General View of Mt. Geumgang” to a more amplified effect. In addition, it is quite reasonable to assume that his many other paintings depicting the general view of the mountain were also conceived on the cliff or the pavilion described in this painting. When compared with “Jeongyang Temple” (ink and light color on paper, 56 x 42.8 cm, Kansong Art Museum),31 part of Album of Paintings of Eight Scenic Spots in Mt. Geumgang (金剛八景圖帖, Geumgang palgyeong docheop) completed in the 1730s-40s, the fan painting indicates that the painter’s memory was sometimes inaccurate. Heolseong Pavilion, nicknamed “the main hall of the Diamond Mountain,” was a one-storey structure, but in this painting it is a two-storey one built on stone pillars. The hexagonal building at the center of the temple is Yaksa Hall (藥師殿), which remains intact today. Although depicting the same temple, the regular paper version has an angle of view half as narrow as that of the fan-painting version. It seems that a 28mm wide-angle lens would be able to frame the entire scenery. The temple is a view from Cheonildae; Biro Peak and the surrounding peaks are partly visible beyond the earthy peaks around the temple. Again, this painting is a combination of two different viewpoints: the temple from the cliff and the top of the mountain from the temple. These two paintings of Jeongyang Temple also incorporate multiple points of view in one frame with yet another viewpoint that integrates all the rest. The mountain peaks are seen from the pavilion at the temple; the pavilion is seen from the cliff at the center with the painter’s group on it; and the group of people is seen from the smaller cliff on the right. Finally, an imaginary third party looks down on all these, including the painter himself. In sum, this is the same style used in the above-mentioned paintings of Jangan Temple and of the Diamond Mountain viewed from Danbal Ridge. This composition represents the simultaneous presence of the spiritual (the third party overlooking the view from above), the human (the painter) and the material (the scenery). I want to link this composition to the thought of Practical Learning or Silhak, an influential school of thought during the time of Jeong Seon, which claimed that there was no distinction between human and material properties.32 I consider this composition to be related with the tradition of East Asian landscape painting, which described scenery not in isolation but with a human presence in the foreground—usually the painter himself with his house or pavilion surrounded by trees or woods. This is in parallel with the attitude of Asian philosophy to see the self and the other, and humans and the environment, not as a confronting pair but as one in harmonious unity. 3) Contracted and Simplified Landscape in a Wide-Angle View As confirmed by his characteristic use of viewpoint, Jeong Seon had an especially wide field of view. In addition, he was also skilled at contracting a wide view onto the narrow canvas. A good example is “After Rain at Mt. Inwang” (仁王霽色圖, Inwangjesaekdo) painted in 1751. One of his greatest masterpieces, this painting is so full of power and vitality that it is hard to believe it is the work of a 75-year-old artist. The massive rocks, rendered dark by repeated ink retouches, stand magnificently above the mist after summer rain (Figure 6). ( Figure 6 ) “After Rain at Mt. Inwang” (仁王霽色圖), Jeong Seon, 1751, ink on paper, 79.2 (h)x 138.2 (w) cm, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art The towering rocks are shrouded in mist at their feet, and the house in the foreground is surrounded by pine trees. This house must be the point from which the painter viewed the mountain. It seems to be located somewhere near Songseok Hill (松石園), halfway between Ongnyu Stream (玉流川) on the left and Cheongpung Valley (淸風溪) on the right. The house and its surroundings look similar to those described in “Samseung Pavilion” (三勝亭, Samseungjeong, 1741, ink and light color on silk, 40 x 66.7 cm, private collection) or “View from Samseung Pavilion” (三勝眺望, Samseung jomang, ink and light color on silk, 39.7 x 66.7 cm, private collection). These paintings were commissioned by Yi Chunje (李春躋, 1692-1761), who wanted Jeong to paint his house. The similarity leads to a presumption that the house might have belonged to Yi, but again, it could have been the artist’s own because it also resembles his house depicted in “The House in the Valley of Mt. Inwang” (仁谷幽居, Ingok yugeo, ink and light color on paper, 27.5 x 27.3 cm, Kansong Art Museum) included in Album of Paintings of Scenic Spots in Seoul and Its Suburbs (京郊名勝帖, Gyeonggyo myeongseungcheop) painted in 1740-41. Regardless of the ownership of the house, the scenery of Mt. Inwang must have been very familiar to Jeong Seon because he lived in its vicinity in the Ogin-dong neighborhood.33 Perhaps, the familiarity explains why among all Jeong’s true-view landscape paintings this one of Mt. Inwang bears the closest resemblance to the actual scenery. Nevertheless, the actual view captured in the painting is much wider than what the human eye can take in from any spot as close to the mountain as the house depicted. To frame such a wide view on the canvas, the horizontal range of the mountain has been considerably contracted, especially to the left of the bald peak. In reality, to capture the entire range as in the painting, the horizontal angle of view needs to be almost 150° from the house (Figure 7). From that point, the mountain cannot be framed with a 20mm wide-angle lens, while it can be from a spot 200-300m farther away using a 35mm lens. In the latter case, however, the peaks in the middle become too small, and almost half of the scenery gets hidden by the hills of Cheongpung Valley. But in the painting this part is not hidden because of the bird’s-eye view. If the point of view is moved to the left toward Ongnyu Stream, the mountain ridge can be fully captured with a panorama camera, framing at last the full scope of the painting without contracting the middle. To capture a similar scene to the painting, that is, the main peaks looming large in the middle and the right part of the mountain not hidden by Cheongpung Valley, the viewer has to be standing at least 500-600m farther away, maybe halfway up Mt. Baegak on the opposite side of Mt. Inwang, and use a 50mm standard lens or a 85mm telephoto lens (Figure 8). ( Figure 7 ) Top: Angle of view of “After Rain at Mt. Inwang” Bottom: Photo of Mt. Inwang taken by the author from Songseogwon in 2007 ( Figure 8 ) Top: Detail of main peak and Cheongpung Valley in “After Rain at Mt. Inwang” Bottom: Photo of main peak and Cheongpung Valley at Mt. Inwang taken by the author in 1995 As a depiction of Seoul within the city walls as seen from the foot of Mt. Inwang, “View from Samseung Pavilion” (1741) shares the same theme with two paintings of the same period: “Seoul Wrapped in Mist under the Moon” (長安烟月, Jangannyeonwol) and “Seoul Wrapped in Mist after Rain” (長安烟雨, Jangannyeonu, ink on paper, 30.1 x 39.9 cm, Kansong Art Museum)—both included in Album of Paintings of Scenic Spots in Seoul and Its Suburbs. In these paintings as well, a wide range of field has been skillfully contracted with Mt. Namsan flanked by distant views of Namhansan Fortress and Mt. Gwanak. This is a range wider than the 150° horizontal angle from Mt. Inwang, a range which it would only be possible to capture with a panoramic lens. The same is true for “Lake Mi” (渼湖, Miho) and “Gwang Ferry” (廣津, Gwangjin, color on silk, 20.2 x 31.5 cm, Kansong Art Museum). The views along the Han River depicted in these paintings could only be captured from the opposite side of the river. Assuming that the artist was standing on the bank or a boat on the water, the horizontal angle of view is around 100-120° in both paintings. In some other cases, such a wide angle of view is even combined with a bird’s-eye view. For example, in “Yanghwa Ferry” (楊花津, Yanghwajin, ink and light color on silk, 33.3 x 24.7 cm, private collection), part of the 1740s Album of Paintings of Eight Scenic Spots on Yangcheon (陽川八景帖, Yangcheon palgyeong cheop) two distinctly contradicting viewpoints have been combined. In reality, the silhouette of Namsan can only look so high when viewed from a farther spot lower down, while the buildings behind Jamdu Peak (蠶頭峰) are only visible in such a way when viewed from extremely high up in the sky. Jeong Seon also painted a panoramic view of the riverside, as in “Sailing Out at Uhwa” (羽化登船, Uhwadeungseon, ink and light color on silk, 33.5 x 94.2 cm) and “Anchoring at Ungyeon” (熊淵繫纜, Ung yeon gyeram, ink and light color on silk, 33.1 x 93.8 cm, private collection), included in Album of Paintings of the Riverside in Imsul Year (壬戌連江帖, Imsul yeon-gang cheop) from 1742. With both banks of the river at the top and bottom of the canvas, this scene must have been framed from a nearby hilltop to include a wide field of view. The album was produced in commemoration of the boating trip taken by Hong Gyeongbo (洪景輔, 1692-1744), governor of Gyeonggi-do, and Sin Yuhan (申維翰, 1681-1752), governor of Yeoncheon. They took the boat ride from Wuhwajeong, the pavilion in Sangnyeong (朔寧) to Wungyeon (熊淵) in Yeoncheon, emulating Su Dongpo’s (蘇東坡, 1036-1101, a famous poet of the Chinese Song Dynasty) boat trip to The Red Cliff (赤壁賦, Chibifu), a battle site. Jeong Seon, then magistrate of Yangcheon, was also invited and painted the journey. Hence the grand-scale landscape paintings also possess a documentary quality. Sometimes, Jeong Seon tried even more extreme contraction of the horizontal range of field to fit a vertically long scroll, as in the 1739 work “Cheongpung Valley” (清風溪, ink and light color on paper, 153.6 x 59 cm, Kansong Art Museum)34 and “Bagyeon Falls,” the 1750s painting discussed above. In both paintings the subject is depicted from a high-distant perspective with repeated ink retouches. “Cheongpung Valley” is notable for its bold contraction of the background scenery, giving a closer view of the valley entrance and also a distant, partial view of Mt. Inwang. “Bagyeon Falls” is a view of a waterfall from below, probably from the pine woods at the bottom left of the canvas. The vertical field of view is almost 90°, an angle that could be framed by a 25mm wide-angle lens, with the camera body rotated. The distance between the rock cliffs on either side has been shortened, so that the falls look twice as long as they do in real life. By doing so, the painter succeeded in capturing not only the grand view of the falls but also its roaring sound. A vertically wide angle of view was also used when depicting a narrow valley with a wide background view, as in “Manpok Valley” (萬瀑洞, 1740s, ink and light color on silk, 33 x 22 cm, Seoul National University Museum). In reality, the composition of the painting cannot be obtained from any spot in the valley. The photograph of Geumgang Cliff (金剛臺) and Bodeok Cave (普德窟) that I took using a 28mm lens and standing at the flat rock in the valley captured only one fifth of the scene in the painting. In fact, the painting seamlessly combines a view of the valley from Cheonghak Cliff on the left, and a view of the distant Biro Peak from the valley. The vertical angle of view amounts to 120° if converted to the horizontal. The painter and his party standing on the flat rock look as if they were viewed from the pine wood below the cliff. “Geumgang Cliff” (金剛臺, Geumgangdae, 1750s, ink and light color on paper, 28.8 x 22 cm, Kansong Art Museum), painted a decade after “Manpok Valley,” captures only part of the same scenery. This time, the angle of view is much narrower and the description is very simple. The horizontal angle of view that includes the two cliffs and the two peaks is about 30°, which can be easily captured with an 85mm or 135mm telephoto lens from a distance. It seems that, after so many years, minor details of the landscape faded from the painter’s memory leaving only the central figures. This simplification, however, greatly enhances the artistry of the work (Figure 9). ( Figure 9 ) Comparison of Jeong Seon’s “Manpok Valley” and “Geumgangdae” Top: “Manpok Valley” (萬瀑洞), 1740s, ink and light color on silk, 33 (h)x 22 (w) cm, Seoul National University Museum Bottom: “Geumgang Cliff” (金剛臺), 1750s, ink and light color on paper, 28.8 (h) x 22 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum “Geumgang Cliff” resembles a modern watercolor, with the two rock cliffs (Cheonghak Cliff on the left and Geumgang Cliff in the middle) rising above the pine woods floating in the foggy mist, and the faintly bluish silhouette of the two peaks at a distance (Daehyangno Peak and Sohyangno Peak). The refreshing view after a misty rain almost gives the impression of sacredness. The transcendental view of two lonesome cliffs shows a new style that Jeong Seon developed in his very late years, an example of which is yet another depiction of “Jeongyang Temple” (正陽寺, Jeongyangsa, ink and light color on silk, 21.9 x 28.8 cm, Kansong Art Museum), depicting a temple nestled snugly in an earthy mountain exquisitely rendered with dot-texture strokes. 02 JEONG SEON’S FOLLOWERS: CHOE BUK, JEONG HWANG, KIM EUNGHWAN True-view landscape painting reached its full potential in the work of Jeong Seon, and was further enriched by his followers. Among them, Choe Buk, Jeong Hwang, Kim Eunghwan and Sin Hakgwon were more committed to imitating the great master’s works than expressing the landscape as close to reality as possible. In doing so, however, they developed their own originality, albeit to a limited extent. The fan painting of “General View of Mt. Geumgang” (扇面金剛全圖, Seonmyeon geumgangjeondo, 1760s-70s) by Choe Buk and “General View of Mt. Geumgang” (金剛全圖, Geumgangjeondo, 1779, Joseon Art Museum in Pyeongyang, North Korea) are straightforward imitations of Jeong’s masterpieces. However, “Pyohun Temple” (表訓寺, Pyohunsa, 1760s-70s, ink and light color on paper, 38.5 × 57.3 cm, private collection) reveals a slight change in style. Choe painted a partial, not a general, view of the Diamond Mountain from a much lower viewpoint. This angle of view results from painting on site, a practice in line with his emulation of Shim Sajeong’s style in the description of mountains and trees. Nevertheless, all three of Choe’s paintings of the Diamond Mountain fail to show the passionate personality of the artist, who, as legend has it, was so mesmerized by the splendor of the mountain that he wanted to throw himself off the top of Guryong Falls. While Choe Buk was not able to go beyond Jeong Seon’s style in painting a general view of the Diamond Mountain, he attempted changes by learning from Shim Sajeong and pursued a style of his own. Kim Hongdo and Yi Inmun (李寅文, 1745-1821; sobriquet, Gosongnyusugwan doin) also struck out to develop their own styles. Others who followed Jeong’s style of choosing impression over accuracy sometimes showed interest in accurate description of the actual landscape. They are Kim Yun-gyeom, Jeong Chungyeop, Kim Yuseong (金有聲, 1725-?; sobriquet, Seoam), and Kim Eunghwan (金應煥). Kim Eunghwan’s 1722 painting “General View of Mt. Geumgang” (ink on paper, 22.3 x 35.2cm, collection of Park Juhwan of Seoul), which he gave to his friend Kim Hongdo, is a complete copy of Jeong Seon's painting of the same name. However, when he and Kim Hongdo went to paint the same mountain in 1788 under King Jeongjo’s command, his approach was a little different. As a result, “Heolseong Pavilion,” “Chilbo Cliff (七寶臺, Chilbodae),” “Ongnyu Valley (玉流洞, Ongnyudong),” “Manmul Crags (萬物相, Manmulsang)” and “Haesan Pavilion (海山亭, Haesanjeong)”—the paintings said to have been produced during the time—bear a closer resemblance to the actual places. In the works of Choe Buk and Kim Eunghwan, the overall resemblance to reality is higher than 50 percent. However, Jeong Hwang, grandson of Jeong Seon, and Shin Hwakgwon, a literati painter, did not digress from Jeong Seon’s style, showing a level of accuracy around 30 percent. For this reason, their paintings are devoid of fresh perspective, new angle of view or creative originality. 03 YI INSANG , HEO PIL, YUN JEHONG I once organized an exhibition of paintings from the late Joseon period, contrasting the “energetic force” (氣韻) in Jeong Seon’s powerful expression as “vigor” (勢, se) and the “literary energy” (文氣) reflected in Yi Insang’s sensitive yet restrained lines and light coloring as “spirit” (氣, gi).35 The display of Jeong’s “Bagyeon Falls” and Yi’s “View of Mt. Jangbaek” (長白山圖, Jangbaeksando, ink on paper, 26.2 x 122.0 cm, private collection) enabled a stark contrast between “force” and “spirit.” In this light, Jeong boldly modified the real scenery in his paintings, focusing on the plastic forces of the landscape, while Yi Insang and other literati painters who espoused Yi’s ideas followed the tradition of the Chinese Southern School or, at least, displayed the same kind of sensibilities. Jeong by altering the scenery, produced intellectual paintings with views that were reinterpreted in his mind based on his memories. By contrast, Yi’s landscapes are the representation of his emotional vision, rendered with his heart. Though he was not a professional painter but a nobleman who eventually rose to the position of dongjijungchubusa (Junior Rank 2), Jeong had the dense but mature brushstroke of a highly trained artist, as can be seen in his vertical brushstrokes created with two brushes, horizontal Mi dots (米點), hemp-fiber strokes, moss dots, layered ink wash, and the dynamic rhythm flowing through T-shaped pine trees. Yi and other literati painters who followed the style of the Southern School used ink wash and light color, hemp fiber strokes, and the fabulous dry brushwork created by loosening the brush hairs, making a strong contrast to Jeong Seon's paintings. The brushwork of these literati painters, however, developed from their talent in calligraphy, is unrefined and rather clumsy, but this helps emphasize the outlines of the objects in an original way. A number of literati painters sympathized with Jeong’s style and turned to true-view landscape painting. Yi Insang was a leading figure among those who, instead of simulating the real view on the spot, reinterpreted the scenery.36 Heo Pil, Yi Yunyeong (李胤永, 1714-1759, sobriquet, Danneung), and Yun Jehong followed Yi Insang’s style. In their true-view landscape paintings that carry place names, the resemblance to the actual scenery is 20-40 percent, that is, less than 50 percent. Yi Insang and his followers reinterpreted the landscape from memory in the Southern School style, envisioning an ideal landscape of leisure and seclusion to which they could escape from the mundane world. Yi Insang’s “Guryong Falls” (九龍瀑, Guryongpok, ink and wash on paper, 118.2 x 58.5 cm, National Museum of Korea), painted with simple ink lines and light color, does not portray the characteristics of a waterfall. As explained at the lower left of the canvas, the painting was executed based on memory 15 years after he had traveled to the Diamond Mountain in 1737 at the age of 28. Further, Yi explained: “I only painted the bones of the object with a stubby brush and ink wash, leaving out the flesh and ignoring color shades, not out of carelessness but because I painted from the heart.”37 Indeed, the work, which exudes the sensitivity of a scholar, is a fine example of a painting from memory preserved in the artist’s mind. Yi placed emphasis on the texture of the rocks rather than capturing the sound of the waterfall. Though it seems meaningless to discuss the angle of view or viewpoint of this painting, the waterfall is viewed from below on a nearby hill in a vertical composition. “Eunseon Cliff” (隱仙臺, Eunseondae, light color on paper, 34 x 55 cm, Kansong Art Museum), painted between 1740 and 1750, is clearly viewed from below, making a sharp contrast with Jeong Seon's “Buljeong Cliff” (佛頂臺, Buljeongdae, ink on paper, 26.5 x 21.8cm, private collection), which combines a low angle of view, the view of Eunseon Cliff seen from Buljeong Cliff, and a bird’s eye view (Figure 10). On the other hand, Yi’s “Eunseon Cliff” showing shrubs and rocks that bear little resemblance to the actual forms in the distant view, in harmony with the waterfall, is reminiscent of the landscape paintings of the Southern School. Although the painting lacks the characteristics of a true-view landscape, the use of clear ink wash and light color gives freshness to the painting, as in the case of “Ongnyu Valley,” which is the same width. “View of Mt. Jangbaek” (長白山圖, ink on paper, 26.2 x 122.0cm, private collection) is a masterpiece of the heart with intense outlines that contrast with empty space. The scene in the painting resembles the crater lake on top of Mt. Baekdu (白頭山), but Mt. Jangbaek probably refers to a mountain in Hamgyeong-do. ( Figure 10 ) Comparison of the viewpoints and angles of view in landscapes by Yi Insang and Jeong Seon Top: Eunseon Cliff” (隱仙臺), Yi Insang, 1740s-50s, light color on paper, 34 (h) x 55 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum Right: “Buljeong Cliff” (佛頂臺), Jeong Seon, 1740s, ink on paper, 33.6 (h) x 25.7 (w) cm, private collection Yi Yunyeong, who developed his own style based on the ink wash and dry brushwork of his close friend Yi Insang , also transformed the real landscape in the manner of the Southern School, as seen in the fan painting of “Oksun Peak” (扇面玉筍峯, light color on paper, 57.5 x 27.3cm, Korea University Museum) dated to the 1750s. A rock pillar, removed from the peak and positioned in the middle of the river, does not bear any similarity to the actual scenery and is thus an eyesore. Yun Jehong, another literati painter who reinterpreted Yi Insang’s ink wash painting in his own style, left behind a considerable number of true-view landscapes. “Oksun Peak” (玉筍峯, Oksunbong, 1833, ink on paper, 67 x 45.5 cm, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art), part of a eight-panel folding screen titled “Eight Landscape Finger Paintings” (指頭山水圖 八幅屛, Jidusansudo palpokbyeong) is considered to be his major work—a painting done with the fingernails with an original expression of shading. Comparison of the scene in the painting and real life reveals there is no waterfall on the actual site, unlike in the painting where a high waterfall is positioned on the left in the distant background. Compared to the actual scenery, the position of the two rocks, large and small, has been reversed. The composition is undeniably Southern School style with a pavilion set against a large rock, a bridge leading to the pavilion, and figures in the pavilion and on the bridge. The reason for such transformation of the real scenery is explained by the painter as follows: “Whenever I went to Oksun Peak, I felt the lack of a pavilion at the bottom of the cliff. I recently obtained and copied an album of Yi Insang’s paintings. Surely this imitation will make up for its absence.”38 Maintaining only the image of the rock in his memory, the rest of the landscape was recreated in the painting according to Yun’s ideal of a retreat in nature, an example of transformation of the actual landscape to suit the taste of the literati painter. With Heo Pil, the actual scenery underwent major transformation, as demonstrated in “View of Myogilsang” (妙吉祥圖, Myogilsangdo, 1759, ink and wash on paper, 27.6cm, National Museum of Korea). Heo transformed the rock-carved seated Buddha into a standing monk while turning the Goryeo stone lantern into a five-storey stone pagoda with a crane placed on top (Figure 11). By contrast, the fan painting of “General View of Mt. Geumgang” (扇面金剛全圖, Seonmyeon Geumgangjeondo, ink and wash on paper, 21.8 x 58.8 cm, Korea University Museum) gives a closer approximation of the real view than Yun’s other works, as it was produced between 1740 and 1750, after Jeong Seon’s paintings capturing the General View of Mt. Geumgang. ( Figure 11 ) Heo Pil’s unrealistic true-view landscape and comparison with the real scenery Top: “View of Myogilsang” (妙吉祥圖), Heo Pil, 1759, ink and wash on paper, 27.6 cm, National Museum of Korea Bottom: Photo of Myogilsang taken by the author in 1998 IV ARTISTS WHO PAINTED FROM ACTUAL SCENERY As an increasing number of painters sketched on site after close inspection, true-view landscape painting further developed in the late 18th century. Literati painters such as Shim Sajeong, Kang Sehwang, and Jeong Suyeong (鄭遂榮, 1743-1831; sobriquet, Jiujae) belong to the school of true-view landscape painting. Compared to their mentor, Jeong Seon’s disciples such as Kim Yun-gyeom, Jeong Chungyeop, Kang Huieon (姜熙彦, 1738-1784; sobriquet, Damjol), Jang Siheung (張始興, ca. 18th c.; sobriquet, Banghoja), Kim Yuseong, and Yi Inmun took an interest in sketching from actual sites. In particular, Kim Hongdo was a master who escalated the pictorial quality of landscape painting from actual sites to near perfection. Painters such as Eom Chiuk (嚴致郁, ca. 18-19th c.; sobriquet, Gwanho), Yi Jaegwan (李在寬, 1783-1837; sobriquet, Sodang), Yi Yusin (李維新, ca. 18-19th c.; sobriquet, Seokdang), Jo Jeonggyu (趙廷奎, 1791-?; sobriquet, Imjeon), and Kim Hajong (金夏鍾, 1793-?; sobriquet, Yudang) espoused painting from nature after Kim Hongdo. 01 SHIM SAJEONG, KANG SEHWANG, JEONG SUYEONG Shim Sajeong, Kang Sehwang, and Jeong Suyeong are literati artists who painted faithfully from actual scenery in contrast with Yi Insang and his followers. Shim moved beyond true-view landscapes that bear traces of Jeong Seon’s influence to faithful reproduction of actual scenic spots with a lower viewpoint that have an accuracy level of around 80 percent. His brushwork techniques are of the standard of a professional painter. On the other hand, the resemblance to nature in the paintings of Kang Sehwang and Jeong Suyeong is only between 40 and 70 percent, depending on their drawing techniques. Shim, a literati painter of the late Joseon period, completely Koreanized the landscape painting of the Chinese Southern School, which had a huge influence on latter-day artists.39 It is well-known that the landscape painting style of Kim Hongdo and Yi Inmun was derived from Shim’s brush and ink techniques. Shim successfully Koreanized the literati paintings of the Southern Chinese School, probably because he took up true-view landscape painting under the guidance of Jeong Seon. Jeong’s influence is clearly evident in Shim’s “Manpok Valley” (萬瀑洞, Manpokdong, light color on paper, 32 x 22 cm, Kansong Art Museum) that had been in the possession of Kim Gwangguk (金光國, 1727-1797; sobriquet, Seongnong), a late Joseon medical officer reputed for his art collection. The painting features the layered-wash (積墨, lit. accumulated-ink) technique with modified axe-cut texture strokes and a composition similar to that of Jeong Seon's “Bodeok Cave” (普德窟, Bodeokgul, 1711, light color on paper, 36.1 x 26.1 cm, National Museum of Korea). “Myeonggyeong Cliff” (明鏡臺, Myeonggyeongdae, light color on paper, 27.7 x 18.8 cm, Kansong Art Museum), though painted in the same period as “Manpok Valley,” is relatively faithful to the actual scenery. The painting depicts Myeonggyeong Cliff seen from below and nearby Okgyeong Pond (玉鏡潭), the Hwangcheon River (黃泉江), and remnants of a fortress related to the legend of the Crown Prince Maui (麻衣太子) of the Silla Kingdom. Across the valley, the peaks of Jijang Peak (地藏峰) and Siwang Peak (十王峰) can be seen, if indistinctively. The scene depicted in the painting is close to the actual scenery when viewed standing on the flat rock under Okgyeong Lake, and can be captured with a 35mm wide-angle camera lens. The dry brushwork and moss dots are used in the manner of the Southern Chinese School. Shim Sajeong’s “Myeonggyeong Cliff” is in sharp contrast with Jeong Seon’s “Baekcheon Valley” (百川洞, Baekcheondong, ca. 1730-1740, light color on paper, 56 x 42.8cm, Kansong Art Museum) in terms of viewpoint although the two paintings share the same subject matter. “Baekcheon Valley,” part of an eight-panel folding screen of the “Eight Scenic Spots in Mt. Geumgang” (金剛八景圖帖, Geumgang palgyeong docheop), captures a bird’s eye view of the scenery with Myeonggyeong Cliff as the central focus, whereas Shim’s “Myeonggyeong Cliff” is a worm’s eye view seen from below, painted on-site. Seoknong hwawon (石農畵苑), from the collection of Kim Gwangguk, includes Shim’s “Pine Tree and Pavilion at Gyesan” (溪山松亭, Gyesansongjeong, light color on paper, 29.7 x 22.7 cm, Kansong Art Museum) (Figure 12), which is similar in composition to “Myeonggyeong Cliff” by the same painter. A pine tree and pavilion rendered with simple brushwork are positioned above a hill in the foreground, underneath a rock reminiscent of Myeonggyeong Cliff. The prominence of the cliff is lowered by placing a towering mountain in the left corner, the actual scenery modified to create a landscape with pine tree and pavilion, which are typical elements of Southern School landscapes. The light color applied over the pimajun (hemp-fibre strokes) and moss dots (苔點, taejeom) are also characteristic of the Southern School. “Myeonggyeong Cliff” is an example of realistic depiction of the actual scenery, using the techniques of the Southern School, while “Pine Tree and Pavilion at Gyesan” is an example of transformation of the scenery into a landscape idealized by the same school. In the process of producing such works, Shim Koreanized the Southern School style, and his style and techniques were passed on whole to Kim Hongdo and Yi Inmun. ( Figure 12 ) Shim Sajeong’s “Myeonggyeong Cliff” and comparison to actual scenery Left: “Pine Tree and Pavilion at Gyesan” (溪山松亭), Shim Sajeong, 1740s-50s, light color on paper, 29.7 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum Center: “Myeonggyeong Cliff” (明鏡臺), Shim Sajeong, 1740s-50s, light color on paper, 27.7 (h) x 18.8 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum Right: Photo of the actual scenery from the 1990s As Kang Sehwang and Jeong Suyeong were not up to Shim’s standard in their skills for life-like depiction, the level of accuracy of Kang’s true-view landscapes is 60-70 percent while that of Jeong’s is only 40-60 percent. A literati painter and art critic of the Joseon period, Kang Sehwang exerted huge influence on the art circle of his time.40 He left behind albums of landscape paintings as a result of traveling around scenic spots in Songdo (currently Kaesong), the Diamond Mountain, and Buan. In particular, Travel Painting Album of Songdo (松都紀行帖, Songdo gihaengcheop, ca. 1757) is representative of Kang’s true-view landscape style.41 In particular, “Bagyeon Falls” (朴淵, Bagyeon, 32.8 x 53.4 cm, National Museum of Korea) illustrates a scene quite close to that captured by a 35mm wide-angle lens. The placement of Bagyeon at the head of the waterfall, Gomo Pond (姑母潭) at the bottom, and Beomsa Pavilion (泛槎亭) at the left of the pond is faithful to the actual scenery. The waterfall shown at the left of the canvas, which grows narrower towards the top, is rendered in perspective. Even the folds in the nearby rock face are realistically depicted. With its rich combination of ink wash and light color, this painting gives a stronger impression of the actual landscape than Jeong’s “Bagyeon Falls.” But Kang’s painting lacks the energy of Jeong’s, which seems to capture the roaring sound of the waterfall (Figure 13). ( Figure 13 ) Comparison of paintings of Bagyeon Falls by Jeong Seon and Kang Sehwang Left: “Bagyeon Falls” (朴淵瀑圖), Jeong Seon, 1750s, ink on paper, 119.5 (h) x 52 (w) cm, private collection Top right: “Bagyeon” (朴淵), Kang Sehwang, from Travel Painting Album of Songdo, 1757s, light color on paper, 32.8 (h) x 53.4 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea Bottom right: Photo of Bagyeon Falls, 1990s “General View of Songdo” (松都全景, Songdojeon-gyeong) and “Daeheung Temple” (大興寺) from the same album use western perspective techniques, but in a very clumsy manner (Figure 14). In particular, “Daeheung Temple,” which seemingly adopted a one-point perspective, is severely distorted in composition. The building at the left is painted from below while the monks’ dormitory at the right is shown in a bird’s eye view. The distorted perspective can perhaps be understood in light of what Yi Ik (李瀷, 1681-1763; sobriquet, Seongho) wrote in Hwansangyodol (畵像坳突), his adaptation of the preface to the Chinese translation of Euclid’s Elements by Matteo Ricci: “I understand how to produce three-dimensional effects, but not how to apply linear perspective.”42 ( Figure 14 ) Top: “General View of Songdo” (松都全景), Kang Sehwang, Travel Painting Album of Songdo, 1757s, light color on paper, 32.8 (h) x 53.4 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea Bottom: “Daeheung Temple” (大興寺), Kang Sehwang, Travel Painting Album of Songdo, 1757s, light color on paper, 32.8 (h) x 53.4 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea Jeong Suyeong, grandson of Jeong Sanggi (鄭尚驥, 1678-1752), a Silhak philosopher and geographer of the late Joseon period, was a literati painter.43 He also participated in map making activities in the tradition of his family, and this provided him with opportunities of painting scenes from real life. Hence his landscapes have an added element of interest. His major true-view landscapes come from albums of paintings and essays on scenic spots produced on his travels such as Hangang imgang myeongseungdogwon (漢江 臨江 名勝圖卷, ca. 1796-97) and Haesancheop (海山帖, 1799). Jeong Suyeong’s true-view landscapes were painted on the spot using free brushstrokes in sometimes unrestrained compositions. Their resemblance to the actual scenery is only 40-60 percent but exhibit an original, inimitable style. “General View of Mt. Geumgang” (金剛全景, Geumgangjeon-gyeong, 33.8 x 61.6 cm, National Museum of Korea) from Haesancheop depicts the mountain as an inverted triangle under the horizon. This painting has a horizontal angle of view of 130° or more, which is comparable to that of Jeong Seon’s paintings. The composition in Jeong Suyeong’s painting, however, is unique, not the usual circle or fan-shape composition. “Manpok Valley,” also from Haesancheop, illustrates the actual landscape surrounding the Diamond Mountain viewed from the painter’s position, the composition being the same as the scene I captured with a 28mm wide-angle lens. The sense of reality, however, is diminished as the forms are rather casually depicted. Likewise, the waterfall in “Guryong Falls” (九龍瀑, Guryongpok, ca. 1800, light color on paper, 28 x 34.8 cm, Seoul Museum of History) is not realistic, although the painting achieves pictorial qualities due to its simplified brush and ink rendering. 02 JEONG SEON’S FOLLOWERS: JEONG CHUNGYEOP, KIM YUN-GYEOM, KANG HUIEON Among those belonging to the Jeong Seon School, Jeong Chungyeop, Kim Yun-gyeom, and Kang Huieon, Jang Siheung, Kim Yuseong, and Yi Inmun clearly exhibit the features of on-site landscape painting in their work, achieving a level of resemblance to actual scenery of about 70 percent. Kim Yun-gyeom aside, they were all from the jungin class (skilled professionals of the Joseon period) or court painters, and compared to Choe Buk, Jeong Hwang, and Shin Hakgwon (申學權, 1785-1866; sobriquet, Doam) discussed earlier, their work shows some degree of individuality. Jeong Chungyeop, who was a medical officer, painted true-view landscapes in the Jeong Seon style but few of his paintings survive to this day. In 1998, I was delighted to spot his name engraved on a rock as soon as I entered Manpok Valley.44 “View of Twelve Thousand Peaks from Heolseong Pavilion” (歇惺樓望萬二千峰圖, Heolseongnumang manicheonbongdo, ca. 1750s, light color on paper, 23.5 x 30.3 cm, private collection) shows a dazzling spring scene of inner Diamond Mountain covered with pink azaleas. At the lower left of the canvas is Heolseong Pavilion and to its right Cheonil Cliff. Behind them from a high-distance perspective are Geumgang Cliff, the twin peaks of Hyangno Peak, Junghyang Crags and Biro Peak, and at the right, the ridge of Hyeolmang Peak (穴望峰) stretches out in the same direction. At the first glance, the bird’s eye view is similar to that used in Jeong Seon’s “View of Inner Mt. Geumgang,” but the angle of view from Heolseong Pavilion to Biro Peak and Hyeolmang Peak is a mere 60°-70°. A photograph of Heolseong Pavilion from the Japanese colonial period (1910-1945), showing exactly the same composition as the painting, enables accurate comparison between the two works (Figure 15). Comparing it with the horizontal angle used in the painting by Jeong Chungyeop, the photograph seems to have been taken with a 35mm wide-angle lens. This means the view in the painting is close to the one captured by a modern-day camera, thanks to on-site sketching. ( Figure 15 ) Top: “View of Twelve Thousand Peaks from Heolseong Pavilion” (歇惺樓望萬二千峰圖), Jeong Chungyeop, 1750s, light color on silk, 23.5 (h) x 30.3 (w) cm, private collection Bottom: 1930s photo of Heolseong Pavilion and Inner Mt. Geumgang Kim Yun-gyeom had yet to go beyond the influence of Jeong Seon when he was painting the Diamond Mountain and the resemblance of his works to the actual scenery barely reaches 50 percent. This changed in later works, especially those depicting the Yeongnam region, which reach an accuracy level of about 80 percent. His “Wonhwadong River” (元化洞天, Wonhwadongcheon) and “Myeonggyeong Cliff” from Album with Views of Bongnae (蓬萊圖卷, Bongnaedogwon, 1768) display light brushstrokes and coloring, giving the impression of being simplified versions of Jeong Seon's paintings of the same scenes.45 Kim had an excellent command of ink wash and light colors. Like Jeong, he did not attempt to record the scene as accurately as possible, but, instead of using a bird’s-eye view, lowered the viewpoint in the manner of Shim Sajeong and Yi Insang to achieve greater individuality in his work. In contrast with the paintings of the Diamond Mountain, Travel Album of the Yeongnam Region (嶺南紀行畵帖, Yeongnamgihaeng hwacheop, ca. 1772), executed four or five years later during a trip through the Yeongnam region when serving as an official post in Jinju, shows the true quality of landscapes painted from real scenery. The scene depicted in “Taejong Cliff” (太宗臺, Taejongdae, light color on paper, 54.0 x 35.5 cm, Dong-A University Museum) can be captured with a 28mm wide-angle lens from the spot where Kim might have painted the view (Figure 16). The angle of view nears that of western landscape paintings, while the colors and ink lines are lighter and thinner than in his Diamond Mountain paintings. ( Figure 16 ) Top: “Taejong Cliff” (太宗臺), Kim Yun-gyeom, ca. 1772, light color on paper, 54.0 (h) x 35.5 (w) cm, Dong-A University Museum Bottom: Photo of Taejong Cliff taken by the author in 2007 “Mt. Inwang” (仁王山, Inwangsan, light color on paper, 24.6 x 42.6 cm, private collection) by Kang Huieon is noteworthy as it coincides with changes in Kim Yun-gyeom’s style. Kang, a painter from the jungin class, studied under Jeong Seon, but created an original style through his association with other artists such as Kang Sehwang and Kim Hongdo.46 “Mt. Inwang” captures the view from halfway up the mountain, looking down from a spot closer to the mountain ridge in the direction of Changeui Gate (彰義門) than Jeong Seon’s painting of the same mountain (Figure 17). When Sukjeong Gate (肅靖門) and Mt. Baegak trails were opened to the public, I set out to find the viewpoint used by Kang Huieon only to find that the area was still closed at the time. ( Figure 17 ) Top: “Mt. Inwang” (仁王山), Kang Huieon, 1770s-80s, light color on paper, 24.6 (h) x 42.6 (w) cm, private collection Bottom: Photo of Mt. Inwang taken by the author in 2007 From about 50 meters above Dohwadong River (桃花洞天), from where the painting was sketched, a similar scene of Mt. Inwang can be captured with a 35mm wide-angle lens. As I photographed the scene along the line of the castle walls, Kang’s unique point of view was captured through the viewfinder. From a distance of 500 to 600 meters across the foot of the mountain, a scene of appropriate expanse for human sight comes into view, which I believe is the reason for the painting’s modern elegance. The layers of the mountain ridges, which can be seen from above with a side glance, are impressively rendered with rhythmical Mi-style horizontal dots. The white mist below and blue sky above has the freshness of a watercolor painting. “Chongseok Pavilion (叢石亭, Chongseokjeong, light color on paper, 26 x 21.5 cm, private collection),” another of Kang’s works, from 1770-1780 fully employs western perspective. The bird’s eye view of the road facing the northern palace is narrowed down to one point. The size of the willow trees and human figures diminishes as the distance increases, and with variation of light and shade the mists are also given a sense of perspective. Though executed with better skill than “Daeheung Temple” (1757) by Kang Sehwang, the technique still falls far short of actual linear perspective. Kang Huieon’s true-view landscapes from the 1770s to the 1780s, which use perspective, coincide with Kim Yungyeom’s shift in the 1770s from paintings that bear little similarity to reality to faithful depictions of real scenery. They are significant not only as evidence of Kang’s departure from the Jeong Seon style to forge his own original style, but also as a sign that he had clearly embraced western techniques by that time.47 The 1770s to 1780s period saw the throne of King Yeongjo transferred to King Jeongjo in 1776, an event, which may be considered a turning point in the artistic circles of the time. In the 1780s when there was a noticeable trend for realistic landscapes, the philosopher Jeong Yakyong (丁若鏞, 1762-1836; sobriquet, Dasan) attempted to view the landscape through the camera obscura. Based on this experience, he wrote “Chilsilgwanhwaseol” (漆室觀畵說), an essay on dark-room viewing of paintings.48 Seeing the image projected upside-down in the camera obscura must have made Jeong and painters of the time realize that it was possible to create an exact image of an object.49 Yi Gyusang (李奎象, 1727-1799; sobriquet, Ilmong) made the following remarks: “Court painters in recent years have begun to adopt vanishing-point perspective (四面尺量法) from western painting, with Kim Hongdo applying the technique with the most success.”50 Thus, it can be inferred that Kim’s realistic true-view paintings are not unrelated to the influence of western techniques. Yi Inmun’s “View of Mt. Geumgang from Danbal Ridge” (斷髪嶺望金剛, Danballyeongmang Geumgang, ca. 1800s, light color on canvas, 23 x 45 cm, private collection) has the same composition as Jeong Seon’s painting of the same scene, but the technique is borrowed from Shim Sajeong. The panoramic view of the Diamond Mountain floating above the clouds, seen in the distance from Danbal Ridge Pass, is the highlight of the painting. Rather than closely depicting the individuality of each peak, the painting focuses on capturing the far away atmosphere in clear light colors, evoking a fresh sensation. The essence of Yi’s true-view landscape painting is more clearly evident in “Chongseok Pavilion” (叢石亭, Chongseokjeong, 21.2 x 33.9 cm, Kansong Art Museum). The artistry of this painting is as excellent as those of the same subject by his friend Kim Hongdo and even by Jeong Seon. The painting vividly portrays the waves rolling in from the far horizon to Chongseok Pavilion. Yi, born in the same year as Kim Hongdo and overshadowed by his friend, has not been given due recognition. However, given the aesthetic value of his true-view landscapes, there is no reason Yi should not be evaluated as highly as Kim. 03 KIM HONGDO AND HIS FOLLOWERS Kim Hongdo is the representative painter in Korean art history. Although mostly known as a genre artist who depicted the daily life of ordinary people, Kim’s real artistry is revealed in his true-view landscape paintings, developed under the influence of Jeong Seon. Kim was a pupil of Kang Sehwang in his youth and is known to have been a close friend of Kang Huieon.51 It is assumed that Kim was exposed to western painting techniques through both teacher and friend. Kim Hongdo, who built on the artistic achievements of Jeong Seon and other literati painters such as Kang Sehwang, Shim Sajeong, and Yi Insang, is acknowledged as a towering figure in Korean art history for his outstanding talent for depiction. While Jeong Seon laid the foundation for true-view landscape painting, it was Kim who created and completed the canon of Korean landscape paintings in the 18th century. His sophisticated use of brush and ink, coupled with perfect spatial composition, enabled him to approach close to real “true-view” landscape painting. Kim Hongdo is known to have produced Album of Mt. Geumgang in Four Districts (金剛四郡帖, Geumgangsaguncheop) in 1788 when he accompanied Kim Eunghwan on a painting tour of the Yeongdong region at the command of King Jeongjo. Several paintings are attributed to Kim from that trip, but I have yet to come across the one that appeals to me. Afterwards, Kim captured the view of the Diamond Mountain on folding screens or albums. His major true-view landscape paintings include Screen of Eight Landscapes of Mt. Geumgang (金剛八景圖屛, Geumgang palgyeong dobyeong, 1790s), “Chongseok Pavilion” (叢石亭) from Album of the Eulmyo Year (乙卯年畵帖, Eulmyonyeon docheop, 1795), and “Oksun Peak” (玉筍峯) from Album of the Byeongjin Year (丙辰年畵帖, Byeongjinnyeon docheop, 1796). Objects in paintings such as “Manpok Valley” (萬瀑洞, Manpokdong, 1790s, light color on paper, 133.8 x 54.4 cm, private collection) and “Myeonggyeong Cliff” (明鏡臺) or “Guryong Lake” (九龍淵, Guryongyeon, ink and wash on paper, 133.8 x 54.4 cm, private collection) from Screen of Eight Landscapes of Mt. Geumgang are exaggerated because the scenes are captured in long, narrow panels. The rocks rendered with the layered-wash technique exhibit traces of the Jeong Seon style, while the brushwork in the shrubs and valleys and the viewpoint of the scenes are derived from Shim Sajeong. But while Shim Sajeong’s painting of Myeonggyeong Cliff does not exactly match the real view captured in a photograph, Kim Hongdo’s scene can be fully captured through the viewfinder of a camera with a 35mm wide-angle lens. Kim Hongdo’s drawing skills are emphasized in wider paintings rather than tall, narrow works. “Chongseok Pavilion” (叢石亭, Chongseokjeong, light color on paper, 27.2 x 23 cm, private collection) from Album of the Eulmyo Year and “Oksun Peak” (玉筍峯, Oksunbong, light color on paper, 26.7 x 31.6 cm, Treasure No. 782, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art) from Album of the Byeongjin Year are among Kim’s greatest works. The scenes depicted in the paintings can be captured exactly with a 35mm or standard 50mm wide-angle lens. Moreover, the expression of the rocks, pine forests, and waves, using fine ink lines varying with light and shade and gentle coloring, delivers a strong sense of realism. When I visited Oksun Peak by boat, half the rock was submerged by Daecheong Dam. Kim Hongdo must have painted the scene from the boat that is positioned at the lower right of the painting. The position of the boat is in contrast with that in Jeong Seon’s “Turtle Pool” (龜潭, “Gudam,” 1730, light color on paper, 20 x 26.5 cm, Korea University Museum), where it is placed in the center of the painting, beneath the cliff, which bears little similarity to the actual rock. This demonstrates the disparities between the two painters. Unlike Jeong, who normally used vertical and horizontal compositions, Kim preferred diagonal compositions. As seen from the boat, or following the painter’s eyes, the view depicted in “Oksun Peak” has a horizontal field of view of about 60° and can be captured entirely with a 35mm wide-angle lens (Figure 18). Indeed, the 60° field of view is the closest to human vision. As this shows, Kim was able to capture an approximation of what landscape paintings today or photographs can record, demonstrating the modernity of his work. He achieved this feat with keen eyesight and great skill. ( Figure 18 ) Left: Photo of Oksun Peak taken by the author in 2007 Right: “Oksun Peak” (玉筍峯), Kim Hongdo, from Album of the Byeongjin Year, 1796, light color on paper, 26.7 (h) x 31.6 (w) cm, Treasure No. 782, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art The 60° field of view can be found in “Guryong Lake” (九龍淵, Guryongyeon, light color on paper, 30.4 x 43.7 cm, private collection) from Screen of Eight Landscapes of Mt. Geumgang or in his later work “Guryong Falls” (九龍瀑, Guryongpok, light color on paper, 29 x 42 cm, Joseon Art Museum, Pyeongyang). The horizontal angle from the hill nearby to Guryong Falls is around 60°. Kim’s two paintings of Guryong Falls make a good comparison with Jeong Seon’s “Guryong Falls” (九龍瀑, Guryongpok, around 1730-1740, light color on paper, 29.5 x 23.5 cm, Monastery of St. Ottilien, Germany). Jeong’s painting omits Gujeong Peak (九井峯), and has a solid vertical-horizontal composition. By contrast, Kim’s paintings of the same scene contain the peak rising over the ridge as well as the ridge itself, giving a detailed description of the real view, achieved with the help of on-site sketching. While Jeong emphasized the dropping waterfall, Kim seemed to focus on the expression of the rock strata that overpower the scene on either side of the falling water. “Sparse Forest under the Full Moon” (疎林明月圖, Sorimmyeongwoldo, light color on paper, 26.7 x 31.6 cm, Treasure No. 782, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art) from Album of the Byeongjin Year (丙辰年畵帖, Byeongjinnyeon hwacheop) adds a new dimension to Kim Hongdo’s true-view landscape paintings. It illustrates an early spring scene of trees by the stream that have started to turn green with the full moon hanging over them. This landscape manifests the sense of reality with which Kim depicted the everyday life around him as a genre painter (Figure 19). ( Figure 19 ) “Sparse Forest under the Full Moon” (疎林明月圖), Kim Hongdo, from Album of the Byeongjin Year, 1796, light color on paper, 26.7 (h) x 31.6 (w) cm, Treasure No. 782, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art Jeong Seon’s works and other true-view landscape paintings discussed up to now are mostly of scenic spots or historic places because artists generally favored sublime or beautiful scenery close to the Neo-Confucian ideal sought after by the literati of the Joseon period. Unlike other landscape painters, however, Kim depicted everyday scenes often encountered in the neighborhood. Therefore, I would like to see the painting as a step forward from true-view landscape painting developed under the Neo-Confucian ideology toward modern landscape painting. In “Oksun Peak” from the same album, the boat carrying Kim Hongdo is positioned beside the river, requiring a third viewpoint. “Sparse Forest under the Full Moon” is different not only in its everyday subject matter but also for its different viewpoint. While the artist is inside the painting in other true-view landscapes of the latter half of the Joseon period, the scene in “Sparse Forest under the Full Moon” is captured from outside the painting (Figure 19). Hence, it departs from the notion of a landscape painting conceived by the people of the time who idealized scenery in the framework of Neo-Confucian theory. In other words, Kim saw the landscape as it was, not the ideal. In this respect, it is similar to western landscape paintings that capture only the scenery viewed by the painter, and represents a shift in technique from traditional landscapes to modern western landscape painting. Kim Hongdo’s artistic achievements had a great influence not only on true-view landscapes but all genres, from portraits to flower-and-bird paintings. This helped artists of the 19th century to keep producing paintings with pictorial quality, but no painter could either create a new trend or surpass Kim in talent and creativity. As true-view landscapes declined in popularity, the traces of the Kim Hongdo style were passed on to Eom Chiuk, Yi Yusin, Jo Jeonggyu, and Kim Hajong. In the 19th century, along with the work of these painters, folding screens depicting the Diamond Mountain and paintings of eight famous scenic spots in eastern Korea (Gwandong palgyeong) in the folk painting, or minhwa, style were popular among common people as decorative works. Although the unfettered, unprecedented beauty of a folk painting landscape displays another type of pictorial value, it does not come under the category of true-view landscapes as the form of the objects is significantly altered, and hence warrants no further discussion. Eom Chiuk bears so much resemblance to Kim Hongdo in terms of composition, and use of ink and brush that he has often been called Kim’s alter ego. Dongyucheop (東遊帖), a book of poems by Yi Pungik (李豊翼, 1804-1887), also contains paintings that resemble Kim’s works. “Chongseok Pavilion” and “Hwanseon Pavilion” (喚仙亭, Hwanseonjeong, color on paper, 20 x 26.6 cm, Sungkyunkwan University Museum) from the book were created by anonymous painters who must have traced over original paintings by Kim.52 Compared to these painters, Kim Hajong was relatively original in style. Kim left behind albums titled Haesandocheop (海山圖帖, light color on paper, 29.7 x 43.3 cm, National Museum of Korea) dated 1815, and Pungakgweon (楓岳卷, light color on paper, 49.6 x 61 cm, private collection) dated 1865.53 When I made a field trip to the Diamond Mountain in 1998 I found the name Geungwon, sobriquet of Kim Yanggi (金良驥, ca. 1792-ca. 1842, son of Kim Hongdo) along with the name Kim Hajong carved on Angjidae (仰止臺), dated the fourth month of the year of Gyeong-oh.54 This suggests Kim Hajong visited the place in 1870. The composition and depiction of show little progress over Kim Hongdo. Nevertheless, compared to the works in Haesandocheop, those in Pungakgwon are more original with clearer and lighter lines and color. V CONCLUSION Jeong Seon is a true-view landscape painter who used his feet and brain to complete a work: he ardently toured the country and then painted the landscape from his memory. He adjusted the real view according to his own aesthetic. In light of this, he was evidently a man who painted with a deep heart and rich imagination. The transformation of the actual scenery was likely rooted in his great love for his native land. Jeong’s true-view landscape paintings are characterized by the bird’s eye view that embraces the whole scene (俯瞰法, bugambeop), the viewpoints such as multipoint and a moving point of view, and reduction of a wide field of view to fit the narrow paper (縮景法, chukgyeongbeop). In Jeong’s paintings the horizontal field of view is 90°-150° degrees, or sometimes as wide as 180°. With a camera, the scenes can only be captured by a panoramic lens. Jeong edited and transformed the scenery based on the structure and characteristics that remained in his mind rather than drawing from nature to record the real view. As the memory of a landscape fades, simplification or exaggeration naturally occurs. The weaknesses of the landscape are therefore mitigated in the process of painting from memory. As such, though Jeong consistently transformed and distorted landscapes, he explored in his own way the meaning of a “true view.” “After Rain at Mt. Inwang” is a masterpiece that visualizes the intense image of rocks wet with rain. “Bagyeon Falls” is another masterpiece that seems to capture the roaring sound of the falling water. To create such an effect, Jeong doubled the length of the waterfall and contrasted the rocks and the water. The artist used a bird’s-eye view for “General View of Mt. Geumgang” to represent the people’s yearning to see the legendary beauty of the mountain, reinterpreting the real view with excellent intuition. As a result, he created true-view paintings that appeal to all. True-view landscape painting as perfected by Jeong Seon is a style that sympathizes with the literati’s idealization of the native land. The ideology behind the paintings is obviously Neo-Confucianism (性理學), as evidenced by records stating that Jeong painted according to the principles of the Book of Changes. It accords with the fact that Jeong Seon was a high-ranking official who associated with the literati belonging to the ruling Seoin-Noron (西人老論) faction. Yi Insang, another literati painter, adjusted the real view in a different manner. He painted with his heart after observing the landscape with his emotional vision rather than pursuing the visible beauty of form. Rather than adept expression, his style is characterized by somewhat immature but sensitive lines and application of light color. In other words, he produced excellent paintings in the name of true-view landscapes, but using the methods of the Southern School of China. Yi and other literati painters considerably altered the actual landscape, which makes it difficult to identify the viewpoint or angle of view used. In most cases, however, they depicted the landscape from the point where the painter stood or used the worm’s-eye view rather than the bird’s-eye view. As seen from the above, it was the literati painters who took the lead in painting from the actual scenery using a lower viewpoint, as demonstrated by the travel albums of Shim Sajeong, Kang Sehwang, and Jeong Suyeong. Shim Sajeong studied under Jeong Seon and later perfected his artistic skills by reinterpreting landscapes in the style of the Southern School. Kang Sehwang and Jeong Suyeong lag far behind in realistic portrayal of the scenery but their works are creative with a note of eccentricity. Paintings from actual scenery with a natural angle of view were further developed by Kim Yun-gyeom and Kang Huieon, both influenced by Jeong Seon. Their works, though immature, signal the start of true-view landscape paintings that truly resemble the real view: Kang’s “Mt. Inwang,” a complete view of the mountain painted from Dohwa-dong, and “View of Bugaksan Covered in Morning Mist” (北岳朝霧圖, Bugakjomudo), which uses a bird’s eye view to give a sense of perspective, and Kim’s “Taejongdae,” an on-site record of the actual scenery. Both Kim and Kang timely embraced and applied the style and technique of western paintings that were being introduced to the country. The achievements in true-view landscape painting made by Jeong Seon, Yi Insang, Shim Sajeong, Kang Sehwang, Kim Yun-gyeom, and Kang Huieon were passed on in their entirety to Kim Hongdo. Kim painted the landscape on the spot with masterly skill, creating paintings that closely resembled the actual scenery and greatly improving the artistry of true-view landscapes. He captured the beauty of the actual, visible scene and rendered landscapes with excellent realism and exquisite command of ink wash and light colors. While Jeong Seon had created his style of true-view landscape painting using his feet and his head, and his imagination, and literati painters such as Yi Insang painted using the heart and emotional vision, Kim Hongdo was a painter who used his eyes and his hands. Kim Hongdo’s true-view landscapes were clearly different. He used different angles of view and viewpoints from Jeong Seon’s paintings, which altered the landscape and had been hugely influential up until the mid-18th century. The sites depicted in Kim’s paintings can be captured through the viewfinder of a camera equipped with a 50mm standard lens or a 35mm wide-angle lens. This means he painted the scenery with a horizontal field of view of 47° to 62°, which is known to be closest to the field of human vision, and hence Kim’s paintings can be argued to be “realistic” true views. In depicting actual scenes, Kim Hongdo adopted a viewpoint similar to that of European landscape paintings and photographs developed after the 17th century, creating vivid, realistic landscapes. Furthermore, he painted not only scenic spots of great beauty but also scenes from everyday life. “Sparse Forest under the Full Moon” from Album of the Byeongjin Year suggested new directions for modern Joseon painting, and showed a shift in subject from the scenic spots idealized in true-view landscape painting under Neo-Confucian ideology to the everyday scenes of common people. The difference in the viewpoint and angle of view in the paintings of Jeong Seon and Kim Hongdo, the two true-view masters, was linked to the changing cultural landscape in the 18th century in which Post-Neo-Confucianism emerged as a new idea. As with Silhak, Kim’s true-view landscapes were created through the conflict or correlation between Post-Neo-Confucianism and Anti-Neo-Confucianism. The paintings of Jeong, who socialized with scholars of the Nongam (農巖) and Samyeon (三淵) schools of thought, reflect the essence of Post-Neo-Confucianism, which was a revised version of the existing theory. In contrast, the ideology in Kim Hongdo’s paintings is closer to Anti-Neo-Confucianism influenced by new ideas introduced at the time by Silhak scholars such as Dasan (茶山) and Yeonam (燕巖) (Figure 20). After Kim Hongdo, both true-view landscape painting and genre painting declined in popularity in the 19th century, perhaps under the influence of Post-Neo-Confucianism, which leaned toward more conservative views as encouraged by the ruling government of the time. ( Figure 20 ) Comparison of viewpoints and angles of view used by Jeong Seon, Kim Hongdo, and Paul Cézanne Top left: “Sparse Forest under the Full Moon” (疎林明月圖), Kim Hongdo, 1796, from Album of the Byeongjin Year light color on paper, 26.7 (h) x 31.6 (w) cm, Treasure No. 782, Leeum-Samsung Museum of Art Bottom left: “Mte. Sainte Victoire”, Paul Cézanne, 1890, 62.0 (h) x 92.0 (w) cm, Musée d’Orsay Right: “View over the Capital in the Mist and Rain,” Jeong Seon, from Album of Paintings of Scenic Spots in Seoul and Its Suburbs (京郊名勝帖), 1740-41, 30.1 (h) x 39.9 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum I often wonder what would have happened if progress had been made on paintings like Kim Hongdo’s “Sparse Forest under the Full Moon” in the 19th century. Inferring from the precedent in European painting, “Impressionism” is the first thing that comes to mind, especially considering the similarity in viewpoint and angle of view used. In reality, however, Impressionism, imported from Europe and Japan, did not take root in Korean art until the 20th century, a hundred years after the time of Kim Hongdo. Artists such as Oh Jiho, Do Sangbong, Kang Yeong-yun, and Kang Yobae emerged, creating outstanding landscape paintings that filled the long continued void.

This paper deals with the Goryeo celadon wares discovered near Biando off the northern coast of Byeonsanbando, Okdo, Gunsan, Jeollabuk-do. The celadon wares were accidentally discovered in 2002 by a fisherman named Jo Dongseon. Upon Jo's notification to the authorities, an underwater inspection team from the National Maritime Museum of the Culture Heritage Administration of Korea was immediately dispatched to the site. The celadon wares appear to have lain for centuries hidden from view covered under a thick layer of sediment. The accelerated tides produced by the recent construction of the nearby Saemangeum embankment seem to have swept this sediment away, revealing the ceramics. The number of items discovered so far is 3,117 including the discoveries of 243 pieces by Jo and 211 by the inspection team (see Table 1). The remainder was recovered during five seasons of scientific underwater excavations conducted between May 2002 and September 2003. ( Table 1 ) Discoveries from Biando Source: National Maritime Museum of Korea. The Underwater Remains of Biando, Gunsan. Gunsan: National Maritime Museum of Korea, 2004 Vessel types Large bowls Bowls Mid-size bowls Plates Cups Lids Boxes Total Note Plate Small plates Cylindical cups Large cylindical cups Cups From initial report 87 - - 125 1 18 - 5 7 - 43 From initial inspection 86 - - 85 10 3 - 3 24 - 211 1st excavation 804 21 - 745 26 43 26 169 98 - 1,932 2nd excavation 220 - - 210 - 18 - 43 42 - 533 3rd excavation 8 - 1 54 - - - 2 26 9 100 4th excavation 21 1 - 102 - 1 - - 26 2 153 5th excavation - - - 4 - - - - 1 - 5 4 (wooden fragments) Subtotal 1,119 22 1 1,200 36 65 26 217 217 11 2,934 Total 220 22 1 1,325 37 83 26 222 224 11 3,117 II CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SHAPE, PATTERNS, AND PRODUCTION METHODS OF GORYEO CELADON WARES FROM BIANDO 01 SHAPES The shapes of the celadon wares from Biando vary from daejeop (大蝶: large bowls), jeopsi (蝶匙: plates and dishes), jan (盞: cups), hap (盒: lidded boxes), jeonjeopsi (展蝶匙: dish with flat rim), bal (鉢: mid-size bowls), tonghyeongjan (筒形盞: cylindrical cups), ttukkeong (gae, 蓋: lids), wan (盌: small bowls), to sojeopsi (小蝶匙: small plates), with daejeop and jeopsi forming the bulk of the discovery. There are also hwahyeong jeonjeopsi (花形展蝶匙: flat-rimmed plates of petalled shape), and gakjeopsi (角蝶匙: polygonal plates). In the case of the daejeop, the rims are mostly curved inward. Specimens of celadon bal and wan were found only in small numbers, while celadon jan and ttukkeong were rare. Celadon tonghyeongjan and hap are most noticeable pieces, especially for the black-and-white inlay decoration on celadon hap. 1) Daejeop (大蝶: large bowls) The rim of the daejeop is mostly curved inward while the body retains a curvature and the inner base is molded to make a circular bottom. The foot is short and tilted toward the center (Plate 1). Some daejeop have no decorative pattern at all, neither inside nor outside, while others have yeonpanmun (蓮瓣又: open lotus petal design) incised on the outside. A few daejeop are decorated with molded moranmun (牡丹文: peony design) with leaves all over the inside and others have molded yeonpanmun on the outside. However, daejeop typically have patterns only on one side of the vessel, either on the inside or on the outside. Vessels fired on naehwato bijim batchim have four spur marks on the foot and the inner base is mostly glazed. The colors range from greenish-brown and bluish-green and the body is thin and has a glossy surface (Plate 2). ( Plate 1 ) Celadon wan H: 8.0 cm; Diameter: 16.6 cm (rim), 6.0 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian H-038 and Bian B-384 ( Plate 2 ) Yeonpanmun celadon wan H: 7.2 cm; Diameter: 16.4 cm (rim), 6.2 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian E-006 2) Jeopsi (蝶匙: plates and dishes) Jeopsi form the bulk of the collection. They are mostly flat with a short foot which is slightly curved inward and has four spur marks. There are jeopsi with yeonpanmun incised on the outside, with aengmumun incised on the inside, or with no decoration at all. The colors are mostly greenish-brown and bluish-green, similar to daejeop. Some gakjeopsi are polygonal below the main body and have an outwardly curving mouth and a short and small foot. Some bear no design on the outside but on the inside are molded with yeonhwadangchomun (蓮花唐草文: lotus petals with arabesque designs) or moranmun. The polygonal jeopsi have four spur marks and many are of a deep bluish-green hue. Jeonjeopsi are small jeopsi with a diameter of about 10 cm and a flat rim. A few jeonjeopsi have a foot, which is flat and low, like that of the typical small round jeopsi. On the foot of jeonjeopsi, there are three spur marks and the color of the glaze is bluish-green. Hwahyeongjeonjeopsi are dishes with a flat rim with six grooves making a petal shape. The interior is encircled by a band of yeouidumun (如意頭文: ruyi pattern) and hwamun (花文: flower pattern) carved in relief throughout while the exterior has no decoration. The foot is carved out from the inside and has four spur marks. Many jeonseopsi are of a deep bluish-green color. 3) Jan (盞: cups) The celadon jan have an inwardly curved mouth and the body has an overall round shape. The foot is angled inward and has three spur marks. Some have no patterns, while others have yeopmun (葉文: leaf design) incised on the exterior; a band of noemun (雷文: thunder pattern) on both the interior and the exterior; or three floral sprays of gukhwamun (菊花文: chrysanthemum design) inlaid in black and white on the exterior. The glaze colors range from greenish-brown to bluish-green. A question still remains as to whether the jan were used without matching saucers or whether matching saucers had been produced but have yet to be discovered. Tonghyeongjan are special type of cup with a cylindrical body which has either no pattern or incised or carved yeonpanmun on the exterior (Plate 3). The latter have either yeonpanmun or gukhwamun on top or seonmun (線文: linear design) that depicts a flower petal and a sprout-like handle at the top center. Colors vary from deep bluish-green to greenish-brown and they have three spur marks on the foot. Many tonghyeongjan are of fine quality with an evenly applied deep bluish-green glaze. ( Plate 3 ) Celadon tonghyeongjan with molded yeonpanmun H: 8.2 cm; Diameter: 8.1 cm (rim), 5.6 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian B-384 4) Wan (盌: small bowls) Celadon wan are rare among the excavated pieces. They have no decoration on the curved body and the foot faces inward and is short in length. A mix of bluish-green and greenish-brown glaze is found on the surface and the foot shows traces of having been fired on a stand. Celadon bal were also found, but only rarely. Like the wan, the bal has no pattern but has an outwardly curved and relatively tall foot typically seen in sabal (沙鉢: small bowls for rice). A bluish-green glaze is applied evenly on the body and there are four spur marks. 5) Hap (盒: lidded boxes) The celadon hap are notable for their variety of incised patterns. Celadon hap with incised chrysanthemum flowers typically have a single chrysanthemum flower thinly incised on top of the lid with rows of smaller chrysanthemums clustered around it. A typical bluish-green glaze is evenly applied around the hap. The foot is curved inward and shows traces of having been fired on gyuseok batchim (硅石墊具: silica stone supports). The box and its matching lid were fired together with thin clay supports inserted between them. This particular lid of a celadon box with peony or moranmun inlay (靑瓷象嵌牡丹文盒) (Plate 4) has three spur marks. The surface is shiny and covered with a pale bluish-green glaze. The peony is simply drawn without any pattern band: the flower and bud in white inlay and the stems and leaves in black inlay. ( Plate 4 ) Celadon hap with moranmun inlay H: 3.5 cm; Diameter: 8.0 cm (rim), 4.5 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 3-063 The lid of another celadon box (Plate 5) carries five chrysanthemums in full bloom, with the flower and leaves inlaid in white and black. The lid is divided in black inlay into five parts, with each division featuring a single flower. The chrysanthemums are enclosed within two concentric circles in white inlay. The glaze is a deep bluish-green and the underside suggests that it was fired on a stand after it had been wiped clean of glaze. ( Plate 5 ) Celadon hap with gukhwamun inlay H: 3.5 cm; Diameter: 8.0 cm (rim), 4.6 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 3-100 Another box to note is one with a lid elaborately inlaid with chrysanthemum stems and flower buds. The pale bluish-green glaze gently has a slightly glossy surface. The underside of the lid shows that it was fired on a stand after it was wiped clean of glaze. Celadon hap are, for the most part, distinctively patterned with black and white inlay and adorned with incised chrysanthemums. Along with the patterns on the lids of cylindrical cups, the patterns on the lids of celadon boxes are the most artistic and representative inlay techniques of the early Goryeo period. 02 PATTERNS The most typical decorative pattern on the celadon wares from Biando is aengmumun or parrot design. Typically, a single parrot or a pair of parrots in flight is incised inside the wares. Sometimes there is only one parrot but more often two parrots appear in a symmetrical arrangement. This pattern is typically seen on many different kinds of Goryeo celadon open vessels such as jeopsi, daejeop, and wan to closed vessels such as hap, byeong (甁: bottles), and ho (壺: jars). However, among the items of the Biando discovery, aengmumun was only found incised on daejeop and jeopsi. Peony designs usually appear in the form of a single blossom or moranjeoljimun (牡丹折枝文: a design that features peony flowers with branches and leaves) produced by apchul (押出: molding). Incised details were added by hand (陽印刻, yang-ingak: relief carving), as exemplified on the gakjeopsi or polygonal plates. Some vessels have dull, uninteresting arrangements indicating the overuse of the pattern. Molded moranmun and incised aengmumun are the most frequent patterns on the Biando celadon wares. Yeonhwamun (蓮花文: lotus flower design) and yeonhwadangchomun are also found. On daejeop, jeopsi, and tonghyeongjan they were predominantly incised or carved, although a few molded designs have been found on jeopsi. Many jeopsi and daejeop carry combinations of incised and carved lotus leaves on the exterior and double rows of incised and carved yeonpanmun are commonly applied on tonghyeongjan. The lid of the hap is noteworthy for having fully open chrysanthemum or peony blossoms incised or inlaid in black and white. Typically, they are not confined within a border but are freely drawn, much like those in a painting. Less common patterns include bands of yeouidumun or ruyi pattern carved on the hwahyeongjeonjeopsi and bands of noemun or thunder pattern incised on the exterior of jan. Furthermore, there are examples of lines depicting flower petals on the lids of tonghyeongjan (Plate 6) and a simplified chrysanthemum design in black-and-white inlay on the exterior of some jan. ( Plate 6 ) Celadon jan with incised noemun H: 5.3 cm; Diameter: 8.1 cm (rim), 4.2 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian E-276 The most common patterns are the incised parrot design, the molded peony and chrysanthemum, and incised and carved lotus petals. Among the most noteworthy patterns are chrysanthemum and peony scrolls in black-and-white inlay. 03 FIRING TECHNIQUE The celadon wares discovered off the coast of Biando were most commonly fired on stands using naehwato bijim batchim which leave three or five spur marks on the mount or the base of the wares such as jeopsi, daejeop, wan, bal, jan, and tonghyeongjan, while some were fired on the thinner naehwato batchim. Furthermore, marks of meticulous firing using gyuseok batchim that leave three spur marks on the base of the ttukkeong of tonghyeongjan and the base of hap are found in the more refined examples. However, it is notable that the lids of tonghyeongjan and hap and the foot rims of jan show that naehwato bijim batchim were used (Plate 7). It indicates that the coexistence of different techniques. The naehwato bijim batchim is a firing technique introduced in the early-thirteenth century, quite distinct from the grayish-white naehwato batchim used from the early years of Goryeo until the late-twelfth century. Such a transition in firing technique in the early-thirteenth century is also apparent in gyuseok batchim, which had been used since the early-twelfth century for making refined pottery. By the early-thirteenth century the gyuseok batchim of the early years changed and became thicker (Plate 8). ( Plate 7 ) Base of celadon jan with gukhwamun inlay H: 5.1 cm; Diameter: 6.3 cm (rim), 3.0 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 2-322 ( Plate 8 ) Gyuseok batchim of celadon hap with gukhwamun inlay H: 1.7 cm; Diameter: 8.1 cm (overall) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 3-098 The foot of the peony-patterned jeopsi, daejeop, hap, and jan is short and tilted inward, attesting to the change from high to low. This style of foot rim is similar to that of white or green porcelain produced in Jingdezhen (景德鎭), Jiangxi Province, China, and reflects the new influences reaching the Goryeo state at the time. The glaze color also shows a gradual change from a mix of greenish-brown and bluish-green to predominantly bluish-green. Among the bluish-green celadon in the Biando collection are several refined vessels that can be described as bisaek (翡色: a subtle jade-green color that was admired in Song China), suggesting that the celadon wares from Biando were made using the same technique as that used for producing bisaek glazes. III THE DATES AND LOCATION OF PRODUCTION 01 DATES When and where were the Goryeo celadons discovered off Biando produced? A comparative analysis with the available data on Goryeo celadon from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries may offer some clues. Firstly, a comparison with the Goryeo celadon discovered along with Hwangtong yungnyeonmyeong injongsichaek (皇統六年銘 仁宗謚冊: Edict of King Injong in the sixth year of Hwangtong, 1146) in Jangneung (長陵), Jangdan (長湍), Gyeonggi-do (京畿道, Gyeonggi Province) may be helpful: a gwahyeongbyeong (瓜形甁: gourd-shaped celadon bottle); a banghyeongho (方形壺: square celadon jar); a gukhyeonghap (菊形盒: chrysanthemum-shaped celadon box); and a tonghyeongjan or cylindrical celadon cup.1 The celadon gwahyeongbyeong has a gourd-shaped body with bisaek glaze and traces of grayish-white naehwato batchim and the celadon banghyeongho has a thick layer of celadon glaze all over and spur marks of naehwato batchim on the base. The celadon gukhyeonghap has an open chrysanthemum petal indentation on the lid and the base and the celadon tonghyeongjan has a thick layer of bisaek glaze and a foot showing subtle traces of gyuseok batchim. The chief common features between the celadon wares of Jangneung and those discovered at Biando are the presence of refined celadon vessels with bisaek glaze and hap and tonghyeongjan ttukkeong bearing the marks of gyuseok batchim spur marks. Moreover, some of the chrysanthemum-incised hap from Biando have the same designs as those on celadon gukhyeonghap and they also share a similar body shape. In particular, the carved tonghyeongjan from Biando has the same cylindrical body, the same handle in the shape of a lotus bud on the lid, and the same gyuseok batchim spur marks as the celadon tonghyeongjan from Jangneung (Plate 9). What is particularly telling here, however, is that whereas the Jangneung celadon has no decorative patterns, the Biando hap and tonghyeongjan have various patterns applied by incising, carving, and inlaying. This indicates that the latter are newer, post-1146 celadons. Furthermore, the fact that the Biando celadons were fired on naehwato bijim batchim rather than on grayish-white naehwato batchim is another indication that the Biando wares are later than those discovered in Jangneung. ( Plate 9 ) Celadon tonghyeongjan with molded yeonpanmun H: 10.1 cm; Diameter: 10.4 cm (rim), 8.0 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian D-113 Secondly, there are various extant Goryeo celadon vessels that correspond to those mentioned in Goryeosa, (高麗史: History of Goryeo). The record in the eleventh year (1157) in the reign of King Uijong (毅宗, r. 1146-1170) says, “…in the fourth month, early summer… built a pavilion named Yang-uijeong in the back garden of the palace… covered the roof with celadon roof tiles… (…夏四月…. 基北構養怡亭 蓋以靑瓷…).” This description matches the quality of the Goryeo celadon tiles excavated from the Manwoldae (滿月臺), Goryeo Royal Palace Site, Gaeseong, in 1927 and various fragmentary pieces of Goryeo celadon excavated from the Sadang-ri Kiln Site (沙堂里窯址) in Gangjin under the auspices of the National Museum of Korea.2 These fragmentary pieces of Goryeo celadon roof tiles include sumaksae (convex) tiles carved with moranmun, peony designs; ammaksae (concave) tiles carved with dangchomun, arabesque designs, and fragments incised with a combination of these patterns. There are also some celadon fragments decorated with partial inlay technique, with molding strengthened by incising at an angle or yang-ingak technique, and simple molding. The Sadang-ri celadon carved jeopsi and daejeop with moranmun made using a similar molding technique to that found in the Biando wares. Furthermore, the jan and hap bearing chrysanthemum and peony inlay from Biando (Plate 10) exhibit an inlay technique that is more refined than those applied on the celadon roof tiles excavated from Manwoldae. ( Plate 10 ) Celadon daejeop with molded moranmun H: 6.7 cm; Diameter: 18.7 cm (rim), 6.5 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 2-194 Thirdly, there is the research by the National Museum of Korea about the celadon fragments with the character “成” (seong) in inlay, excavated from Gangjin Sadang-ri Kiln Site No. 7, and thought to be from the early thirteenth century. The celadon fragments with this character, which may refer to the name of the potter,3 include fragments of jan; jeopsi decorated with parrots; daejeop with molded lotus petals; jan with carved lotus scrolls; gakjeopsi with carved peony scrolls; hwahyeongjeopsi with carved ruyi patterns; gakjeopsi; tonghyeongjan with carved lotus petals; and hap with peony inlay. A total of fifteen pieces, these fragments of Goryeo celadon from Sadang-ri Kiln Site No. 7 are very similar in shape, production method, and patterns to the ones found off the coast of Biando. For instance, the jan from the Biando collection is of identical shape to the one from Sadang-ri. On the other hand, the incised aengmumun of the Biando jeopsi and daejeop is more simplified than those of the delicate and realistic looking ones from the Sadang-ri Kiln Site. Likewise, in comparison with the ones from Biando, the carved yeonpanmun daejeop and incised yeonpanmun jeopsi from Sadang-ri display a sharper carved technique. The difference in the delicacy of the patterns is also found in the apchul technique that was used in the application of moranmun and moranjeoljimun although the technique itself is similar. The ones on the gakjeopsi from Sadang-ri surpass those from Biando. In addition, the ruyi pattern inside the molded jeonjeopsi from Biando and the one on the fragment from Sadang-ri are similar, but the color of the latter is superior. The Biando wares feature various sizes of yeonpanmun tonghyeongjan similar in shape to the ones from the Sadang-ri except that the lotus design carved on the exterior of the latter is sharper. In the case of the Biando inlaid celadon gukhwamun and moranmun hap, they share similarity in terms of the shape and the black-and-white inlay on the top of the lid, but the Sadang-ri wares are more complex than the Biando ones with additional incised dangchomun around the more simplified moranmun. There is also a difference in firing method: the wares from Biando were fired on naehwato bijim batchim whereas the Sadang-ri ones were fired on gyuseok batchim. In terms of the shape of the foot, the two are quite similar. Both have a short, tilted foot rim with the inner side of the base remaining intact. The Sadang-ri wares bear the distinctive “成” in inlay on the bottom of the mount indicating that the artifacts were made in Gangjin. Overall, the wares from Biando and Sadang-ri share similarities in shape, production method, patterns, and firing techniques. Fourthly, there are some well-known Goryeo celadons with accurate dates of production, all of which show traces of naehwato bijim batchim along with the early incising-inlay technique applied on the Biando discoveries. They are the celadon bottles with a wide mouth and the inscription of gichuk (己丑) year4 (assumed to be from 1229, Hoam Art Gallery); the maebyeong (梅甁) with chomun (草文: plant pattern) inlay and the inscription of gyeong-in (庚寅) year (assumed to be from 1230, Hoam Art Gallery);5 the inkstone with moranmun inlay and the inscription of sinchuk (辛丑) year (assumed to be from 1241, Hoam Art Gallery);6 the inlaid bal with the inscription of gyechuk (癸丑) year (assumed to be from 1253, National Museum of Korea).7 Lastly, there are the twelve Goryeo celadon wares excavated from Jireung (智陵), the tomb of King Myeongjong (明宗, r. 1170-1197). The tomb is situated in Jangdo, Jangdan, Gyeonggi-do and was renovated in 1255. The celadon vessels include wan with molded unhangmun (雲鶴文: clouds and crane pattern); molded moranmun hwahyeongjeopsi; molded yeouidumun jeopsi; jeopsi; incised yeonpanmun wan; incised moranmun tagu (唾具: spittoon); daejeop with incised yeojimun (荔枝文: lichee pattern) inlay; jeopsi with gukhwamun inlay; inlaid hwamunhwayeong (花文花形: petalled shape with floral design) jeopsi; and palgak (八角: octagonal) jeopsi with floral inlay.8 These examples are similar in pattern to the jeonjeopsi with incised moranmun and molded yeouimun from Biando. Moreover, the yeonpanmun on the Biando wan are similar to those on the celadons from Jireung. They share the same short, tilted foot, and spur marks of firing on gyuseok batchim or naehwato batchim while showing a difference in the color and the quality of glaze: those from Jireung are of a deeper bluish-green of superior quality. Judging from the perfect inlay technique on both the interior and exterior of the jeopsi and daejeop, these celadons excavated from Jireung probably postdate those from Biando. As analyzed above, a comparative analysis of the Biando celadons with other Goryeo celadon vessels of known dates suggests that the Biando wares were produced around 1220. 02 PRODUCTION SITE One possible site of production for the Biando wares is the Jinseo-ri Kiln No. 18 in Buan, where artifacts with the following characteristics have been found:9 a) Celadon jeopsi with moranmun, moranjeoljimun, and yeonhwajeoljimun created by apchul technique. These vessels also have incised and carved yeonpanmun. b) Celadon bal featuring the same characteristics as above. c) Celadon gakjeopsi with moranmun using the apchul technique. d) Jeonjeopsi and hwahyeongjeonjeopsi. e) Incised noemun jan and gukhawmun inlaid jan. f) Tonghyeongjan with incised-and-molded yeonpanmun on the outer surface and its ttukkeong with lotus-bud-like handle and incised parallel seonmun. Celadon hap with matching ttukkeong. Also present at Jinseo-ri are fragments of refined celadon with gyuseok batchim or naehwato batchim along with the tools used at the kiln. The colors of celadon fragments come in both greenish-brown and bluish-green like the Biando collection and the inlay technique is similar. The other likely production site of the Biando wares is the Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan, where celadon vessels with the following characteristics have been excavated:10 a) Apchul moranmun jeopsi, bal, and wan like those of Biando b) Incised yeonpanmun bal and jeopsi as well as carved yeonpanmun bal and jeopsi. c) Incised aengmumun wan and jeopsi. In particular the simplified aengmumun is found. d) Jan and tonghyeongjan with incised and carved yeonpanmun. Lids with lotus-bud like handles or dish-shaped. e) Gakjeopsi, jeopsi, and hwayeongjeonjeopsi with molded moranmun and maehwamun. f) Similar hap as those from Biando. Furthermore, there are ttukkeong with moranmun and gukhwamun inlay and celadon fragments with the marks of being fired on gyuseok batchim or naehwato batchim. There are also fragments in greenish-brown, bluish-green, and bisaek. Simplified aengmumun is a common feature in the wares from both Yucheon-ri and Biando. There are also small and big tonghyeongjan and examples with gukhwamun in combination with seonmun or linear designs. The presence of such similar features strongly suggests that the Biando celadon wares were produced at the Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan. A third possible production site for the Biando wares is Yongun-ri No. 10-2 Kiln Site, Gangjin.11 Among the celadon vessels excavated from this site the following have similar shape and features as those from Biando: incised yeonpanmun wan and jeopsi; incised aengmumun wan; jan and tonghyeongjan with incised and carved yeonpanmun; gakjeopsi with carved moranmun; and hwahyeongjeopsi. The colors of greenish-brown and bluish-green are present but the faint aengmumun and the hap as found from Biando are absent. Thus the Gangjin Sadang-ri Kiln Site No. 7 is the least likely production site for the Biando vessels as the celadons produced at this kiln are more refined in quality, especially those with aengmumun, which requires greater skill in expressing details (Plate 11). ( Plate 11 ) Celadon daejeop with incised aengmumun H: 7.1 cm; Diameter: 17.0 cm (rim), 6.0 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian C-112 IV CONCLUSION The kiln sites that feature the most similar celadon to those of Biando are the Jinseo-ri and Yucheon-ri sites in Buan and the Yongun-ri and Sadang-ri sites in Gangjin. Among these sites, Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan revealed the same aengmumun, the same types of vessels, the same inlay technique, and the same molding technique as those in the Biando collection. It is fairly reasonable, therefore, to imagine that, during the height of Goryeo celadon production in the 1220s, the Yongun-ri Kiln Site No. 10-2 and the Sadang-ri Kiln Site No. 7 in Gangjin as well as the Jinseo-ri Kiln Site No. 18 and the Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan developed and competed with one another as key production sites. It is likely, however, that the Biando wares were produced sometime in the 1220s at the Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan, as analyzed above. What caused the ship to sink off Biando cannot be determined but the celadons on the ship were being transported from Julpo (茁浦) in Buan, and were most likely headed for Gaeseong, the capital of Goryeo, where the demand for the most exquisite celadon wares was the highest.