The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

This issue represents a compilation of papers that were originally presented at an academic conference held to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the discovery of the Tomb of King Muryeong. They have subsequently been reworked. This issue comprises a total of four papers, the contents of which are as follows. Cultural Exchange and International Interaction in East Asia as Seen through the Tomb of King Muryeong (by Kwon Ohyoung) One of the many values of the Tomb of King Muryeong is that it presents vivid evidence of exchange, not only centered around the Korean Peninsula, but also across the whole of Northeast Asia, including China and Japan. The fact that not only the tomb’s structure and artifacts but also the underlying perceptions of the afterlife and Buddhist ideology were shared throughout Northeast Asia can be regarded as proof of this fact. The results of the recently undertaken scientific analysis also revealed that the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong include objects that were originally made in Northeast Asia and even beyond in Southeast and South Asia. Research on the Excavation and Investigation of the Tomb of King Muryeong (by Kang Wonpyo) The excavation of the Tomb of King Muryeong in 1971 faced many shortcomings due to the circumstances and resulting limitations of the period during which the excavation took place. The loss of precise information on the context of the numerous artifacts has led to great difficulties in restoring the various ornaments and in interpreting the use of individual artifacts. In order to overcome these difficulties, Gongju National Museum has been continuously conducting research on the artifacts from the excavation during the fifty years since it took place. As a result, it was possible to identify new artifacts that were not recognized at the time of excavation, and to correct wrong information about some of the artifacts. The problems and limitations exposed through the excavation of the Tomb of King Muryeong provided the Korean archaeological community with a great opportunity to improve. The excavation ensured that the investigation of the Silla royal tombs in Gyeongju, which took place from the early 1970s onwards, was carried out systematically. In this regard, the excavation of ancient royal tombs in Korea can be divided into those that took place before the discovery of the Tomb of King Muryeong and those that took place afterwards. Cultural Exchange among the Three Kingdoms as Revealed by Artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong (by Lee Hansang) The international nature of the Tomb of King Muryeong can also be observed in the adjacent tomb cultures of Gaya and Silla. The patterns and techniques that were created or advanced in constructing the Tomb of King Muryeong later spread to neighboring Gaya and Silla. The use of stone chamber tombs with tunnel-shaped ceilings in Goryeong, along with the custom of laying to rest married couples side by side, can be regarded as part of the influence of the tomb culture of the Ungjin period, representative of which is the Tomb of King Muryeong. The influence of the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong can also be clearly observed in Dae Gaya’s earrings, swords with ring-shaped pommels, and metal vessels. Conversely, it is also possible to confirm that Silla’s metal craftsmanship influenced Baekje’s technological manufacturing during the Ungjin period. Critical Review on the Metalworks in the Tomb of King Muryeong (by Joo Kyeongmi) Although there have been debates on the metalworks from the Tomb of King Muryeong regarding their place of manufacture, inferences on manufacturing technology based on detailed observations of artifact form and comparative studies with similar items from neighboring regions, have slowly shed light on issues of provenance. Nevertheless, there are still areas where research is lacking. The most severe of which are the bronze mirrors. Three bronze mirrors were recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong, which is an interesting fact given that the custom of depositing bronze mirrors as grave goods has rarely been observed in Baekje tombs. Due to this reason, comparative research has been undertaken on similar examples from China and Japan in order to ascertain the place of manufacture of the bronze mirrors, but a full-scale review has yet to be conducted. It is suggested in this paper that, based on detailed observations, it is likely that the bronze mirrors from the Tomb of King Muryeong were made by a Baekje craftsperson. The Openness and Dynamism of Korean Ancient Culture It cannot be said that the full picture of the Tomb of King Muryeong and its excavated artifacts can be obtained through the four papers introduced in this volume. This is because the amount of information provided by the site is, indeed, enormous. Although fifty years have already passed since the studies on the Tomb of King Muryeong and its excavated artifacts first began, it is expected that new research will continue to take place, based on various perspectives and utilizing new methodologies and technology. In the early days, research was driven by the visual observations of textual and material evidence undertaken by historians and archaeologists. Over time, however, scientific techniques were adopted to explore issues of production and technology. The emergence of new scientific methods and developments in conservation technology are expected to steer research on the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong in an entirely new direction. For example, in the early days of research, the main focus was on understanding the nature of foreign exchange with Chinese and Japanese regions through the study of artifacts. However, as a result of the confirmation that many of the glass beads from the tomb were imports that were produced in India or Southeast Asia, there have been changes in the direction of research. Research interests have now expanded beyond Northeast Asia to encompass Southeast and South Asia as well. Baekje, during the reign of King Muryeong, competed fiercely with Goguryeo while at the same time maintaining friendly relations with the neighboring polities of Gaya, Silla, Wa of the Japanese Archipelago, and China’s Southern Dynasties. Advanced science, technology, and ideology, rather than slaughter and warfare, were exchanged between China, the Korean Peninsula, and the Japanese Archipelago. This played an important role in enhancing the overall cultural level of Northeast Asia and evening out large discrepancies between cultures. A cultural highway, in a sense, was laid out. In this regard, the value of the Tomb of King Muryeong should be evaluated from the perspective of Northeast Asia and even East Asia, and not be limited to its relevance to ancient Korean history. Rather than emphasizing the tomb’s role as a representation of the excellence and uniqueness of ancient Korean culture, the tomb should be evaluated as a vivid example of the value of cultural sharing and peaceful exchange in Northeast Asia. It is here that the outstanding universal value of the many heritage sites included in the Baekje Historic Areas, including the tomb of King Muryeong, should be found.

Numerous conferences on various topics relevant to the Tomb of King Muryeong (武寧王, r. 501–523) have been hosted since the tomb’s discovery in 1971. As a result, the current understanding of Ungjin period Baekje history and culture has evolved significantly. With the publication of reports in 2011 (Gongju National Museum 2011), marking the fourth decade of the tomb’s excavation, artifacts that heretofore had not been revealed to the public came to be introduced, and the published results of the systematic scientific analysis undertaken on the artifacts have played an important role in advancing research on the Tomb of King Muryeong. Gongju National Museum, in particular, has spearheaded research on the Tomb of King Muryeong, consistently carrying out scientific analysis on artifacts, introducing unpublished artifacts, and undertaking comparative analysis with data from foreign contexts, such as China and Japan. Although each decade following the tomb’s discovery was not regularly celebrated by hosting a conference, King Muryeong and his tomb have consistently been chosen as the topic of numerous other conferences, and, in the process, literature reviews of the research on the tomb have been presented several times. It can thus be said that—compared to any other Korean site—research on the Tomb of King Muryeong has been long-term, intensive, and has utilized a wide range of methodologies. Taking the above situation into consideration, this paper does not aim to present yet another account of the research history or to celebrate the positive accomplishments and developments in the field but rather attempts to address the aspects that are lacking in research on the Tomb of King Muryeong, identify the reasons behind these limitations, and provide directions for future research. Current State of Research The Tomb At the time of its discovery, researchers faced many difficulties in studying the architectural aspect of the Tomb of King Muryeong, due to a lack of information on Chinese-style brick chamber tombs. In addition, the structural elements of the tomb that were believed to be distinctive to Baekje tended to be the focus of research since, at the time, it was difficult for Korean scholars to come to terms with the fact that a Baekje royal tomb had adopted the structure of brick chamber tombs which were characteristic of China’s Six Dynasties1 period. However, with the gradual introduction of information on the Chinese material, it became possible to confirm that the structure of the Tomb of King Muryeong was indeed similar to that of the brick chamber tombs of China’s Southern Dynasties. We have now arrived at the stage in which in-depth comparative research between the two is required. However, due to limitations on the part of Korean scholars, much of this comparative research has been carried out by foreign scholars. Notable examples include a comprehensive overview of the tombs of the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties (Koh Yoshimata 2005), a comparative study with the tombs of the Southern and Northern Dynasties (Zhou Yuxing 2009), and a comparative study with the family grave of Gao Song (高崧) of Eastern Jin (Zhou Yuxing 2012). The author’s interpretation of the findings of such comparative studies was presented in 2014, in the special exhibition catalogue published by Gongju National Museum (Kwon Ohyoung 2014b), and the results of Cho Yun Jae’s comparative study of the Chinese tombs were recently presented at a conference hosted by the Hanseong Baekje Museum in 2019 (Cho Yun Jae 2019b). The conclusion commonly arrived at by both Korean and foreign scholars is that the structure of the Tomb of King Muryeong and Tomb No. 6 of the Songsan-ri Burial Ground reflected strong ties with the structure of the brick chamber tombs of China’s Six Dynasties period. Of course, opinions regarding the degree of Baekje innovation or the active role of Baekje craftspeople in adopting this foreign tomb style may differ from scholar to scholar, but there is no disagreement over the deep links that exist between the Tomb of King Muryeong and the brick chamber tombs of Liang, one of the Southern Dynasties of China. It should be noted, however, that although the bricks used to construct the Tomb of King Muryeong are similar in nature to those of the Liang Dynasty, the structure and layout of the tomb demonstrate links with the technological tradition of an earlier period, dating to before the rule of Yuanjia (元嘉) of the Liu Song (劉宋) Dynasty. Based on this, it has been suggested by a Chinese scholar that the craftspeople responsible for the construction of the Tomb of King Muryeong were knowledgeable of past technologies as well (Wang Zhigao 2005). However, the lack of knowledge of the tombs and burial rites of the Six Dynasties period on the part of the Korean academic community has meant that such suggestions have not been thoroughly considered. This situation illustrates the urgent need to nurture researchers specializing in the archaeology of the Six Dynasties period. The Artifacts The artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong have been the subject of much interest, not only for scholars based in Korea but also in China and Japan, due to their international nature. The comparative study of the stone epitaph plaques, the imaginary guardian animal (known as a jinmyosu) stone statue, celadon vessels, bronze mirrors, glass child statues, animal-shaped jet ornaments, iron wushu coins, and the bronze long-handled iron from the Tomb of King Muryeong with their counterparts of the Southern Dynasties of China undertaken by Zhou Yuxing (Zhou Yuxing 2009) well-represents this international interest. The author also compiled a history of research on the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong in a paper presented at the conference hosted in 2019 by the Hanseong Baekje Museum on the Tomb of King Muryeong (Kwon Ohyoung 2019a). A separate paper examining the ceramic objects from the tomb was also presented at the conference (Shin Jun 2019). The following section presents an overview of the place of manufacture of the various artifacts recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong. 1. Personal Ornaments The personal ornaments made of precious metals that had been worn by the deceased King and his Queen Consort, comprising of crown ornaments, earrings, necklaces, bracelets, rings, belt pieces, and gilded metal shoes, are commonly believed to have been made by Baekje craftspeople in Baekje. Research has been undertaken on the developmental process of Baekje’s precious metal ornament culture and the spread of technologies and craftspeople from the surrounding regions. Discussions from a Eurasian perspective on the international nature of the motifs of the King’s crown ornaments (Lee Song-ran 2019) or the flower vase motif of the Queen’s crown ornaments (Kwon Ohyoung 2005) have also been undertaken. 2. Celadon and Porcelain Vessels There is a long history of comparative research on the celadon and porcelain vessels from the Tomb of King Muryeong and their counterparts in China’s Six Dynasties, particularly Liang. Yuezhou Kiln (越州窯) and Hongzhou Kiln (洪州窯) are frequently mentioned as the likely candidates for the provenance of these vessels. On the other hand, the black-glazed bottle is believed to have come from Deqing Kiln (德清窯), but comparative studies have only been carried out on similar examples from East Jin rather than Liang. Identifying similar black-glazed bottles from the Liang Dynasty is, therefore, an important task for further research. 3. Bronze Objects The provenance of the silver cup with bronze stand (銅托銀盞) is a contested issue. Many scholars have maintained that the object had to have come from China, since similar artifacts have been discovered at sites dating to the Southern Dynasties period, albeit infrequently. However, following the discovery of the gilt-bronze incense burner from the site of Neungsan-ri temple site in Buyeo, detailed studies have been carried out comparing its production technology with that of the silver cup with bronze stand from the Tomb of King Muryeong. As a result, the opinion that the silver cup with bronze stand was produced by Baekje craftspeople is gaining strength. In addition, comparative analyses with similarly shaped vessels of different materials (i.e., not only bronze but also green-glazed ceramics and earthenware) from China and Japan (Figs. 1) have also taken place, such as a comprehensive overview of bronze vessels by the Japanese scholar, Momosaki Yusuke (Momosaki 2006; 2014). Figs. 1. Silver cup with bronze stand from the Tomb of King Muryeong and similar examples for comparison The bronze long-handled iron is highly similar to examples discovered in Liang Dynasty hoards in Zhenjiang (鎭江) and Jiangdu (江都), China, and the Takaidayama (高井田山) Kofun in Osaka, Japan. As for the three bronze spoons and two sets of bronze chopsticks, it has been suggested that some were made in China and some were made in Baekje (Jung Euido 2009). 4. Sword with Dragon and Phoenix Decorated Ring Pommel In the past, the exquisite sword with a ring-shaped pommel-end decorated with a dragon ornament that was worn by King Muryeong in death was regarded as an object manufactured in Liang China that was bestowed upon King Muryeong along with the title of the “Great General Tranquilizing the East” (寧東大將軍). However, detailed studies of the dragon decoration and the minute traces featuring information on production techniques suggest that the sword was manufactured in Baekje by Baekje craftspeople (Park Gyeongdo 2014; Choi Gieun 2014). As the style of King Muryeong’s dragon decorated ring-shaped pommel-end sword spread to Gaya and the Japanese Archipelago, the artifact has also been an important topic of research in Gaya and Japanese archaeology. Compressive and wide-reaching comparative studies on the ring-shaped pommel-end swords of Northeast Asia, including the example from the Tomb of King Muryeong, are ongoing. 5. Beads The beads recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong are diverse in terms of the material used (such as glass, amber, agate, jade, etc.) and substantial in their number. In discussing the provenance of these beads, Southeast Asia has been particularly highlighted (Kim Nayeong, Lee Yoonhui, and Kim Gyuho 2011; Tamura 2012). The possibility that the lead sourced from mines in Thailand may have been used in these beads (Yu Heisun and Ro Jihyun 2018) or that the beads may indicate exchange between Baekje and Funan (扶南) has also been suggested (Kim Kyuho et al. 2016). A large number of jade beads were discovered in the Tomb of King Muryeong, the provenance of which remains unknown. As jade sources within the Korean Peninsula have yet to be confirmed, establishing whether or not the jade used to make the beads came from Japan, particularly Itoigawa (糸魚川), Niigata (新潟) Prefecture, as in the case of the jade objects from Silla tombs, is a key topic of research. 6. Jet It has been suggested that the jet used to make ornaments, previously called tanjeong or maejeong, came from regions in Liaoning Province or Jiangsu Province in China (Yu Heisun 2012). However, given the fact that the tradition of using such small animal-shaped objects to ward off evil spirits is frequently observed in Southeast Asia, further comparative research needs to be undertaken on these objects, regardless of the provenance of the jet. 7. Stone Epitaph Plaques, Proof of Land Purchase, and Jinmyosu The epitaph plaques that briefly state the identity of King Muryeong and his Queen Consort, as well as the process spanning from their deaths to their burial, the proof of land purchase that acts as a conceptual expression of the fact that the land used for the tomb had been purchased from the God of the Land, the direction table in which the tomb’s location is expressed using the twelve animals of the Chinese Zodiac—all are elements that have rarely been observed in other Baekje burials and funerary practices. Due to this, comparative studies with Chinese epitaph plaques and proofs of land purchase of the Six Dynasties were undertaken. Comparative studies with their counterparts of the Six Dynasties have also been carried out for the stone statue of an imaginary guardian animal, known as a jinmyosu, with a focus on formal similarities and/or ideological aspects and perceptions of the afterlife (Kwon Ohyoung 2006; Cho Yun Jae 2019a). The custom of burying proof of land purchase or a stone statue of an imaginary guardian animal is associated with the Chinese Taoist philosophy of immortal beings. Therefore, as a means of exploring the background behind the burial of such objects in the Tomb of King Muryeong, it is important to examine how well the Baekje royalty of the Ungjin period understood Chinese religion and philosophy at the time. The identification of the stone used to carve the jinmyosu statue is extremely important. The results of provenance studies established that the stone had likely been sourced from the areas of Jangsu and Namwon (Ayeong) in Jeollabuk-do Province (Park Jun Hyoung, Lee Chan Hee, and Choi Gieun 2017). This is important because this eastern region of Jeollabuk-do Province during the reign of King Muryeong was where fierce struggles with Gaya happened, with a Baekje victory resulting in the consolidation of the lands as part of Baekje territory. The fact that stone from the eastern region of Jeollabuk-do Province, of all places, was used for the stone epitaph plaques and the proof of land purchase also presents an interesting contrast to the fact that, when a Silla stele was erected on the summit of Bukhansan Mountain in what is now present-day Seoul during the reign of Silla’s King Jinheung (眞興王, r. 540–576), the stone for the stele was quarried and transported from Gyeongju, the Silla capital located far away. 8. Headrests and Footrests The King and Queen were laid to rest supported by wooden headrests and footrests. Although the two are similar in shape, their colors and decorative patterns differ. Research has been carried out on the types of decorative patterns rendered onto the headrests and footrests, as well as their symbolic meanings (Lee Hansang 2010; Park Seoyoung 2016). The species of the wood used to make the coffin for the King and Queen has also been the subject of intense study (e.g., Park Sangjin 1991; Hideo Yoshii 2001); in recent times, it has come to be generally accepted that the wood came from the Japanese Umbrella Pine (Koyamaki) that only grows in Japan. As it has come to be revealed that not only the coffins from the Tomb of King Muryeong, but also those from Donghachong Tomb in Buyeo and Ssangryeung in Iksan were made of wood from Japanese Umbrella Pine, it now appears likely that this type of pinewood, which was imported from Japan, was highly favored for the wooden coffins of Baekje royalty in the Ungjin and Sabi periods. As such, the precise source of the wood of Japanese Umbrella Pine, the process through which it came to be imported to Baekje, and why Baekje royalty appear to have favored Japanese Umbrella Pine so highly are issues for future research. Fig. 2. Image of a bird-like human playing with a dragon from a brick chamber tomb of the Southern Dynasties period expressing the notion that the souls of the deceased ascend to the world of the Taoist Gods in the afterlife Funerary Rituals and Beliefs in the Afterlife The significance of the discovery of the Tomb of King Muryeong lies not only in its material elements, such as tomb structure and artifacts, but also in the information that it provides on the funerary rites of the time. In particular, the actual practice of the “three-year mourning period,” previously identified only through literary records, could be ascertained from the text of the epitaph plaques which state that the deceased were laid to rest at a separate location for 27–28 months prior to finally being laid to rest in the present royal tomb. Detailed studies on the temporary resting place of the King and Queen were made possible following the excavation of the Jeongjisan Mountain site in Gongju in 1996. The discovery of this temporary burial site opened the doors for the study of such temporary burials and associated funerary rituals which heretofore had not been possible for Korean pre-modern historians and archaeologists. Through analyzing the contents of the epitaph plaques and proof of the land purchase, it was possible to shed light on the burial process. It has been suggested that the jinmyosu statue, in addition to guarding the tomb, also played a role in guiding the deceased souls in their ascension to the world of the Taoist Gods (Cho Yun Jae 2019a). Comparative studies with epitaph plaques and proof of the land purchase from the Tomb of King Muryeong with their Chinese (Zhu Min and Tai Hui-ting 2014) or Japanese (Inada Natsuko 2018) counterparts have also taken place. It has also been proposed that, of the artifacts recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong, the animal-shaped jet ornaments worn by the King functioned as an amulet to ward off evil spirits and therefore may also be regarded, as with the jinmyosu statue, as a remnant of the belief in the deceased ascending to the world of the Taoist Gods (Kwon Ohyoung 2002). The belief in the afterlife held by Baekje royalty is a topic that requires future research. Comparative studies with the beliefs of the Six Dynasties of China, as well as Goguryeo, Silla, and Gaya, must be undertaken. If the fact that the Baekje culture of the Ungjin and Sabi periods heavily influenced the Asuka (飛鳥) Culture of Japan is taken into consideration, it also becomes clear that the influence of Baekje’s notions regarding the afterlife on ancient Japanese culture should also be examined. Future Research Prospects Research on the history of cultural exchange and interactions in East Asia has expanded as a result of studies undertaken on the Tomb of King Muryeong. It is expected that in the future, the role of conservation scientists will overshadow that of historians, archaeologists, and art historians in furthering this research. This is due to the emergence of new research methodologies. The work of conservation scientists in analyzing the production technology of artifacts and in identifying their provenance has been extremely important. An exemplary case in point would be the detailed analysis of the ring-shaped pommel-end decorated with a dragon decoration which proved that the artifact had been manufactured by Baekje craftspeople rather than having been produced in the Southern Dynasties of China, as had previously been believed. The work of conservation scientists is expected to increase in significance following further scientific and technological developments. This leads to the point that historians, archaeologists, and art historians must now consider in earnest what their role is to be in the future. It may be suggested that they should explore the possibilities of interdisciplinary research with conservation science—armed as the latter is with scientific equipment and technologies that allow various avenues of analytical research—by sharing research themes and questions, thereby amplifying research outcomes. Rather than offering interpretations that consist of mere speculations that cannot be proven, researchers may be better off sharing research questions and working together along with conservation scientists to produce synergistic research results. Another strategy is to develop a comparative historical or comparative archaeological strategy. Going beyond the current state of research, which has focused mainly on comparisons with the tombs and objects of China’s Southern Dynasties and the identification of influences, future studies must also consider the background that facilitated the adoption of Chinese cultural influences and the meanings that emerged from these influences. As an example, a key research topic that comes to mind is to trace the transition of the funerary architecture at the Baekje center during the Ungjin period (i.e., the transition of tombs from the early to late phase of the Ungjin period, the demise of Songsan-ri style stone burial chambers, the experimental use of brick chamber tombs with vaulted ceilings, and the emergence of Neungsan-ri style stone burial chambers of the Sabi period). Given the fact that various burial styles have been recognized for the Hanseong period, a brick chamber tomb has been identified at Gyochon-ri in Gongju, and numerous stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances have been discovered in the area around Buyeo, it is worth considering the position of the Tomb of King Muryeong within the long-term trajectory of Baekje tomb architecture, spanning from the Hanseong to Ungjin to Sabi period. Although it cannot be denied that the construction of the Tomb of King Muryeong took place against the background of influence from the brick chamber tombs of China’s Southern Dynasties, research should not stop at this point. Studies should expand to discuss the issue of the emergence of stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances in the Gaya region, such as the case of the Goa-dong mural tomb in Goryeong. The avenues by which the stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances came to be adopted in Gaya are diverse, and the structure of the tombs as well as the time period of their emergence, are also varied. In this context, it is, therefore, worthwhile to note that it is in Goryeong where the burial structures that are most similar to the Tomb of King Muryeong and other Ungjin period tombs have been found. Since Baekje artifacts of the Ungjin period have consistently been observed at Haman, Hapcheon, Jinju, and other Gaya sites, a broad research perspective that considers both Baekje and Gaya is required. In considering the relationship between Baekje and Goguryeo, it has been proposed (Lee Song-ran 2019) that a connection can be drawn between the flame motif decorating the king’s crown ornaments and that of Goguryeo tomb murals. Recently, some of the roof tiles found in Gongju, near a site where it is believed that Daetongsa Temple once stood, were identified as featuring formal and technological characteristics similar to those of Goguryeo roof tiles. Numerous roof tiles and pottery with Goguryeo elements from the Sabi period have been discovered at Buyeo, where the Baekje royal fortress was located. This indicates that Baekje culture in the Ungjin and Sabi periods was also influenced by Goguryeo. The mural from Songsan-ri Tomb No. 6, featuring images of the Four Guardians (四神圖, Green Dragon, White Tiger, Red Phoenix, and Black Snake and Tortoise), should also be compared against similar compositions of Goguryeo and the Southern Dynasties, as well as those discovered in the mural tombs of Japan’s Asuka period. Through this, it may become possible to trace the spread of notions of fengshui (風水) and the ideology of the Four Guardians which originated in China. Another issue that needs to be addressed is the fact that ornaments in the central Baekje style of the Ungjin period have been discovered in the tombs of the local leaders of the Yeongsangang River, such as Sindeok Tomb in Hampyeong and Naedong-ri Tomb in Naju. The fact that Chinese porcelain and coin impressed celadon have been discovered in the Shindeok Tomb, the square platform-shaped tomb at Geumsan-ri, and in the Yongdu-ri Tomb in Haenam must also be considered. The bestowment of a prestige goods set consisting of personal ornaments made of precious metals and Chinese porcelain and celadon to the local heads has long been regarded as a strategy of regional control used only by the Baekje center in the Hanseong period. These tombs have now revealed that similar practices took place into the Ungjin period, partially during the reign of King Muryeong. One element that is lacking in studying the Tomb of King Muryeong from the perspective of interaction at the international level is an understanding of the relationship with Japan. The site that is most frequently discussed in association with the artifacts from the tomb is the Takaidayama (高井田山) Kofun (Kashiwara Education Committee 1996). In this tomb, two individuals, believed to have been husband and wife, were placed side by side in separated coffins. The burial chamber, featuring a (modified) barrel vault-shaped ceiling, was built with tile-like flat stone slabs. Artifacts recovered from the tomb include a bronze long-handled iron and gold foil glass beads. It has also been noted that Asukabe (飛鳥戶) Shrine, which is said to have associations with Gonji (昆支), a prince of the Baekje royal family, is located nearby; the site of Oagata (大縣), also located in Osaka, has yielded evidence of Baekje cooking vessels and Baekje iron production. However, as Takaidayama Kofun has been attributed to an earlier date than the Tomb of King Muryeong, there is confusion over how to date the bronze longhandled iron which is almost identical in shape to its counterpart from the Tomb of King Muryeong. This, of course, does not present a problem for those scholars who have proposed that the current chronological framework of Japanese sueki (須惠器) ware is misleading by approximately 60 years (i.e., that 60 years should be added onto the presently accepted dates). However, for those who adhere to the current chronological framework, this time discrepancy between the burial structure and its grave goods is an issue that needs to be addressed. The bronze mirrors from the Tomb of King Muryeong also require further examination. Research on the bronze mirrors of the Three Kingdoms period is severely lacking, and therefore possibly reflecting this situation, Korean scholars have not been able to play a significant role in studies on the bronze mirrors from the Tomb of King Muryeong. There have been no recent developments on the study of the bronze mirror from Suda Hachiman (隅田八幡) Shrine in Hashimoto (橋本) City, Wakayama (和歌山) Prefecture (So Jincheol 2004), which features an inscription suggestive of links with Baekje along with images of people. The author has shared his opinions several times on the rise of the Keitai (繼體) Dynasty and associated archaeological sites and artifacts, but this is not sufficient. Fig. 3. Replica of the bronze mirror featuring images of people. Currently in the collection of Suda Hachiman (隅田八幡) Shrine, in Hashimoto (橋本) City, Wakayama (和歌山) Prefecture, Japan The time around the construction of the Tomb of King Muryeong was when the Japanese Archipelago, previously divided into multiple polities, was unified by the Keitai Dynasty, and is also around the time when keyhole-shaped tombs came to be constructed in the southwestern region of the Korean Peninsula. It has been confirmed that Baekje immigrants played a role in establishing the Keitai Dynasty, and that the Keitai Dynasty maintained a pro-Baekje stance in its diplomatic policies towards the Korean Peninsula. As such, it becomes clear that, through studies on the Tomb of King Muryeong, a deeper understanding of the relationship between Baekje and Japan should be achieved. It has long been suggested that the glass beads and some of the other ornaments from the Tomb of King Muryeong had links with India or Southeast Asia, and the plausibility of such claims has increased with recent studies (Kwon Ohyoung 2019b). The flower vase motif of the queen’s crown ornaments (Kwon Ohyoung 2014a) and the Makara motif of the headrests (Shao Lei 2007) also need attention for having possible links to India or Southeast Asia. Remaining Comments The Tomb of King Muryeong can also provide new insights into Baekje’s relationship with its regional communities, the remaining Mahan groups, and the communities of the eastern Honam region and the western Gyeongnam region. At present, there appears to be a tendency to over-emphasize the independent identity of the remaining Mahan groups or to regard Mahan and Baekje as being equals or rivals, resulting in a distorted picture of the relationship between the Baekje center and the groups of the Yeongsangang River region during the reign of King Muryeong. In-depth research into the Songjae-ri Burial Ground, which was recently excavated, may help to rectify this problematic perspective (NNRICH 2020a; 2020b). The topics of the construction of fortresses in the eastern Honam region and the Seomjingang River region—particularly the time period of their construction, the group responsible for their construction, and the reason for their construction—are all issues that cannot be properly addressed without considering the period of King Muryeong’s reign. It may appear at present that the Tomb of King Muryeong is irrelevant to the construction of these tombs, but it is possible that this may change in the future. Provenance analysis of the stone material of the jinmyosu and the epitaph plaques has revealed that it came from Jangsu or the locale of Ayeong in Namwon, both located in Jeollabuk-do Province (Park Jun Hyoung et al. 2017). It has also been pointed out that the bracelets, jet ornaments, glass beads, silver beads from Durak-ri Tomb No. 5 in Namwon bear similarities to those found in the Tomb of King Muryeong (Kim Nakjung 2018). Gilded metal shoes believed to be of the Baekje tradition and a Chinese bronze mirror were also discovered at the Durak-ri site. This region in the early sixth century CE was a stage where the intertwining interests of various groups, including Baekje, Dae Gaya, So Gaya, and Silla, were played out. In this sense, there are similarities with the political situation of the Yeongsangang River region during the same time period. Taking this into consideration, it thus becomes meaningful to consider why, of all places, the stone for the jinmyosu and the epitaph plaques came from Jangsu/Ayeong. Indeed, this may act as a starting point for considering the degree of interest that the Baekje center in the Ungjin period had in the eastern part of Jeollabuk-do Province, and indeed the Eastern Honam region. It is hoped that new research perspectives can be obtained by integrating these scientific research results with interdisciplinary studies involving archaeology and ancient history. In order to gain a better understanding of the Tomb of King Muryeong, a diachronic study of the tombs and funerary rites of the Baekje elite, spanning throughout the Hanseong–Ungjin–Sabi periods (BNM 2019) is needed, as is an examination of the nature of influences for each period. For example, the relationship with Chinese brick chamber tombs, the way in which the architectural structure and funerary practices, as well as the artifacts, of the Tomb of King Muryeong spread to Silla, Gaya, and Wa (Japan), and commonalities and differences between the tombs of the Baekje center and local areas are topics worth exploring in the future. In particular, following the re-investigation of the Gyochon-ri brick chamber tomb at Gongju, it can be said that an examination of the relationship between this tomb, Songsan-ri Tomb No. 6, and the Tomb of King Muryeong is now required. The development of new research methodologies is also required. For example, research on Baekje’s relationship with the Southern Dynasties until now has mainly focused on the tombs and objects of the Six Dynasties period that had a direct influence in the Tomb of King Muryeong. Research on the relationship between Baekje and the Japanese Yamato government has also mainly been explored through studies on objects, such as the ring pommel sword, gilded metal shoes, bronze long-handled irons and mirrors, gold foil glass beads, and bronze vessels such as the silver cup with bronze stand. However, this is not sufficient. Research on the Tomb of King Muryeong should expand even further to address issues such as the process through which the funerary custom of burying husband and wife together, clearly identified at this tomb (in particular, the way in which the coffins were placed side by side) was transmitted to Japan (Fig. 4), the issue of temporary burials and the “three-year mourning period” that has come to be discussed in association with the Jeongjisan Mountain site, and the notion that the souls of the deceased ascended to the world of the Taoist Gods. In other words, research should not be limited to the study of the tomb and its artifacts, but also explore intangible subjects associated with the Tomb of King Muryeong. For this, a deep understanding of the tombs and the funerary practices of Northeast Asia is urgently required. Fig. 4. Burial features indicating how the deceased were laid to rest side by side at the Takaidayama Kofun, Osaka, Japan

The lime mortar burial1 type represents a novel inhumation form that emerged and came to be widely adopted during the Joseon period. As the emergence and adoption of lime mortar burials is believed to be closely linked with Neo-Confucianism, which held considerable sway over the social institutions of the time, these burials represent a category of material culture with an important role to play in promoting the understanding of Joseon society. However, since the temporal scope of archaeological investigation has been implicitly limited to prehistoric and ancient periods of Korean history, the study of lime mortar burials has not been actively pursued in Korean archaeology. As a result, burials from the Joseon period, including lime mortar burials, have not been properly investigated. The common perception has been to simply regard lime mortar burials as constructions from which Joseon period mummies and well-preserved garments can at times be obtained, rather than viewing them as subjects of archaeological research in their own right. Such mummies are formed when the fortuitous use of lime mortar acts to seal off the burial compartment, resulting in a vacuum which facilitates the preservation of organic remains. Medical and biological analyses have been carried out on these mummies, and the results have been published in both Korean and international journals (Shin Donghoon et al. 2009). However, since most were discovered accidentally during the relocation of ancestral burial grounds, the relevant data were generally obtained by cultural heritage authorities applying emergency measures rather than by specialists undertaking full-fledged archaeological investigations. As a result, the study of Joseon mummies has been limited to piecemeal analyses that do not take into consideration the broader archaeological context. The increased number of rescue excavations since the 2000s has resulted in an accumulation of archaeological data from the Joseon period, and lime mortar burials and other types of Joseon period burials have naturally become a subject of archaeological interest. Attempts have been made to outline the development of lime mortar burials and to identify regional modes of construction (Lee Myungyup et al. 2008; Lee Jongsu et al. 2008), but in most cases these efforts have not contributed greatly to the archaeological understanding of the Joseon period. This is in part due to the brief history of such research, the sparse nature of the grave goods, and the simple architectural structure of the burials, but the lack of a chronological understanding of lime mortar burials is a contributing factor as well. Study of these burials from a diachronic and regional perspective can only take place after a chronological understanding has been achieved. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to establish a chronological scheme for lime mortar burials that can be applied as a basic framework for archeological research on the Joseon period. The changes apparent in lime mortar burials will also be considered according to this scheme. Lime Mortar Burials as Seen in Literary Sources It is widely known that Neo-Confucianism was the founding ideology upon which the Joseon state was established. King Taejo (太祖, r. 1392 – 1398) proclaimed through his enthronement message (卽位敎書) that Confucianism was to provide the state ideology and all ceremonies and institutions were to be revamped accordingly. Jeong Dojeon (鄭道傳, 1342 – 1398), who played an instrumental role in the creation of the Joseon state, stated in the Administrative Code of Joseon (朝鮮經國典, Joseon gyeonggukjeon) in the third year of King Taejo’s reign that the realization of Confucian rule by sage kings was to be the goal of national administration. As part of this effort, study and application of Neo-Confucian rituals were actively pursued from the early Joseon period. This was the case not only regarding state rituals, but also for family rituals taking place within the domestic sphere. It is in this context that lime mortar burials came to be practiced as an observance of the guidelines for Neo-Confucian funerary rituals. The construction methods used in lime mortar burials, from the digging of the burial pit to the recipe for the lime mortar mixture, are illustrated in detail in the Family Rituals of Master Zhu (朱子家禮; K. Juja garye, Ch. Zhuzi jiali), a text by Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130 – 1200) in which the guidelines for Neo-Confucian domestic rites are laid out (Fig. 1). The study of such domestic rituals continued to be pursued by Joseon Neo-Confucian scholars. Fig. 1. Schematic plan of a lime mortar structure and the inner and outer covers (築灰隔及內外盖圖, Chukhoigyuk geup naeoegae do): ➊ gwan (棺, burial compartment), ➋ yeokcheong (瀝靑, presumed to be an oily mixture, but not yet identified through archaeological investigation), ➌ hoegyeok (灰隔, wooden cist structure) ➍ sammul (三物, packed lime mortar mixture), ➎ sut (charcoal mixture), ➏ explanation of structure, and ➐ and ➑ cover. (Illustration Volume of Commentaries on the Various Theories Concerning the Family Rituals of Master Zhu) The adoption of lime mortar burials by the Joseon royal family can therefore be seen as a natural development. In 1406, King Taejong (太宗, r. 1400 – 1418) forbade the construction of stone chamber or stonelined tombs (Fig. 2), complying with the guidelines set forth in the Family Rituals of Master Zhu, and imposed the use of lime mortar burials for those below the rank of royal relatives. In 1418, he expanded the class of those required to follow the Family Rituals of Master Zhu for tomb construction to include royal relatives as well. In addition, in 1445 during the reign of King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418 – 1450), rules were set out regarding the provision of lime for use in the funerals of royal relatives. Regardless of such efforts, however, it appears that lime mortar burials were not adopted unreservedly. This is indicated by passages in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄, Joseon wangjo sillok) that mention punishments being meted out for the use of stone chamber tombs or stone-lined burials. In 1468, during the reign of King Yejong (睿宗, r. 1468 – 1469), the tomb of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455 – 1468) was established using a lime mortar burial structure in accordance with the wishes of the deceased king. Great controversy surrounded this decision, but it appears to have led to the eventual adoption of lime mortar burials by all members of Joseon society, including the king and his ministers (Figs. 3 and 4). After this, mention of burials is rarely found in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty. Fig. 2. Stone chamber burial of Yi Wonjeung, investigated during the process of relocation and believed to have been constructed during the reign of King Sejong (Author’s photograph) Fig. 3. Overview of an excavation of a burial believed to be a royal tomb (presumed to be King Sejong’s primary burial site) (Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation 2009, p. 4) Fig. 4. Overview of an excavation of a burial believed to be a royal tomb (presumed to be King Sejong’s primary burial site) (Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation 2009, p. 5) Absolute Dating of Lime Mortar Burials In contrast to burials from preceding periods, there are quite a few instances in which it is possible to establish a construction date for lime mortar burials based on information on the deceased. For example, the date of death can be obtained from steles erected in front of burials or from funerary tablets interred within. There are also cases in which a grave has been continuously maintained by descendants. However, few of these graves have been subjected to formal excavation. Consequently, reports have simply focused on cataloguing the garments recovered from such graves and reports providing more detailed information on the structure and grave goods of lime mortar burials have been rare indeed. No study of lime mortar burials can take place solely based on the above data set. The preservation rate of organic remains is relatively high in the case of lime mortar burials. As a result, there are a number of instances in which wood from coffins could be recovered during excavation. Dendrochronological analysis has been carried out on some of these wooden samples, making it possible to obtain absolute dates for the wood. A master dendrochronological sequence for Korea has been established based on pine wood from across South Korea (excluding Jejudo Island), allowing pine wood felled between 1200 CE and the present to be dated (Lee Hyunchae 2009, 5). However, it should be kept in mind that a dendrochronological date simply represents the felling date of the wood and cannot be regarded as the construction date of the lime mortar burial from which the wood was derived. In addition, in order to establish a precise felling date, bark from the wood involved must be present. In the case of wood that features a clear distinction between heartwood and sapwood, it has also been proven through statistical analysis that an error range of ±10 years exists (Park Wonkyu and Kim Yojung 2004, 172). Unfortunately, in most cases dendrochronological dates tend to be obtained from simply the outermost tree ring of a given wooden sample, diminishing the utility of the dendrochronological information for archaeological research. Nevertheless, given that in only a limited number of cases can the construction date of lime mortar burials be identified based on information regarding the deceased, dendrochronological dates do have an important role to play in the study of the lime mortar burials of the Joseon period. Therefore, methods of utilizing dendrochronological data in archaeological research must be explored in order to fully exploit its potential. This study represents one such attempt. Lime Mortar Burial Chronology Establishing the Key Elements for Chronological Research Most of the lime mortar burials that have been identified thus far consist only of a subterranean burial chamber. Elements that were located above ground, such as the earthen mound covering the burial or stone statues erected nearby, are rarely extant. For this reason, diachronic change in lime mortar burials can only be identified through the burial compartment structure and grave goods. However, since the number of objects commonly deposited in graves decreased dramatically over the Joseon period, it is mainly through an analysis of the burial compartment structure that a chronology of lime mortar burials can be established. In this paper, therefore, certain nominal and continuous attributes will be extracted from lime mortar burials with known absolute dates. The nominal attributes will be applied to delineate the phases of the chronological scheme, and the continuous attributes will be used to establish a comprehensive overview of the evolving nature of lime mortar burials (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. The nominal and continuous attributes examined in this study i. Lime mortar burial without a wooden cist structure (edited from Gyeonggi Institute of Cultural Properties 2001, p. 76) a) lime mortar covering the burial compartment, b) horizontal wooden slabs, c) short wall near the deceased’s head, d) short wall near the deceased’s feet, e) inner burial pit, f) lime mortar lining the burial pit base, g) left long wall, h) right long wall, i) stepped space protruding into the lime mortar at the upper entrance of the burial compartment ii. Lime mortar burial with a wooden cist structure (edited from Yoon Seyoung and Kim Woolim 1992, p. 15) ❶ burial pit depth, ❷ thickness of the lime mortar above the burial compartment, ❸ lime mortar wall height, ❹ entire lime mortar structure height, ❺ thickness of the lime mortar lining the short wall near the deceased’s feet, ❻ thickness of the lime mortar lining the short wall near the deceased’s head, ❼ long axis length, ❽ thickness of the lime mortar lining the right long wall, ❾ thickness of the lime mortar lining the left long wall, ❿ inner burial pit width, ⓫ short axis length a) auxiliary niche, b) lime mortar covering the burial compartment, c) wooden cist cover, d) wooden cist base, e) wooden cist, f) wooden coffin, g) wooden coffin cover, h) wooden coffin base, i) wooden slab (featuring 7 holes depicting the Big Dipper constellation) for the placement of the deceased’s body Fig. 6. Distribution of sites where lime mortar burials with known dates of construction have been discovered. Lime mortar burials with known dates of death of the deceased (38 graves) ❷ Burial ground of the Papyeong Yun clan (1 grave) ❸ Burials of Gwon Su (father) and Gwon Gyeongnam (son) (3 graves) ❹ Archaeological site within the Hopyeong & Pyeongnae housing site, Namyangju (1 grave) ❼ Burial ground site of the Andong Kim clan located within the Banwol district, Gyeonggi-do Province (9 graves) ❽ Double burial of Yi Gijo of the Hansan Yi clan (2 graves) ❾ Burial of Taeangun of the Jeonju Yi clan burial (2 graves) ❿ Dongbaek-ri & Jung-ri sites, Yongin (1 grave) ⓭ Geongeon-ri, Palgok-ri, and Dundae-ri sites, Hwaseong (1 grave) ⓮ West coast highway construction area (Ansan-Anjung) site (4 graves) ⓲ Burial ground of the Jeonju Yu clan (9 graves) ⓴ Double burial of Kim Heumjo (1 grave) Burials of Lady Mun of the Ilseon Mun clan and Yi Eungtae in Jeongsangdong, Andong (2 graves) Burial of a member of the Yi clan in Inpyeong-dong, Chilgok (1 grave) Joseon period burial at Samho-ri, Yangsan (1 grave) Lime mortar burials with dendrochronological dates (33 graves) ① Neungsan-ri site, Paju (1 grave) ⑤ Jingwan-dong cemetery, Seoul (7 graves) Jingwan-dong site, Seoul (4 graves) ④ Archaeological site within the Hopyeong and Pyeongnae housing site, Namyangju (1 grave) ⑥ Sinnae-dong site, Seoul (8 graves) ⑪ Surigol site in Deokpung-dong, Hanam ⑫ Namyang-dong site, Hwaseong (6 graves) ⑮ Seongsan-ri site, Cheongwon (1 grave) ⑯ Site located within the grounds of Chungbuk National University ⑰ Jeongdong-ri site, Buyeo (1 grave) ⑲ Majeon site, Jeonju (1 grave) ㉓ Geumpo-ri site, Miryang (1 grave) Nine nominal attributes are used to establish the chronological phases: 1) the presence or absence of lime mortar used to cover the burial compartment; 2) the presence or absence of lime mortar on the base of the burial pit; 3) method of covering the burial compartment; 4) the presence or absence of a stepped space protruding into the lime mortar at the upper entrance of the burial compartment; 5) the presence or absence of packed charcoal lining the sides of the burial pit; 6) the presence or absence of miniature grave goods; 7) the presence or absence of coffin nails; 8) the presence or absence of a wooden cist structure; and 9) the presence or absence of an auxiliary niche. Upon establishing chronological phases based on the above nominal attributes, the values of twelve continuous attributes were examined in order to identify changes in the nature of lime mortar burials. These continuous attributes are as follows: 1) long axis length; 2) short axis length; 3) burial pit depth; 4) height of the entire lime mortar structure; 5) lime mortar wall height; 6) thickness of the lime mortar above the burial compartment; 7) thickness of the lime mortar at the base of the burial pit; 8) thickness of the lime mortar lining the left long wall; 9) thickness of the lime mortar lining the right long wall; 10) thickness of the lime mortar lining the short wall near the deceased’s head; 11) thickness of the lime mortar lining the short wall near the deceased’s feet; and 12) volume of the entire lime mortar structure.2 In order to construct a chronological framework for lime mortar burials, burials in which the date of death of the deceased was known or in which dendrochronological analysis could provide an absolute date were examined. Based on these, data was compiled from burials in which it was possible to take detailed measurements of the dimensions of the structure from either photographs or excavation plans. Accordingly, data from 38 lime mortar burials at 14 sites were analyzed. Based on the results of the analysis, the basic trends in the ways in which lime mortar burials changed over time were examined, and through a comparative analysis with these results, an additional 33 lime mortar burials from 11 sites with dendrochronological dates were included in this study. The Chronology of Lime Mortar Burials Based on Nominal Attributes As discussed above, a significant discrepancy may exist between the actual date of a burial and the date provided by dendrochronological analysis. In the absence of any information on the error range between these two dates, it is difficult to use dendrochronological dates to construct a chronological framework for lime mortar burials. It therefore becomes necessary to develop a way to test the reliability of the dendrochronological dates, albeit through indirect methods. To this end, diachronic change in lime mortar burials will first be identified through the analysis of examples in which the identity of the interred is known. Dendrochronological dates will then be indirectly tested by comparing the nature of the diachronic change observed in those burials with known dates of death of the interred with that observed in burials with dendrochronological dates. If key changes can be confirmed to have taken place at a broadly similar time, then any discrepancy between the actual date and the dendrochronological date for a given lime mortar burial can be regarded as insignificant. Accordingly, it will then be possible to use lime mortar burials with dendrochronological dates to construct a chronological framework. Due to space restrictions, the details of this method through which the reliability of dendrochronological dates can be investigated will not be discussed further. Lime mortar burials with absolute dates are presented in Table 1 according to their temporal order. The 33 lime mortar burials with definite dendrochronological dates mostly cluster around the later phases. Based on burials with known dates of death, it can be established that lime mortar burials experienced a change in form sometime between the early and late seventeenth century. A similar trend can be identified in the lime mortar burials with definite dendrochronological dates. Therefore—although further accumulation of data and refinement of the verification method is required—it can be suggested that it is indeed possible to broadly examine the trajectory of change in lime mortar burials using dendrochronological dates. Table 1. Nominal attributes from lime mortar burials with known dates or death of the interred (P = present, A = absent) No. Name of the deceased interred (Archaeological feature no.) Date of death/reburial (dendrochronological date) Phase Packed charcoal Wooden cist Type of burial compartment cover Stepped space intruding into the lime mortar at the upper entrance of the burial pit Lime mortar cover Coffin nails Lime paving the floor Miniature grave goods Auxiliary niche 1 Kim Heumjo 1528 I P P Wooden cist cover A P P P P P 2 Lady of the Jeonju Yi clan (Wife of Yu Paengseong) 1547 I P P Wooden cist cover A P A P A 3 Yu Paengseong Mid-16th century I P P Wooden cist cover A P P P A P 4 Yu Sehwa 1554 I P P Wooden cist cover A A A A 5 Lady of the Ilseon Mun clan (Wife of Yi Myeongjeong) 1565 II A P Wooden cist cover A P A P A A 6 Lady of the Papyeong Yun clan and her son (Lime mortar burial) 1566 II A P Wooden cist cover A P A P A A 7 Lady of the Ansan Kim clan (Wife of Yi Paengsu) 1579 II A P Wooden cist cover A P P A P P 8 Yu Jin 1580 II A P Wooden cist cover A P P A A 9 Gwon Su 1580 II A P Wooden cist cover A P A P P 10 Yi Yi or Yi Yedeuk (Byeokjin Yi clan) 1585 II P P Wooden cist cover A P A P A A 11 Yi Eungtae 1586 II A P Wooden cist cover A P A P A A 12 Yu Semu (Date from epitaph tablet) 1588 II A P Wooden cist cover A P A A P 13 Yi Paengsoo (Died during the Japanese invasions) 1592–1598 II A P Wooden cist cover A P P A P P 14 Yu Sagyeom 1599 II A P Wooden cist cover A P A A P 15 Geumpo-ri Area Na Burial No. 1, Miryang (After1591) II A P Wooden cist cover A P P A P P 16 Gwon Gyeongnam 1609 II A P Wooden cist cover A P A A P P 17 Namyang-dong Area 5 Lime Mortar Burial No. 33, Hwaseong (Early 17th century) III A A Horizontal slabs A P A A A A 18 Namyang-dong Area 5 Lime Mortar Burial No. 127, Hwaseong (After 1585) III A A A P A P A A 19 Namyang-dong Area 5 Lime Mortar Burial No. 168, Hwaseong (After 1595) III A A A P A P A A 20 Neungsan-ri Area 1 Lime Mortar Burial No. 1, Paju (1607±10) III A A Horizontal slabs P P A P A A 21 Lady of the Jinju Ha clan (Wife of Gwon Su) Early 17th century III A P Wooden cist cover A P A A A A 22 Yi Sehwan (Jeongdong-ri Lime Mortar Burial No. 1, Buyeo) (After 1620) III A P Horizontal slabs A P A A A A 23 Hopyeong Area 3 Burial No. 12, Namyangju (After 1620) III A A Horizontal slabs A P A A P P 24 Deokpung-dong Surigol Double Burial Nos. 27-27, Hanam (After 1624) III A A Vertical slabs A P A A A A 25 Jingwan-dong II-1 Burial No. 4 (After 1626) III A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 26 Seongsan-ri Area Da Lime Mortar Burial, Cheongwon (After 1629) III A A A P A A A 27 Namyang-dong Area 5 Burial No. 138, Hwaseong (After 1631) III A A Horizontal slabs A P A P A A 28 Yu Eungwon 1637 III A P Wooden cist cover A P A A P P 29 Jeong Eunggap 1637 III A A A A A P A P 30 Majeon Area 1 Burial No. 1, Jeonju (1637-1638) III A A Vertical slabs A P A P A A 31 Yu Boksin 1644 III A A Vertical slabs P P A A A A 32 Jingwan-dong II Area 2 Lime Burial No. 17, Seoul (1645±10) III A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 33 Yuo Gwangjong 1655 III A A Horizontal slabs P P A P A A 34 Sinnae-dong Area 1 Lime Burial No. 38, Seou (1664±10 IV A A A A A A A A 35 Double burial of Choi Dam and Lady of the Namyang Hong clan 1677 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 36 Yu Bun (Pyeongnae Area 2 Burial No. 1, Namyangju) 1684 IV A A Horizontal slabs p p A A A A 37 Jingwan-dong II Area 3 Lime Burial No. 3, Seoul (1688±10) IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 38 Jingwan-dong II-2 Burial No. 54, Seoul (1692±10) IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 39 Choi Suk (Gupo-ri Burial No. 1-1) 1698 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 40 Jingwan-dong II Area 2 Lime Burial No. 14, Seoul (1704±10) IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 41 Jingwan-dong II Area 2 Lime Burial No. 15, Seoul (Around the beginning of the 18th century) IV A A Horizontal slabs A P A A A A 42 Jingwan-dong II-2 Burial No. 126, Seoul (1710±10) IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 43 Jingwan-dong III-3 Burial No. 229-1, Seoul (After 1704) IV A A Horizonta P P A A A A 44 Jingwan-dong III-3 Burial No. 229-2, Seoul (After 1704) IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 45 Yi Gijo (Died in 1653) 1728 IV A A Horizontal slabs A P A A A A 46 Lady of the Goryeong Shin clan (Wife of Yi Gijo, Died in 1673) 1728 IV A A Horizontal slabs A P A A A A 47 Namyang-dong Area 5 Lime Mortar Burial No. 15, Hwaseong (Mid-18th century) IV A A A A A A A A 48 Namyang-dong Area 5 Lime Mortar Burial No. 19, Hwaseong (After 1722) IV A A Horizontal slabs A P A P A A 49 Sinnae-dong Area 1 Lime Burial No. 53, Seoul (1723±10) IV A A A P A A A A 50 Lady of the Wansan Yi clan (Wife of Choi Gyeongwu) 1729 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 51 Sinnae-dong Area 1 Lime Burial No. 29, Seoul (1747-1748) IV A A Horizontal slabs A P A A A A 52 Sinnae-dong Area 1 Lime Burial No. 30, Seoul (1748±10) IV A A Horizontal slabs A P A A A A 53 Sinnae-dong Area 1 Lime Burial No. 57, Seoul (After 1733) IV A P Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 54 Sinnae-dong Area 2 Lime Burial No. 2-2, Seoul (1755±10) IV A A Horizontal slabs A P A A A A 55 Sinnae-dong Area 2 Lime Burial No. 2-1, Seoul (1765±10) IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 56 Choi Wunik (Gupo-ri Burial No. 1-2) 1789 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 57 Min Changeok (Dundae-ri Burial No. 9) 1797 IV A A Horizontal slabs A P A A A A 58 Sinnae-dong Area 1 Lime Burial No. 56, Seoul (1799±10) IV A P Wooden cist cover A P P A A A 59 Lady of the Haepyeong Yun clan (Wife of Choi Wunik, Gupo-ri Burial No. 1-2) 1810 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 60 Jingwan-dong II-3 Burial No. 67, Seoul (After 1836) IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A A 61 Jingwan-dong II-4 Burial No. 45, Seoul (After 1845) IV A A A A A A A A 62 Lady of the Hansan Yi clan (Burial No. G, Kim Byeongguk’s first wife) 1852 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A 63 Lady of the Pungcheon Lim clan (Burial No. G, Kim Byeongguk’s second wife) 1854 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A 64 Kim Sugeun, Lady of the Yangju Jo clan, and Lady of the Jeonju Ryu clan (Burial No. F) 1861 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A 65 Burial of unknown identity located within the grounds of Chungbuk National University (1860-1870) IV A A Horizontal slabs P A A A A 66 Lady of the Papyeong Yun clan double burial (Burial No. A, Kim Byeonghak’s first and second wives) 1872 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A 67 Lady of the Geochang Shin clan (Burial No. B, Kim Sugeun’s third wife) 1872 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A 68 Kim Byeonghak (Burial No. A) 1879 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A 69 Lady of the Gimhae Heo clan (Burial No. H, Kim Byeongguk’s second wife) 1879 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A 70 Lady of the Papyeong Yun clan (burial No. G, Kim Byeongguk’s third wife) 1879 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A 71 Kim Byeongguk (Burial No. G) 1904 IV A A Horizontal slabs P P A A A However, in the case of Namyang-dong Area 5 Burial No. 19 (Table 1, 48), Sinnae-dong Area 1 Burial No. 57 (Table 1, 53), and Sinnae-dong Area 1 Burial No. 56 (Table 1, 58), a significant discrepancy in size was identified between these three lime mortar burials and the lime mortar burials in which the deceased had passed away at a date similar to the dendrochronological dates identified for the above three burials. When methods of verifying dendrochronological dates are further developed through the discovery of additional lime mortar burials with known death dates, this problem can be addressed. Since these three problematic burials only represent a small fraction of the entire data set, and as there is no way to further assess the validity of the dates involved, the information from these three burials will be regarded as outliers within the data set. As can be seen in Table 1, the presence or absence of packed charcoal, a wooden cist structure, a stepped space intruding into the lime mortar at the entrance of the burial pit, coffin nails, lime mortar at the base of the burial pit, miniature grave goods, and an auxiliary niche are identified as the temporally sensitive nominal attributes. Among these, the presence or absence of packed charcoal and a wooden cist structure were identified as the most temporally meaningful nominal attributes. A wooden cist structure and packed charcoal appear together in early lime mortar burials, whereas in later burials the use of packed charcoal disappears, followed by the wooden cist structure. This trend can clearly be observed throughout the data set. Coffin nails, lime mortar at the base of the burial pit, miniature grave goods, and an auxiliary niche are attributes that are frequently observed in earlier burials. However, these attributes do not occur universally in all early lime mortar burials and, in addition to being temporally sensitive, they also appear to be associated with regional identity or social status. Consequently, these attributes may be used to supplement the chronological framework. A four-phase chronological scheme was established for lime mortar burials based on the above nominal attributes (Table 2). Phase I is characterized by the use of both charcoal packing and a wooden cist structure in lime mortar burials. It should be acknowledged that only four burials belong to this phase, bringing into question the validity of separating it from Phase II. It should be noted, however, that rules concerning the packing of charcoal when constructing lime mortar burials are clearly laid out in the Family Rituals of Master Zhu. As such, the presence of charcoal packing in early lime mortar burials can be seen as an indication of the intent to strictly conform with the rules set forth in the Family Rituals of Master Zhu when adopting this new form of burial. In addition, the fact that only a limited number of burials can be attributed to Phase I can be taken to indicate that upon its introduction this novel form of burial was not widely adopted. For these reasons, a separate phase is established for lime mortar burials with charcoal packing, despite their limited number. Among the lime mortar burials that have been properly excavated and therefore feature identified details regarding their structure, the earliest dated example is the 1528 burial of Kim Heumjo (Table 1, 1). In order to examine the earliest adoption of lime mortar burials, however, the literary record must be considered alongside the archaeological record. The earliest known lime mortar burials are that of Prince Munyang Yi Gyeyun (文陽君 李季胤, 1431 – 1489), dating to 1489, and that of Park Gyeongwon (朴堅源, c. 1435 – 1501), dating to 1501 (these burials were not included in the present study since detailed plans of the burials do not exist). The presence of passages in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty mentioning punishments handed out for the use of stone chamber or stone-lined burials indicates that traditional forms of burial did continue to be applied even after their use was banned in 1406. Therefore, rather than to 1406, the initiation of lime mortar burial use can only be dated to around the time of the construction of the burials of Yi Gyeyun and Park Gyeongwon. As such, the beginning of Phase I should be tentatively dated to around 1500. Table 2. Chronological scheme for lime mortar burials from the Joseon period Phase Lime mortar burial type Chronologically sensitive attributes Lime mortar burial with packed charcoal Lime mortar burial with wooden cist structure Lime mortar burial with wooden coffin Coffin nails Miniature grave goods Auxiliary niche Lime-paved floor Stepped space intruding into the lime mortar at the upper entrance of the burial pit I II III IV In Phase II, wooden cists continued to be used, but the packing of charcoal no longer took place. As in Phase I, some of the attributes of early lime mortar burials (e.g., coffin nails, lime mortar at the base of the burial pit, miniature grave goods, and an auxiliary niche) also continued to be used. The burial of Yu Sehwa (Table 1, 4), which was constructed in 1554, features packed charcoal and therefore belongs to Phase I. The next burial in the sequence, that of a female belonging to the Ilseon Mun clan (Table 1, 5) constructed in 1565, does not feature charcoal packing. As such, the cessation of the use of packed charcoal can be dated to sometime around 1550. Phase III witnessed a decline in the use of the wooden cist structure and coffin nails. However, this is not to say that the wooden cist structure disappeared entirely. In addition, attributes of early lime mortar burials, such as lime mortar at the base of the burial pit, miniature grave goods, and an auxiliary niche, also continued to be applied in some burials. One key characteristic of this phase is the transition that can be observed in the type of feature used to cover the burial compartment. With the disappearance of the wooden cist structure, horizontal panels began to be applied as support for the lime mortar mixture covering the burial compartment. However, vertical panels similar in form to the wooden cist cover used previously have also been identified from burials in this phase. This phenomenon appears to illustrate the progression that accompanied the disappearance of the wooden cist structure. Many of the lime mortar burials with only dendrochronological dates pertain to this phase, making it difficult to establish a beginning date. In relation to this, it is interesting to note that lime mortar was placed at the base of Namyang-dong Area 5 Burial No. 127 (Table 1, 18), the construction date of which has been identified as some point later than 1585 based on dendrochronological analysis, and that Geumpo-ri Area Na Burial No. 1 (Table 1, 15), the construction date of which has been identified to be some point after 1591 (again based on dendrochronological analysis) feature a wooden cist structure. However, given that the dendrochronological dates of these two burials are derived from the outermost tree ring, the actual construction dates could be later. On the other hand, Neungsan-ri Area 1 Burial No. 1 (Table 1, 20) has a reliable dendrochronological date of 1607±10 years. Based on these facts, it is possible to presume that the wooden cist structure began to disappear from the early seventeenth century. As such, the beginning date for Phase III can be set at around 1600. Fig. 7. Hwajeop-ri, Byeolnae Unit 5-3 Burial No. 6 (Phase I) in Namyangju (Hanbaek Research Institute for Cultural Heritage 2012, p. 735) Fig. 8. Hwajeop-ri, Byeolnae Unit 4-1 Burial No. 6 (Phase II) in Namyangju (Hanbaek Research Institute for Cultural Heritage 2012, p. 624) Fig. 9. Majeon Area 1 Burial No. 1 (Phase III) in Jeonju, Jeollabuk-do Province (Honam Cultural Property Research Institute 2008, pp. 63-64) Top: lime mortar structure viewed from above Bottom: cross-section of lime mortar structure, with horizontal covering panels and wooden coffin visible Fig. 10. Jingwan-dong Area 2 Section B Unit 2 Burial No. 24 (Phase IV) in Seoul (Hangang Institute of Cultural Heritage 2010, p. 70) In Phase IV, the features of a wooden cist structure, lime mortar at the base of the burial pit, miniature grave goods, and auxiliary niche all disappeared, and only horizontal panels were used to cover the burial compartment. Among the lime mortar burials with known dates of death, the latest burial with lime mortar at the base of the burial pit is that of Yu Gwangjong (Table 1, 33), which was conducted in 1655. Among the lime mortar burials with dendrochronological dates, horizontal covering panels were identified at Majeon Area 1 Burial No. 1 in Jeonju (Table 1, 20), which dates to 1637 – 8. Given the fact that Namyang-dong Area 5 Burial No. 138 (Table 1, 27), which has lime mortar at the base of the burial pit, can be dated to later than 1631, and that Jingwan-dong Area 2 Burial No. 17 (Table 1, 32), in which all earlier attributes are absent, has a dendrochronological date of 1645±10 years, the beginning of Phase IV can be set to around 1650. As the latest of the lime mortar burials—that of Kim Byeongguk (Table 1, 71)—dates to 1904, Phase IV shows the broadest time range, extending into the twentieth century. Change in the Size of the Lime Mortar Structure The way in which the values of the continuous attributes changed over time will now be examined according to the four-phase chronological framework established above based on nominal attributes. A boxplot was used to compare per period the values of each of the continuous attributes outlined above. Based on the results of the analysis, the lengths of the long and short axes, burial pit depth, lime mortar structure height, covering mortar thickness, and the volume of the entire lime mortar structure were identified as key attributes illustrating clear diachronic change. The lengths of the long and short axes are generally believed to be proportionate to the size of the body of the interred individual, but an examination of these attributes over time illustrates that the floor space of the lime mortar structure gradually decreased (Fig. 11). This is particularly evident for the length of the long axis. As can be seen in the boxplot, the values for Phases III and IV are lower than those for Phases I and II, but it is also interesting to note that the two later phases share a common mean value. Phase IV extends across the greatest time span, but the variation in long axis length values decreased from Phase III and the distribution of the values remained stable. Fig. 11. Boxplots of long axis and short axis length by period (Top: boxplot of short axis lengths; Bottom: boxplot of long axis lengths) In the case of the length of the short axis, it is difficult to establish clear distinctions between the phases, but an overall trend of a reduction in short axis length can be observed over time. The outliers of Phase IV are of interest, but it should be noted that they are not true outliers, but rather the result of double interment burials being included in the analysis. In addition, the increased number of outliers in Phase IV—in addition to being the result of an increase in double interments during this phase—may also reflect the large number of burials that comprise the data set for Phase IV relative to the other phases. Even taking these outliers into consideration, it can be stated that the distribution and mean values for Phase III and IV remained constant overall. A stable distribution can also be observed for burial pit depth during Phases III and IV, with variation decreasing as shallower burial pits came to be preferred over time (Fig. 12). Indeed, although the fact that the greatest number of burials pertain to Phase IV increases the likelihood of greater variation, the degree of variation in Phase IV, which has a mean value of approximately 100 cm, remains broadly similar to that of the preceding phase. Fig. 12. Boxplot of burial pit depth by period Following the above examination of diachronic change in burial pit dimensions, changes in the attributes associated with the dimensions of the lime mortar structure will now be considered, such as the height of the lime mortar walls and the thickness of the lime mortar cover and wall. Among these attributes, it is the height of the lime mortar walls that demonstrates a pattern of change similar to that examined above (Fig. 13). This height decreases throughout Phases I and II, after which it stabilizes and is maintained through Phases III and IV. The thickness of the lime mortar cover, on the other hand, demonstrates great variation, but it is possible to note that it does gradually increase over time. Based on this, it can be confirmed that whereas the overall size of the lime mortar structure decreased with time, the thickness of the mortar used to cover the burial compartment increased to a certain extent. Fig. 13. Boxplots of lime wall height and covering lime thickness by period (Top: boxplot of lime wall heights; Bottom: boxplot of covering lime thicknesses) A significant proportion of the lime mortar mixture used appears to have been applied to covering the burial compartment. As such, even though the size of the burial compartment and the lime mortar structure may have decreased over time, this trend may not necessarily be reflected in the volume of lime mortar used. Therefore, diachronic change in the volume of the lime mortar mixture used was also examined (Fig. 14). It can be observed that there was in fact a decrease in the volume of lime mortar used in Phases I and II compared to in Phases III and IV. Given the increase in variation that can be observed in the boxplots of Phases II and III, it appears that the decrease in the volume of lime mortar may have occurred gradually rather than abruptly. As it is difficult to establish whether the decrease in the volume of the lime mortar was a gradual or sudden phenomenon, not only the volume of the lime mortar (in the form of numerical data) but also the changing nature of other continuous attributes associated with the size of the lime mortar structure must be considered. Fig. 14. Boxplot of lime mortar structure volume by period As examined above, the values for some of the continuous attributes decreased gradually over time. However, in the case of the length of the long axis and the height of the lime mortar walls, which are attributes that have a relatively greater influence on the volume of the lime mortar, a marked change can be observed between Phases II and III. An examination of the boxplots of lime mortar volume also reveals a significant change between Phases II and III relative to other phases. Changes in Lime Mortar Burials and Their Meaning The chronological analysis undertaken above on the lime mortar burials with known dates of death for the interred individual or with dendrochronological dates makes it possible to establish a chronological scheme consisting of four phases. Phase I begins in 1500 and witnesses the use of both a wooden cist structure and packed charcoal. Wooden cist structures continued to be used, but packed charcoal disappeared in Phase II, which begins in 1550 and continues until around 1600. Phase III, which features the co-existence of lime mortar burials with and without a wooden cist structure, begins around 1600 and continues until 1650. The wooden cist structure disappears entirely in Phase IV (1650 to the early twentieth century), and features such as lime mortar used to pave the floor, auxiliary niches, and miniature grave goods are also absent. Therefore, although the construction of lime mortar burials began approximately one century after the establishment of the Joseon dynasty, the fact that this new form of burial that was implemented with the adoption of Neo-Confucianism as the state ideology continued to be used until the end of the dynasty makes it possible to regard it as the representative burial type of the Joseon period. In addition to the nominal attributes that are used to establish the phases (i.e., attributes associated with the use of packed charcoal, the wooden cist structure, etc.), coffin nails, the use of lime mortar to pave the floor of the burial compartment, miniature grave goods, and the auxiliary niche are also attributes found to be temporally sensitive. However, as these attributes are not present in all of the lime mortar burials constructed prior to Phase III, they can be used only indirectly when establishing a chronology for lime mortar burials. In addition, the possibility also exists that these attributes may be associated with non-temporal factors. Various other aspects, such as region or social or economic status, may have influenced the selective use of lime mortar paving, coffin nails, auxiliary niches, and miniature grave goods. As such, this is an issue that should be further explored. It can be said that among these changing features in the lime mortar burials, the disappearance of the wooden cist structure from Phase III represents the greatest visible change. It has been suggested in previous studies that the reason for this change was a scarcity of materials across all aspects of life following the Japanese invasions of Korea of 1592 – 1598. This could have resulted in attempts to reduce the amount of lime used, leading to a change in burials (Kim Woolim 2007, 170-171). However, this possibility has not been tested through detailed analysis of burial structures or of the amount of lime used in the burials. The approximate volume of lime mortar structures was therefore estimated for this study, using measurements obtained from the various components of the lime mortar burial. In addition, diachronic change in the volume of the lime mortar used was also examined. It was consequently possible to identify that the dimensions of the lime mortar structure did indeed begin to decrease from the seventeenth century in the aftermath of the Japanese invasions. This indicates that a link between the declining size of the lime mortar structure and the shortages following the Japanese invasions indeed seems possible. However, historical records show that the development of lime deposits actually intensified during the late Joseon period (Lee Kweonyeong 2009, 32). In addition, although only few examples have been found, most of the lime kilns identified thus far date to the late Joseon period (Sung Hyongmi 2011, 298; Lee Dongjun 2010, 91). This clearly suggests that although a shortage of lime may have arisen after the war, it was merely a temporary phenomenon that was soon overcome. We must then consider why the size of lime mortar structures did not rise again in Phase IV when this projected shortage of lime would have ceased to be an issue. It should be remembered that in the early stages of their adoption, the construction of lime mortar burials adhered strictly to the guidelines found in manuals on Neo-Confucian rites, to the extent that even packed charcoal was used. However, as time passed and accumulated experience with constructing this type of burial led to a better understanding of the appropriate size for the lime mortar structure, the construction of lime mortar burials no longer rigorously followed the model set out in the Family Rituals of Master Zhu. Thus, the size of the lime mortar structure was first reduced and then maintained at that scale. Of course, the temporary shortage of lime that may have occurred following the Japanese invasions could have accelerated this trend in the reduction of the size of lime mortar structure burials, and in consequence the amount of lime used. However, even after the supply of lime returned to pre-war levels, the size of the lime mortar structure did not increase, but rather appears to have been maintained at an appropriate level. This is indicated by the change that can be observed in the continuous attributes associated with lime mortar structure size. It is interesting to note that the values associated with these attributes demonstrate considerable variation in Phase II. The fact that the long axis length, short axis length, height, etc. all vary widely in this phase indicates that lime mortar burials of wide-ranging sizes were being constructed. This can be taken to indicate that some of the guidelines concerning lime mortar burial construction could be adopted flexibly for various reasons, such as ease of construction or economic constraints, resulting in experimentation with different sizes of lime mortar structures and different amounts of lime mortar being included. In addition, although the use of lime mortar to pave the floor, coffin nails, miniature grave goods, and auxiliary niches (which are temporally sensitive nominal attributes) are clearly outlined in the manuals, the fact that these elements were not applied universally in all lime mortar burials demonstrates that construction took place in diverse ways. The fact that the most significant decrease in size could be observed between Phase II and Phase III, whereas almost no further reduction in size could be observed between Phase III and Phase IV, is also in keeping with the above. Phase IV covers the greatest period of time and includes the largest number of burials, but variation in the values associated with the size of the lime mortar structure actually decreased or remained at a similar level compared to Phase III. The possibility that the size of lime mortar structures may have become standardized in Phase IV following a period of adjustment in Phases II and III should be considered. The use of a wooden cist structure is another element of lime mortar burial that requires further consideration. Unlike in earlier forms of burials in which they were used to form a space within which the coffin and some of the grave goods could be placed, the wooden cist structure for lime mortar burials functioned as a frame or partition used in the process of establishing the lime mortar structure. This means that a significant amount of wood was used—in fact, more than was required to make the coffin—to create a structure which served merely to assist in the process of constructing the lime mortar structure. Given this quality of the wooden cist structure, it is possible to suggest that its disappearance may have been directly influenced by socio-economic factors, such as the shortage of goods in the aftermath of the Japanese invasions. In the case of lime, supply would have been a less problematic issue since it could be sourced from various materials, such as calcite or shells. This would have allowed lime production to be expanded with relative ease compared to wood, which required considerable time for the regeneration of woodlands. Any shortage in the lumber supply, therefore, would have been an issue more difficult to resolve than a lack of lime. Of course, this is all speculation and further studies need to be undertaken regarding the social and economic conditions of the time in order to more thoroughly explore the possible reasons why wooden cist structures ceased to be used. This change must also be considered in association with other alterations in the material culture occurring at the time. Based on the above, two key trends can be observed in the diachronic change in lime mortar burials. The first is the simplification of the overall burial structure, and the other is the reduction in the size of the lime mortar structure. The former was achieved when the use of packed charcoal and the wooden cist structure, which were required in the guidelines for lime mortar burial construction presented in manuals on Neo-Confucian rituals, was omitted. This eventually resulted in a more unassuming burial form consisting of a wooden coffin interred within a simple lime mortar structure. In addition, not only did packed charcoal and wooden cist structures vanish, but floors paved with lime mortar, auxiliary niches, miniature grave goods, and coffin nails all gradually disappeared from lime mortar burials. This makes it possible to confirm that, outside the limed wooden structure that provided the space for the coffin and the coffin containing the remains of the deceased, all other elements of lime mortar burials stipulated in ritual manuals were eliminated as this form of burial simplified. A reduction in the size of the features of lime mortar burials can be seen to have occurred alongside the simplification of this burial type. The various measurements of the lime mortar burial features decreased over time, but this was accompanied by an increase in the thickness of the mortar used to cover and seal off the burial compartment after the placement of the coffin. However, even the increased thickness of the coating of lime mortar was insufficient to compensate for the overall reduction in burial structure size, and therefore a reduction in the volume of lime used in the burials can also be observed. Conclusion The lime mortar burial type which newly emerged in the Joseon period was a form of burial that conformed with the ideals of Neo-Confucian ritual and can therefore be seen to be closely interlinked with the socio-economic landscape of the Joseon dynasty. Lime mortar burials can be regarded as a valuable source of data for utilization in the archaeological study of the Joseon period. This present effort was undertaken with the aim of establishing a chronology of lime mortar burials for further use as a basis for improvement of the archaeological understanding of this era. The results of the study also allow structural simplification and size reduction to be identified as key characteristics of diachronic change in this burial type. In order to obtain absolute dates upon which this chronological framework could be established, lime mortar burials with dendrochronological dates were also utilized. These dendrochronological dates provide a useful contribution to the understanding of diachronic change, but the limited nature of the data assemblage (71 samples) constrains their utility. In addition, the use of dendrochronological dates to establish a chronology of lime mortar burials also represents an experiment of sorts in exploring the potential of this data assemblage. It was confirmed that the dendrochronological dates fit the overall chronological framework, but no further detailed consideration of the reliability of this data set took place. Given the importance of dendrochronological dates in establishing the chronology of material culture from historic periods, future efforts to calibrate dendrochronological dates must be pursued. The quality of the lime mortar, which comprised the single most important element of this burial type, was unfortunately not explored in this study of diachronic change. The presence of shells at the lime kiln at the site of Dangha-ri in Paju demonstrates that a variety of raw materials were used in lime production (Gyeonggi Institute of Cultural Properties 2006, 159-160). In addition, XRD analyses undertaken on lime from kilns in the Chungcheong region have revealed variations in the purity of the lime (Cho Namchul and Han Minsu 2008, 171-172). The results of these recent investigations and analyses illustrate that different grades of lime mortar, according to its purity or the raw materials used, may have existed during the Joseon period. A basic research framework for lime mortar burials of the Joseon period, which have only garnered limited interest up to the present, was thus presented in this study on the chronology and diachronic change of this burial type. This chronological framework has already been utilized by the author to explore the social identity of those interred via lime mortar burials and the process through which it spread among the general populace (Kim Hyunwoo 2016). The socio-economic identity of those buried in lime mortar burials and simple earth cut burials during the Joseon period has also been explored based on information regarding their diets, which was obtained from stable isotope analysis of human bones from these burials (Shin Jiyoung et al. 2015). It is hoped that the various studies currently being undertaken on lime mortar burials will contribute to new understandings in the archaeology of the Joseon period.

In terms of culture, economy, and politics, the difference between the center and the periphery was significant in ancient times, unlike in modern societies where this gap has been bridged, at least to some extent. The distinction maintained between the individuals of the royal city and those of the local regions can be regarded as a symbolic expression of such difference. As the ancient Baekje Kingdom (百濟, 18 BCE – 660) grew and various relationships were established between the center and the periphery, individuals or groups from the royal city were dispatched to local regions. A significant amount of “Baekje central-style” ceramic ware has been excavated from mountain fortresses constructed after the respective areas were incorporated into the Baekje territory during the Hanseong Period (漢城時代, 18 BCE – 475), the first phase of Baekje with the capital based in Hanseong, present-day Seoul. By contrast, indigenous types of ceramic ware traditionally used in local regions are predominantly observed in the power bases for the local elite that had acquiesced to Baekje central rule. This indicates that the construction, maintenance, and management of the peripheral mountain fortresses were undertaken by the central Baekje authority, as represented by the wanggyeongin (王京人), or individuals dispatched from the royal city (hereafter “wanggyeongin”) (Jeon Deokjae 2000), who resided mainly in the mountain fortresses and formed the core of the Baekje regional administration. This situation continued into the Ungjin Period (熊津時代, 475 – 538), the second phase of Baekje with the capital based in Ungjin, presentday Gongju. This paper considers the lives of the wanggyeongin who moved into and resided in the peripheral regions of Baekje by examining material artifacts they left behind. The temporal focus of the study will be the Ungjin Period and Sabi Period (泗沘時代, 538 – 660)—the final phase of Baekje with the capital based in Sabi, present-day Buyeo—since the method of regional control during these periods has received limited academic attention compared to the Hanseong Period. In addition, the spatial focus will be on the Honam (湖南) region (i.e., Jeolla Province). From the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period onward, the eastern region of South Jeolla Province (centered on Yeosu, Suncheon, and Gwangyang) shared many cultural similarities with Byeonhan (弁韓) and then later with the Gaya (加耶) sphere, which lay to the east. Cultural elements of Gaya, particularly those of Aragaya (阿羅加耶), began to be introduced to the region in the fourth century; by the fifth century, the region had been assimilated into Gaya culture to the extent of being acknowledged as part of the Sogaya (小加耶) Confederation. Daegaya (大加耶) based in Goryeong also attempted to bring this region into its sphere of influence. Gaya forces were eventually expelled from the region during the reign of Baekje’s King Muryeong (武寧王, r. 501 – 523) in the early sixth century, when the region became part of the Baekje territory. It is from this period that Baekje mountain fortresses actively began to be constructed in the eastern region of South Jeolla Province; the locations of these mountain fortresses coincide almost exactly with the core locations of Baekje regional control. In addition, tombs with Baekje grave goods began to appear, indicating rapid assimilation of the region into Baekje society. Only limited academic discussion has focused on what this assimilation actually entailed. Who was responsible for the construction of the mountain fortresses, which took place in such a concentrated manner over a short period of time? The leaders of local groups that had been incorporated into the Baekje Kingdom, the wanggyeongin who had been dispatched from the Baekje center, or the combined efforts of both? Despite the lack of previous research into this issue, the archaeological material thus far accumulated may help ascertain the actual situation of the time, albeit only partially. This paper identifies the legacy of the wanggyeongin in the Honam region that formed the peripheries of Baekje to examine the process and nature of the assimilation of the region into Baekje society. Residential culture of the Baekje center Pillar-wall buildings (壁柱建物) The dwellings of the Mahan (馬韓)-Baekje sphere of the Proto-Three Kingdoms are represented by two types of pit structures, as categorized by floor shape and entrance structure. The first type of pit dwellings had a pentagonal or hexagonal floor and a separate entrance structure for an access from the side added to the main structure of the house, and predominated in the central region of Korea (i.e., Seoul and Gyeonggi and Gangwon Provinces). The second type were “four-pillar type” (四柱式) houses, which were sunken structures, square in shape, with four pillars; the houses were entered directly from the roof to the house floor below by using a ladder. This type of building was popular in the southwestern region of Korea (i.e., Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces) (Kim Seungog 2004; Jeong Il 2006). In the central region of the Korean Peninsula, houses with numerous pillars densely spaced along the side walls have been frequently identified. The pillars were at times found within trenches dug along the walls, which would have facilitated setting up the pillars and the walls that were made of wooden planks, beams, and logs. In this type of house, the pillars that stood in a row—regardless of whether or not there was a trench—acted as walls and supported the weight of the roof. This type of building developed into the pillarwall structure that newly appeared in the Baekje center. The basic principle of pillar-wall building construction may have emerged during the Hanseong Period or the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (原三國時代) (Kwon Ohyoung 2013); even so, most dwellings from the Hanseong Period took the form of a sunken structure. As above-ground dwelling floors appeared during the Ungjin Period, pillar-wall buildings became popular in the areas of Gongju, Buyeo, and Iksan, and were subsequently introduced into the Kinki (近畿) region of Japan. Sites with pillar-wall buildings identified in Gongju include Gong Mountain Fortress (公山城), which is located within the boundaries of the capital city of Ungjin, and the sites of Mt. Jeongji (Fig. 1), Sanseong-dong, and Anyeong-ri. In Buyeo, many such sites have been discovered both inside and outside the boundaries of Sabi, the capital city. In Iksan, pillar-wall buildings have been identified at the sites of Sindong-ri and Sadeok. Given that Iksan paralleled Buyeo in status during the Sabi Period, it is estimated that pillar-wall buildings were concentrated at Baekje capital sites and others of similar status. Fig. 1. Pillar-wall building at Mt. Jeongji (Photograph by Lee Hansang) Some researchers consider the presence of a trench to be a requirement for a pillar-wall building (Aoyagi Taisuke 2002). However, a broader, alternative definition of this building type can be proposed as a “single-storied, square or rectangular structure set above ground in which the superstructure is supported solely by walls consisting of densely spaced pillars that are sometimes set within a trench.” According to this definition, structures without trenches can be categorized as Type I pillar-wall buildings and those with trenches as Type II buildings (Kwon Ohyoung and Lee Hyungwon 2006). This is because many examples in which trenches originally were absent have also been identified along with examples in which the trenches were destroyed by the post-depositional process. Both Type I and Type II buildings were present among the three pillar-wall buildings discovered at 172-2 beonji, Dongnam-ri in Buyeo (Chungnam Institute of History and Culture 2007) (Fig. 2). Type I buildings also occurred at the Mt. Baemae site in Wanju. Some of the buildings of the Nagahara (長原) site in Osaka, Japan, where Baekje immigrants resided en masse, have been identified as Type I pillarwall buildings (Kwon Ohyoung 2008a). Fig. 2. Pillar-wall building at Dongnam-ri in Buyeo. The Site of Dongnam-ri 172-2 Beonji at the Place Earmarked for Seodong Park in Buyeo (부여 서동공원 조성부지 동남리 172-2번지일원 유적) (Daejeon: Chungnam Institute of History and Culture, 2007, p. 5) Pillar-wall buildings often feature ondol (traditional underfloor heating) facilities made of stone slabs. Such occurrences have been identified at Mt. Baemae in Wanju as well as at the following sites in Buyeo: the Gunsu-ri locale (Park Soonbal et al. 2003); the area around the East Naseong (東羅城), outer city wall (Chungcheong Institute of Cultural Heritage 2006); and the Jeongdong-ri site. Examples have been found in Japan at sites such as Kankakuji (觀覺寺) in Takatorichō (高取町), Nara Prefecture (Takatorichō Board of Education 2007). Building 2 from Geomdan Mountain Fortress (檢丹山城) in Suncheon (Fig. 3) likewise can be identified as a Type I pillar-wall building with ondol facilities. In addition, it is highly probable that the building from Gorak Mountain Fortress (鼓樂山城) in Yeosu (麗水) (Choi Inseon et al. 2003; 2004) was also a pillar-wall building. Because pillar-wall structures represent a form of architecture closely associated with the Baekje center, it is possible that the wanggyeongin resided at these two mountain fortresses. As discussed below, the discovery of roof tiles and inkstones at these mountain fortresses cannot be regarded as mere coincidence. Fig. 3. Building 2 from Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon. Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon I (순천 검단산성 I) (Suncheon: Suncheon National University Museum, 2004, p. 104) Decorated chimney caps (煙家) From the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period, cooking and heating facilities were installed along the wall opposite the entrance in dwellings in the Yeongseo (嶺西) region of Gangwon Province (i.e., west of Daegwallyeong Pass) and the Seoul-Gyeonggi region. Ventilation of smoke was essential for the efficient working of these facilities. Since the dwellings were sealed off, poor ventilation would have made living conditions within pit dwellings unbearable. An external chimney, usually made of clay or hollowed out logs, was a necessary requirement for ventilation (Fig. 4). Rarely found in the Gaya-Silla (新羅) zone, ceramic chimneys were prevalent within the Mahan (馬韓)-Baekje zone (Kim Kyudong 2002). Fig. 4. Ceramic chimney from the South Jeolla region. Naju National Museum (Author’s photograph) A large number of cylindrical ceramic pieces—which would have functioned as oven frames, drains, or chimneys—have been found in the Honam region that formed part of the Baekje territory. Some cylindrical ceramic objects have straight profiles with a constant diameter, but others flare outwards at the base and thus superficially resemble the lower section of a bell. These two types were used in tandem to form a single chimney piece. Many such examples have been discovered at sites in the Mahan-Baekje zone and also in Japan (Fig. 5) (Kinoshita Hataru 2006; Ban Yasushi 2008). Fig. 5. Ceramic chimney from Takatorichō, Nara Prefecture. Takatorichō Cultural Center (Author’s photograph) Most chimney pieces recovered from the Hanseong-Period sites and those of the Honam region and the Japanese Archipelago only address a chimney’s functional ventilating requirements and thus lack decorative embellishment. However, some examples from Buyeo—the Baekje capital of the Sabi Period—and Iksan, the status of which was similar to that of Buyeo in the Sabi Period, sport a decorative lotus-bud-shaped element with holes through which smoke could escape (Kim Yongmin 1998; 2002). The discovery of such decorated chimney caps has been limited to the Wanggung-ri site in Iksan and the following sites in Buyeo: Neungsan-ri Temple site (陵山里寺址), Jeongrim Temple site (定林寺址), Buso Mountain Fortress (扶蘇山城), Mt. Hwaji, Gwanbuk-ri, Dongnam-ri, and Ssangbuk-ri (Fig. 6). In fact, this type of artifact is not generally associated with areas outside of the Baekje center. The recent discovery of fragments of a chimney cap at Mongchon Earthen Fortress (夢村土城) in Seoul demonstrates that the use of decorative chimney caps dates as early as to the Hanseong Period. Fig. 6. Chimney cap from a palace site in Iksan. Wanggung-ri Relics Museum (Author’s photograph) The original function of the chimney was utilitarian; therefore, decorated chimney caps likely evolved as a means of symbolizing the prestige of a particular household. The general lack of decoratively embellished chimney caps at regional sites other than the Baekje center supports the association of the artifact with the wanggyeongin. Even so, ceramic chimney caps have been found at Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon (Choi Inseon et al. 2004) and Chilseong-ri in Gwangyang (Fig. 7). The chimney cap from Chilseong-ri was made from fine base clay and fired in a reducing atmosphere, which resulted in its grayish hue. That chimney cap features a baffle that is horizontally set near the center, thus dividing the object into upper and lower sections; it shares similarities in form with examples recovered from Buyeo and Iksan, with minor differences in details. Geomdan Mountain Fortress also yielded the remains of a pillar-wall building with ondol facilities and ink-stones. Since both the pillar-wall building and the chimney cap have a close association with the architectural culture of the Baekje wanggyeongin, the presence of these artifacts in the eastern region of South Jeolla Province, far from the Baekje center, indicates that the wanggyeongin had moved into this region. Fig. 7. Chimney cap from Chilseong-ri in Gwangyang. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) Roof tiles Roof tiles were typically used in Baekje architecture during the Hanseong Period, but their use was limited to the capital city—as represented by the sites of Pungnap Earthen Fortress (風納土城), Mongchon Earthen Fortress, and the Seokchon-dong Burial Ground—as well as to the core settlements of the local regions. Roof tiles have yet to be found at mountain fortresses dating to the Hanseong Period. However, large numbers of roof tiles were used for the construction of mountain fortresses and buildings in strategic regional locales in the Chungcheong and Jeolla regions during the Ungjin and Sabi Periods. Some of those roof tiles bear imprints of chessboard-patterned mats that were woven with plant fibers, including reeds (Fig. 8). It appears that such mats were used to line the molds for the roof tiles instead of the more typical hemp cloth used at other sites (Song Mijin 2004). It is likely that a shortage of hemp cloth led to the use of mats for lining the roof-tile molds, a distinct possibility as large numbers of roof tiles were required in a relative short period of time for the construction of the mountain fortresses. Fig. 8. The inner surface of a concave roof tile from Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) Sites with cloth-impressed roof tiles and sites with mat-impressed roof tiles are both present in the eastern region of South Jeolla Province. Interestingly, roof tiles with stamped inscriptions also appear with high frequency in this region (Fig. 9). Roof tiles of this type have been found at such sites as Seonwondong Earthen Fortress (仙源洞土城) and Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu, Buram Mountain Fortress (佛岩山城) in Gwangyang, and Seongam Mountain Fortress (城岩山城) in Suncheon (Choi Inseon 2002; Choi Inseon et al. 2002). Fig. 9. Roof tiles with stamped inscriptions from the eastern region of South Jeolla Province. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) A comprehensive study of the Baekje roof tiles with stamped inscriptions (Ko Jeongryong 2007) shows that of the 3,2241 catalogued roof tiles with stamped inscriptions, the majority come from Buso Mountain Fortress in Buyeo (424) as well as the Wanggung-ri Site (448) and Mireuk Temple Site (1,605) in Iksan. As for the regional distribution of roof tiles with stamped inscriptions, seventeen come from Gongju (0.5%), 1,021 from Buyeo (31.7%), and 2,086 from Iksan (64.7%). Only 100 roof tiles with stamped inscriptions (3.1%) come from other Baekje areas, with 11 from Baengnyeong Mountain Fortress (栢嶺山城) in Geumsan (Fig. 10) and 73 from Gorak Mountain Fortress, representing a marked majority. Fig. 10. Roof tiles with stamped inscriptions from Baengnyeong Mountain Fortress in Geumsan. Buyeo National Museum (Author’s photograph) Roof tiles with stamped inscriptions discovered in Gongju, Buyeo, and Iksan were artifacts of the Baekje center. Notably, the majority of the 100 roof tiles with stamped inscriptions from sites not included in the above three locations come from Gorak Mountain Fortress. The eleven roof tiles with stamped inscriptions from Baengnyeong Mountain Fortress have previously been attributed to craftspeople dispatched from the Baekje center (Kang Jongwon and Choi Byeonghwa 2007, 180); roof tiles with stamped inscriptions found at kilns throughout Buyeo (Ko Jeongryong 2007, 73-74) attest to the validity of this opinion. Roof tiles with stamped inscriptions found at peripheral sites likely were fired at kilns located in the Baekje center, or involved craftspeople of the Baekje center in their production. The presence of numerous roof tiles with stamped inscriptions at sites in the eastern South Jeolla region (e.g., Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu) indicates that the central authority and craftspeople of the Baekje center were involved in the construction of the mountain fortresses of this region. Those craftspeople probably would have been dispatched to the peripheral regions of Baekje territory by the central authority. Aristocratic high culture Green-glazed ceramics The ruling elite of Baekje imported a significant amount of Chinese ceramics during the Hanseong Period. This group consisted of the aristocracy and royalty of the Baekje center as well as leaders of such local communities as Suchon-ri in Gongju and Beobcheon-ri in Wonju. The use of Chinese ceramics as grave goods in the tombs of the leaders of the regional elite (e.g., Ipjeom-ri Tomb 1 in Iksan; Yongwon-ri Stone Chamber Tomb in Cheonan; Bongdeok-ri Tomb 1 in Gochang) as well as in the Tomb of King Muryeong indicates that Chinese ceramics continued to be greatly appreciated by both the royalty of the Baekje center and the highest echelons of local society during the Ungjin Period. Baekje craftspeople attempted to produce localized versions of imported Chinese ceramics, which resulted in the continuous appearance of new ceramic types that emulated the type and form of Chinese ceramic and bronze vessels. For example, the lid with jewel-shaped knob, tripod, and pedestal dish (高杯) soared to popularity during the Hanseong Period, and the long-necked bottle (Park Soonbal 2006) and pedestal bowl (臺附碗) (which imitated bronze or stoneware examples) grew in popularity during the Ungjin Period. The pedestal bowl replaced the tripod and pedestal dish—the representative vessel types of the Hanseong Period—became a key vessel type in the subsequent period. Pedestal bowls with lids adorned with jewel-shaped (or lotus-bud-shaped) knobs were widely used as tableware by Baekje royalty and aristocracy, along with other vessel types, such as jars with high crests attached along the entire circumference of the vessel shoulder (Kim Jongman 2007). The continuous efforts to replicate the quality of Chinese celadon resulted in Baekje green-glazed wares, which were produced during the Sabi Period and used almost exclusively in Buyeo. Examples of green-glazed wares found at sites outside of Buyeo are limited to Bogam-ri Tomb 1 in Naju (Fig. 11), Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon, and Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu (Fig. 12). Fig. 11. Green-glazed cup and saucer from the Bogam-ri Burial Ground. Jeonnam National University Museum (Author’s photograph) Fig. 12. Green-glazed cup from Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) The green-glazed cup and saucer and the lidded containers from Bogam-ri Tomb 1 (Yim Youngjin et al. 1999) imitate the form and function of the silver cup and bronze saucer from the Tomb of King Muryeong (Fig. 13), with the addition of linear decoration that suggests the appearance of a bronze vessel. Relics from Bogam-ri are believed to have been produced at the Baekje center and presented to an individual of the local community, since it is unlikely that regional workshops suddenly were able to produce the technically sophisticated green-glazed wares. Very few local craftspeople would have had the opportunity directly to observe and copy the tea set consisting of the green-glazed cup and saucer and the lidded containers. The inscription of a reversed Buddhist swastika on the cup and saucer also supports this likelihood. The presence of a stone headrest at Bogam-ri Tomb 1 is another element shared with the Tomb of King Muryeong, where wooden headrests were found. The discovery of a headrest and green-glazed vessels at this tomb on the periphery of Baekje attests to the strong association of this region with the Baekje center. Fig. 13. Silver cup and saucer from the Tomb of King Muryeong. Gongju National Museum (Author’s photograph) As discussed below, the green-glazed ware from Geomdan Mountain Fortress takes the form of an inkstone. At Gorak Mountain Fortress, a green-glazed pedestal bowl was recovered from Water Reservoir 1 (Choi Inseon et al. 2003); the gentle curves of the foot and the lines that appear directly below the bowl’s mouth and just above its foot demonstrate that this vessel was made in imitation of a bronze vessel. As with the green-glazed ware from Bogam-ri Tomb 1, the inkstone and pedestal bowl must have been produced at the Baekje center and carried to these mountain fortresses. Bogam-ri Tomb 1 is located at the Bogam-ri Burial Ground, which was a cemetery for the highest-ranking local leaders of the Yeongsan River region in the sixth century. Given that the Baekje central government’s direct rule over this region commenced upon the completion of tomb construction at this burial ground, the green-glazed ware from this tomb reflects the strong influence of the Baekje center in this region. The same holds true for the green-glazed pedestal bowl from Gorak Mountain Fortress. Such artifacts, along with roof tiles with stamped inscriptions, make it possible to assume the presence of individuals of high political status from the Baekje center. Chamber pots Tiger-shaped ceramic chamber pots used by men are generally termed hoja (虎子, Ch. huzi). The production and practice of placing tiger-shaped chamber pots within tombs as grave goods first began during China’s Spring and Autumn Period (春秋時代, 771 – 476 BCE) and Warring States Period (戰國時代, 475 – 221 BCE) (Fig. 14), but it was during the Wei (魏, 220 – 265), Jin (晉, 265 – 420), and Northern and Southern Dynasties (南北朝, 420 – 589) that tiger-shaped chamber pots became popular. Fig. 14. Tiger-shaped chamber pot from a Spring and Autumn Period tomb in Jingjiang, Jiangsu Province. Bronzeware. Jinjiang Museum (Author’s photograph) A Chinese tiger-shaped chamber pot has yet to be discovered through proper excavation from a Baekje site, but the example from the collection of the National Museum of Korea deserves special attention. This celadon-glazed, tiger-shaped chamber pot, said to have come from Gaesong (開城), is believed to date to the Western Jin (西晉, 265 – 316) or early Eastern Jin (東晉, 317 – 420) Period, based on the color of the glaze and the form of the pot (Eun Hwasoo 1998). This indicates that, at the latest, Chinese tiger-shaped chamber pots were introduced to Baekje during the first half of the fourth century CE. Baekje imitations of the Chinese imported celadon tiger-shaped chamber pots may have been produced later, but material evidence dating to the Hanseong and Ungjin Periods has yet to be discovered. The numerous discoveries of Baekje-produced tiger-shaped chamber pots from sites in Buyeo and Iksan dating to the Sabi Period demonstrate that this ceramic type had become firmly rooted in Baekje society in these periods (Kwon Ohyoung 2008b). The tiger-shaped chamber pot from Gunsu-ri in Buyeo (Seo Seonghun 1979) is similar in form to Chinese examples in that it features a short-legged tiger with a wide-open mouth (Fig. 15) and a handle that extends from the head to the middle of the back. The characteristically Baekje features of this tiger-shaped chamber pot are the tiger’s straight, unflexed front legs and the slight turn of its head to the left; these elements do not appear in Chinese examples. Simplified versions of the tiger-shaped chamber pot, which claim only the form of the body, the legs and a handle, have been found at such sites as Gwanbuk-ri in Buyeo and Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu. It is likely that Chinese celadon tiger-shaped chamber pots inspired these simple male chamber pots, as in the case of the Gunsu-ri example. A female chamber pot, with a flat base, wide oval mouth, and band-shaped handles, was also discovered at the Gunsu-ri site. A chamber pot of a similar shape but with additional features that enhanced its function was recovered from the Wanggung-ri site in Iksan (Fig. 16). Fig. 15. Tiger-shaped chamber pot from Gunsu-ri in Buyeo. Earthenware. Buyeo National Museum (Author’s photograph) Fig. 16. Female chamber pot from Wanggung-ri in Iksan. Wanggung-ri Site Museum (Author’s photograph) It is unlikely that commoners would have used such chamber pots; rather, the use of male and female chamber pots surely was a feature of aristocratic high culture as well as an important indicator of the extent of urbanization. In ancient societies, toilet facilities would have been limited to palaces, administrative offices, and temples. The only extant example of Three Kingdoms-Period toilet facilities came from the Wanggung-ri site; therefore, it can be ascertained that the use of toilet facilities and chamber pots was limited to members of the highest echelons of society, even among the wanggyeongin. Interestingly, a chamber pot was excavated at Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu, which is not included among the locations of high status where the discoveries of chamber pots are typically concentrated (Fig. 17). This indicates that wanggyeongin of high standing resided there or at least wanggyeongin culture had been transplanted there. The leg-shaped fragment excavated from Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon, which likely came from a tiger-shaped chamber pot, also supports this possibility. Fig. 17. Tiger-shaped chamber pots from Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) The existence of intellectual-bureaucrats Inkstones, brushes, wooden tablets, and documents are concrete evidence of literacy, and reflect the presence of literate bureaucrats and the creation of administrative documents (Yoon Seontae 2007). The discovery of a Chinese celadon-glazed inkstone at Mongchon Earthen Fortress in Seoul (Kim Wonyong et al. 1987) demonstrates that the use of inkstones in Baekje dates at least to the Hanseong Period. Numerous inkstones were recovered from Gong Mountain Fortress in Gongju (Ahn Seungjoo and Lee Namseok 1987); most date to the Sabi Period, but it is highly likely that one tripod of the Chinese Southern Dynasties style dates as early as to the Ungjin Period (Yamamoto Takafumi 2006). In contrast to the inkstones of the Hanseong and Ungjin Periods, which are either imports from the Eastern Jin or Southern Dynasties or are imitations of Chinese examples, inkstones of the Sabi Period feature a distinctively Baekje flavor, which indicates that the inkstone had become firmly established as an element of the Baekje ceramic repertory. In the Sabi Period, a variety of inkstone forms coexisted, including simple inkstones without legs, inkstones with multiple legs, and footed inkstones. Among inkstones with multiple legs, those with teardrop-shaped legs (水滴硯) and those with animal leg-shaped legs (獸足硯), also termed cabriole legs, were made in imitation of Chinese celadon-glazed inkstones from the Sui (隋, 581 – 618) and Tang Dynasties (唐, 618 – 907) (Figs. 18 and 19). However, the ceramic inkstone with animal leg-shaped legs from Mt. Geumseong in Buyeo features a distinctively Baekje style. Fig. 18. Celadon inkstone with animal leg-shaped legs of the Sui Dynasty. Jiangxi Provincial Museum (Author’s photograph) Fig. 19. Celadon inkstone with animal leg-shaped legs of the Tang Dynasty Fired at the Hongzhou Kiln. Jiangxi Provincial Museum (Author’s photograph) Discoveries of inkstones in Baekje territory have been limited to capital cities (present-day Seoul, Gongju, and Buyeo) and Iksan; therefore, the inkstone from the Naju area is of interest, as Naju was a key foothold for the indigenous local elite in the Yeongsan River region. Excavations conducted in the Bogam-ri area, where the sixth-century tombs of the highest-ranking leaders of the local community are concentrated, revealed the presence of a ceramic inkstone with multiple legs similar to that from Buyeo. In addition, three inkstones were discovered at the Nang-dong site located in close proximity to Bogam-ri; one inkstone was recovered from the District Ga artifact layer and the other two came from the District Na artifact layer (Choi Seongrak et al. 2006). Found in close proximity around Bogam-ri, these four inkstones indicate the presence of a bureaucratic group that produced administrative documents associated with governmental control of local regions. The inkstones are evidence of officials deployed from the Baekje center or of a literate class within the local society that maintained links with the Baekje center. Other finds from this area, including the iron production facilities, wooden tablets, and ceramic vessel inscribed with “官內用” (meaning “for use within official buildings”) together suggest that this area, where the tombs of the leaders of the indigenous local community had been concentrated, was subsequently transformed into an administrative center for regional control. It is very possible that this process was accompanied by the migration of the wanggyeongin into this region. Another site in the Honam region that yielded inkstones is Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Sunchon, where four inkstones were discovered. One inkstone with a short foot was discovered at the North Gate, and one with legs was found within the water reservoir. Building 2 and Building 3 (a pit structure) each yielded a single inkstone with a flat base. The example from Building 3 is in fragmentary condition, making it difficult to identify its original shape. Building 2 belongs to the category of Type I pillar-wall building defined above. The discovery of inkstones at this building site is especially significant because pillar-wall buildings have a close association with the Baekje center. The legs are missing from the green-glazed inkstone recovered from the water reservoir (Fig. 20); even so, the remaining fragments suggest that the inkstone originally had legs of either teardrop or animal-leg form. The pillar-wall building and the green-glazed inkstone from Geomdan Mountain Fortress (Suncheon), along with the roof tiles with stamped inscriptions and the green-glazed pedestal bowl from Gorak Mountain Fortress (Yeosu), are decisive evidence of the presence of the wanggyeongin in these regions. In particular, the green-glazed ceramics from these mountain fortresses are believed to have been used by the wanggyeongin, since artifacts of this type from the eastern region of South Jeolla Province were always discovered in conjunction with other elements that represent the culture of the Baekje center. By contrast, the green-glazed cup and saucer and the lidded containers from the Bogam-ri Burial Ground are believed to have been buried with a member of the indigenous elite. Fig. 20. Inkstone fragment from Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon (Suncheon National University Museum) Conclusion This paper examines the material culture of the wanggyeongin through the artifacts excavated from the local regions of Baekje. The evidence consisting of architecture (e.g., pillar-wall buildings, chimney caps, and roof tiles with stamped inscriptions), daily life items (e.g., green-glazed ware and chamber pots), and inkstones used by a literate class is admittedly piecemeal; however, as a whole, it provides valuable insight into the nature of the wanggyeongin who moved to the local regions of Baekje as well as the direct transplantation of the culture of the Baekje center to these local regions. The sudden appearance of artifacts associated with aristocratic high culture (usually observed in Buyeo or Iksan) in the area of Bogam-ri in Naju (the last foothold of the indigenous local groups) or the frontline defense areas of Yeosu, Suncheon, and Gwangyang can be explained by assuming that the wanggyeongin, who had first-hand experience of the aristocratic culture of the Baekje center, had settled in theses local regions. From the perspective of the Baekje center, it must have been of a key importance to have the local elite responsible for the construction of the Bogam-ri Burial Ground submit to the system of direct control by the Baekje center, since this group represented the greatest local power of the Naju area as well as the entire Yeongsan River region. The wooden tablets, inkstones, green-glazed ware, and ceramic vessels with inscriptions recovered from sites at Bogam-ri and Nang-dong can be understood as by-products of the efforts of the Baekje center to bring this indigenous local group under its control. From the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period, the eastern region of South Jeolla Province shared many cultural similarities with Byeonhan in the east, and from the fifth century, it became a part of the Sogaya Confederation that was later politically influenced by Daegaya. It is only in the early sixth century that Baekje was able to completely eradicate the influence of Daegaya and absorb this region into Baekje territory. Therefore, the eastern region of South Jeolla Province represented the front line of defense for the Baekje center against Gaya and Silla. Due to such strategic importance, the construction of defensive mountain fortresses unseen in the Yeongsan River region, took place at an extremely fast pace over a short period of time. Cooperation from the leaders of local indigenous communities would have been essential for the construction of mountain fortresses as well as for the regional defense; consequently, the wanggyeongin and craftspeople may have been dispatched by the Baekje center to ensure such cooperation. Unfortunately, it is not easy to prove this possibility based on archaeological evidence from burials. Baekje tombs discovered thus far in the eastern region of South Jeolla Province mostly consist of stone-lined burials with horizontal entrances. As in the case of mountain fortresses of this region, roof tiles with mat patterns on their inner surfaces were found in coffin platforms of certain tombs in Gwangyang and Suncheon. This means that typical tombs of the Baekje central style have yet to be identified in this region. Investigating the possible existence of such tombs in the region remains a task for future research.

With the recent explosion of archaeological data in Korea, several new research agendas have been spotlighted, though they have hardly been noticed outside the field. Despite pioneering works by Sarah Nelson (1993), Kim Gwongu (2000), and Kim Seonju (2010), issues of women and gender are still largely ignored by Korean archaeology. There are two discernible reasons for this lack. First and foremost, Korean archaeological data shedding light on gender identity or the role of women remains quite scarce. Second, most research in Korean archaeology tends to focus on a very limited range of subjects, such as the emergence of social hierarchy, the process of forming the early states, and conflict or war. These subjects certainly cannot and should not be fundamentally separated from gender issues. Nevertheless, perhaps because gender issues do not ostensibly seem to be closely related to these issues, Korean archaeology has failed to take women and gender issues into account within its main research agendas. In addition, another sensitive and debatable issue underlies this situation; namely, who tends to direct the main research agendas within the discipline, both implicitly and explicitly? Simply stated, the field of Korean archaeology is dominated by males with “formal” education and “formal” degrees (PhDs and Masters of Philosophy) who occupy a select number of influential positions at academic institutions, i.e. universities. In such a situation, it is unlikely that female perspectives regarding gender in archaeology can gain wide recognition, or that the past can be actively researched from such a perspective. For these reasons, in most accounts of prehistoric Korea, women are strangely absent. Or at best, they are relegated to a very restricted role or a passive and subsidiary position in the social change of Korean prehistoric society. This is certainly not a problem that is unique to Korean archaeology, and has been discussed in the archaeologies of Europe and America since the 1970s (Gero and Conkey 1991; Kehoe 1998; Sørensen 2000). Therefore, rather than addressing this issue purely in theoretical terms, I will focus on how to embody women in Korean prehistory and how to aptly describe them amidst the lack of archaeological data. In addition, I will suggest some prerequisite theoretical frameworks for embodying and interpreting these invisible women and examine their applicability to the extant archaeological data. Theoretical Issues for Gender Studies in Korean Prehistory In order to use archaeological data to embody and describe these invisible (or periodically visible) women, research should pursue the following topics. First, how might women have constituted their own identity through material culture? Second, the rise of material culture altered social structures and constitutions (i.e., by increasing the division and specialization of labor); how might such changes have affected the identity, as well as the social (and symbolic) role, of women? And third, how did the changing identity and role of women and the evolving social structure impinge on one another? To better understand women in prehistoric Korea, it seems indispensible to do some preliminary theoretical reviews related to these topics. Individual Identity & Archaeological Data With the advent of post-processualism in archaeology, it has been widely accepted that material culture cannot be considered to be a mere reflection or result of past human action. It is now widely recognized that language is inherent to our social life, and the same can be said of our material culture. That is, language and material culture, rather than being mere derivative aspects, actually enable our social existence. Thus, like language, material culture must be considered in terms of its own distinct existence and meaningful constitution. Accordingly, we tend to experience, constitute, and relate ourselves to the world through this pre-existing material culture. Furthermore, we participate in the world by producing, using, and disposing of the material culture, as we simultaneously subjectify ourselves, form our identity, and sense our own personhood (Merleau-Ponty 1962). In terms of archaeological data, various elements of material culture serve as media and impetus for human subjectification and the formation of individual identity, including body ornaments, settlements, and burials. Body ornaments can be used for various means of self-expression in different situations, while settlements serve to mediate and enable our social relations in the domain of life. Meanwhile, burials allow the living to readjust and reinforce a range of social relationships with their authorities, social positions, and various social norms. In particular, body ornaments, which are closely and directly related with individual bodies, could be good evidence for examining how the female body was gendered, as has been done with the male body and weapons and armory (Kim Jongil 2009; Sørensen 2000; Treherne 1995). These arguments are built upon the belief that it is possible to use the body (and bodily movement) to forge a relationship with the world through material culture, and that the body itself tends to be objectified and delimited (and thus incarnated) in different ways. For example, people typically believe that they have an external boundary formed by their physical body, i.e. their skin and bones. But such a boundary can be altered according to cultural context. For example, body ornaments like weapons and armor can form a part of the body, and they can also make the body gender specific. Thus, the boundary of such a body has been refined, such that its social and cultural significations extend far beyond a body that comprises only skin, bone, and hair. This example indicates that culture is not simply a passive “extra-somatic” method of responding to an environment, but is actively constituted by the body in many various ways. Accordingly, individuals and communities of individuals, as the subjects of social action, can use material culture to constitute their own social and cultural bodies. And in doing so, they can simultaneously constitute society and culture (or at least a part of culture). Structuralism & Femininity Structuralist archaeology accepts the primary arguments raised by structuralism and structuralist linguistics, which can be summarized as follows: 1. Language is a sign system, constituted by the signifier and the signified. 2. The relationship between the signifier and the signified is arbitrary, and a sign can be discerned by the difference represented by binary opposition. 3. The sign’s linguistic value is decided by other signs, and in particular, by relative comparison with other signs, rather than its own original value. 4. The signs form a sort of metonymic chain (Barthes 1973; Saussure 1983). As in language, material culture is also constituted by the signifier, exemplified by material artifacts (e.g. pottery) and the signified, represented by its usage (e.g. cooking or carrying water). Moreover, the meaning and value of material culture can be grasped by binary opposition and relative comparison, and it also constitutes a metonymic chain (Hodder 1990; Kim Jongil 2008). Therefore, material culture is understood as a system of signs and symbols. Notably, however, material culture differs somewhat from language in that the signifier and the signified are not inherently arbitrary. In such case, the slippery relation between the signifier and the signified, and the “floatation” of the signifier that occurs in the absence of the signified, cannot be completely justified. Such arbitrariness could not possibly be conceptualized in many archaeological contexts, where an object’s utilitarian function or suitability for use as a tool is emphasized, thus limiting its possible range of meaning. Yet the arbitrariness between the signifier and the signified could still be conceptualized within some specific contexts, such as a museum exhibition in which the meaning and function of material artifacts are redefined or reinterpreted. It should also be mentioned that if the meanings of sites and material artifacts are interpreted solely by binary opposition, then the latent abundance of interpretations, which produces diversity and perhaps even ambiguity, can be ignored. Nonetheless, the meaning and significance of any sites and artifacts should be comprehended and interpreted within a context; namely, in association with other sites and material artifacts. Hence, material culture is constituted by a kind of chain of meanings based upon the principle of binary opposition, and this chain of meanings clearly represents the metonymic chain and metaphoric relation mentioned above. Such a chain could be schematized as: Male Female inner (back) outer (front) death life wild domestic dark light west east (Hodder 1990, 10 and 27) Furthermore, based upon Neolithic cases from Anatolia and South Europe, Hodder suggested that males could be associated with burials, hunting, weapons, copper, axes, masks, and stone tool production, while female could be related to homes, furniture, decoration, weaving, spinning, ovens, food storage and preparation, signs, and figurines (69). The chain of meanings constituted by binary opposition could vary depending on the specific historical or cultural context. If we can grasp the existence of women (or material culture associated with women) in relation to a chain of meaning like this, then we may be able to infer and interpret how the chain was formed, how it changed over time, and the significance of the change. This would make it possible to analyze how individuals and communities create and adapt their identities by placing those processes within a symbolic sphere, rather than continuing to attempt to explain social change in simplified socio-economic or political ways. Structuration & Femininity Since the 1980s, the theories of Giddens and Bourdieu have deeply influenced the interpretation of material culture (Bourdieu 1977; Giddens 1984). While Giddens’s theory can be critiqued for interpreting the relationship between human action and material culture through a simplified circular pattern of logic, it has value in that it emphasizes the importance of material culture’s active role. For example, according to Giddens, the successive construction of identical or similar types of houses or burial places (and likewise the identical or similar division of the inner space in houses and burial places) is enabled by the human action involved with such construction and division, which is already regulated by various extant social rules and symbolic values. And furthermore, such social rules and symbolic values are maintained by continuous social practices, such as the successive construction of houses and tombs. Bourdieu’s theory of practice, exemplified by the concept of “habitus,” tends to focus on incarnate or intrinsic human practices, i.e., those which are considered to be natural and safe. Thus, this theory can help us grasp the meanings of such practices in everyday life (Bourdieu 1977). In particular, habitus makes us aware of the different embodied and habituated activities of women (or men) in the domain of everyday life, in terms of gender issues. Concomitantly, this theory can also elucidate the engendering process of space and time, as well as the various social practices that happen within the spatial and temporal sphere. Therefore, although structuration and practice theory have some limitations, including a failure to account for social change, they provide an interpretative framework for understanding various social actions of both individuals and communities that occur within spatial and temporal spheres. In particular, they can help us understand how individuals can direct changes to existing social structures, such as material culture, as well as how those structures affect the individuals. Women in Prehistoric Korea & Archaeological Interpretation As mentioned, archaeological data from prehistoric Korea that demonstrates individual identity, and especially female gender identity, has rarely been found or reported. Despite some exceptions, such as Okbang 4 district 26 stone cist and Bonchon-ri 2 stone cist, Jinju (Kim Jaehyeon 2002, 139), material artifacts demonstrating gender identity or closely related to gender categorization have rarely been found in conjunction with biological data (e.g. bones) allowing for gender or age identification. Therefore, instead of simply introducing data or attempting a truncated description of female gender identity based on partial and fragmented data, I will examine the context in which female gender identity was formed or expressed (or suppressed) in prehistoric Korea in terms of the overall formation of individual identity, including male identity, from a comparative perspective. Formation of Femininity in Korean Neolithic Age Thus far, the earliest archaeological data found in Korea that directly relates to women is from the Neolithic period. One representative relic is a female figurine found in Sinam-ri #2 site, Seosaeng-myeon, Ulju, Ulsan which was discovered alongside pottery with a fingertip motif and pottery with a comb pattern (Fig. 1). The same type of female figurine was also found in Nongpo-ri site, Cheongjin, Hamgyeongbuk-do province (Fig. 1). In addition, earthenware symbolizing the female sexual organ and anthropomorphic figurines (or faces) of indeterminate sex were found in Yul-ri Shell Midden, Geomgok-dong in Busan, Suga-ri Shell Midden in Gimhae, and Osan-ri site in Yangyang (Fig. 2). Face-shaped ornaments and wrist or ankle bracelets (made of bone or shell) have also been found in many sites, including Seopohang in Gulpo, Sandeung Shell Midden, Yeondaedo and Yokjido in Tongyeong, Suga-ri in Gimhae, and Ando Shell Midden in Yeosu (Fig. 3). In particular, body ornaments were found near the wrist and ankle of a human body in Yeondaedo, Ando Shell Midden, indicating that the ornaments were worn by the tomb occupant (Fig. 4). Fig. 1. Female figurines. Neolithic period. Left: Sinam-ri II (신암리 II). 1989. (Seoul: National Museum of Korea), p. 66.Right: Joseon Yujeokyumul Dogam: Primitive Society (조선유적유물도감: 원시편).Reprint 1990. (Seoul: Donggwang Publication Company), p. 133. Fig. 2. Anthropomorphic artifacts. Neolithic period. Left: Prehistoric and Ancient Culture (선사와 고대문화). 1996. (Busan: Busan National University Museum), p. 10.Upper right: Seoul National University Museum. 2007. Seoul National University Museum Catalogue (서울대학교 박물관 소장품 도록), 17.Lower right: Wando Yeoseo-dong Shell Midden (완도 여서동 패총), by Kim Geonsu (김건수) et al. 2007. (Mokpo: Mokpo National University Museum), p. 421. Fig. 3. Body ornaments from various regions. Neolithic period. Left: National Museum of Korea. 1996. (Seoul: National Museum of Korea), p. 26. / Center and right: Prehistoric and Ancient Culture (선사와 고대문화). 1996. (Busan: Busan National University Museum), p. 10. Fig. 4. Bracelet and female bone from Ando Shell Midden I site in Yeosu. Neolithic period. Ando Shell Midden (안도패총), by Cho Hyeongjong (조현종) et al. 2009. (Gwangju: Gwangju National Museum), pp. 10 and 213. Based upon this archaeological data, we can make several assumptions about women and femininity in prehistoric Korea. First and foremost, it would be premature to assume that these relics serve as evidence that symbols of fertility and fecundity were inherited from the Paleolithic period, or that they represent some ancestral god of the tribe or the phylogeny of matrilineal clan society (Kim Wonyong 1982, 1-18; Archaeological Institute of Academy of Social Science 1977, 12). Nevertheless, this data suggests that femininity, symbolized by fertility and fecundity, was an important social value in the society, in relation with hunting and the inception of agriculture (Hodder 1990, 60-70; Gimbutas 1989, 141-159). Second, these findings allow us to conceive a possible chain of meaning centered on women (or female values), that is, the possibility that various body ornaments were used by women as a form of self-expression. For example, at Yeondaedo, #1 and #7 burials (Fig. 5, left) are assumed to be male, due to the presence of stone axes, while the #2A and #14 burials (Fig. 5, right) are assumed to be female, based on the presence of shell or jade (Table 1). Fig. 5. Burial sites from Yeondaedo Top: #7 burial / Bottom: #14 burial. Yeondaedo I (연대도 I), by Han Yeonghui (한영희) and Im Hakjong (임학종). 1993, (Jinju: Jinju National Museum). Table 1 - Grave goods from burials at Yeondaedo site Tomb Sex Excavated Artifacts 1 M Pottery, stone axe 2 F(A) Shells, bracelet 3 ? ? 4 M Obsidian, pottery, harpoon 5 F Fish hook, pottery 6 ? ? 7 M Stone axe, pottery, ankle bracelet, ornaments 8 ? Pottery 9 M Pottery, stone tool 10 M? Pottery, stone tool 11 M Pottery, obsidian 12 F Pottery, fish hook 13 F? ? 14 F Pottery, obsidian, jade (bracelet) 15 F? Pottery It can be safely assumed that, in the construction of these tombs at Yeondaedo Shell Midden, the individual identity would be expressed by the various body ornaments buried with the body, and that gender identity can be at least hypothesized based upon the presence of certain types of items, such as stone axes or bracelets. This phenomenon is also observed at the Ando Shell Midden site in Yeosu, where two bodies were found in the #1 tomb. One of the bodies was about 159 cm tall and had five shell bracelets on its arm, and was thus assumed to be female (Fig. 4). Based on these observations, a possible chain of meaning can be formed regarding women (or men) in the Korean Neolithic period: Female Male shell bracelet stone axe female figurine ? pottery pottery obsidian tools obsidian tools Although this assumption cannot be generalized to apply throughout the Korean Neolithic period, it seems reasonable to assess that at least some Korean Neolithic people emphasized their individuality (as a kind of individual identity) and constituted their gender identity through burial rituals, specifically the use of burial goods and their chain of meaning, and that such gender identity would be socially acknowledged within the community. Nonetheless, this expression of gender identity would not necessarily be stressed or accepted in relation to social change based upon the subsistence economy of that time, because, just as in Europe, there is no clear evidence that the acceptance of such female value would be directly and closely related to the introduction and diffusion of agriculture. Woman & Identity in Korean Bronze Age Archaeological data pertinent to gender identity (particularly female) from the Early and Middle Bronze Age of Korea is quite limited, but some well known artifacts have been found, such as the bronzeware from Daejeon, featuring a man tilling his field (Fig. 6) and the Bangudae rock art from Ulju (Fig. 7). Notably, the surface of the Daejeon bronzeware shows a man using a small plow to till a field and a woman who is putting something into a pot. The images seemingly allow us to infer that men usually worked in the field, which generally requires more strenuous physical labor, while women performed domestic tasks, which generally require less strenuous physical labor. Also, the rock art from Bangudae includes a male figure with exaggerated genitalia, suggesting that masculinity and the male body was emphasized in terms of gender differentiation and gender roles, in accordance with the labor division and specialization that marked this period. Fig. 6. Bronzeware from Daejeon, featuring a male tilling a field and a female carrying a pottery vessel. National Museum of Korea. 1996. (Seoul: National Museum of Korea), p. 45. Fig. 7. Bangudae Rock art from Ulju, featuring a male image. Bangudae: Fragments from Rock Art of Ulju (반구대: 울주암벽조각), by Hwang Suyeong (황수영) and Mun Myeongdae (문명대). 1984. (Seoul: Dongguk University Museum), p. 110. A similar phenomenon has been observed in the diffusion of agriculture from Central to Western Europe and the pertinent social change in the middle phase of European Neolithic Society. For example, in the case of European Neolithic Society, as agriculture spread from Central Europe to more peripheral areas, new agricultural techniques were adopted, such as animal traction and plowing, which required significantly more physical labor and strength. In addition, more conflicts arose between groups over arable land, so that masculinity would likely have gained more precedence in society over femininity. At the same time, a specific patrilineal group began to construct communal burials, including their own ancestors, in order to justify and legitimize their land rights (Hodder 1982, Sherratt 1990). Notably, this rising emphasis on male symbolic value and its chain of meaning, rather than female symbolic value, is associated with the increasing significance of ancestry and community (and, of course, communal value). With this inference in mind, the spatial structure and placement of settlements and burials might be used to examine how female gender identity was constituted and maintained. It has been suggested that long houses dated from the Early or Middle Bronze Age were divided into two or three sections with particular reference to the location and number of hearths, and that these compartments were related to a household community (An Jaeho 2006, 54-59). However, the distribution pattern of artifacts in houses from the period indicates that the inner domestic spaces were actually divided and structured rather differently. For example, the inner space of the #12 house from the Heunam-ri site (Fig. 8) is divided into two areas: one area where pottery was used or stored, and one area where mostly stone tools were discovered. A similar spatial division was noted in Linear Pottery Culture (generally abbreviated as LBK) houses from the early European Neolithic period. Granted, more precise and detailed information about the excavation and post-depositional process is required before any solid inferences can be made regarding the original distribution pattern and its context. But still, the fact that artifacts were found within the house, with no evidence of distortion or alteration of the space by either natural or cultural transformation, tentatively suggests that the distribution pattern of artifacts can provide in situ contextual information about daily life during the period. Accordingly, we can infer that the inner space of houses was divided into at least three areas: an area for storage or cooking, an area for producing or storing stone tools, and an area for sleeping or rest. Fig. 8. Inner space of #12 house, Heunam-ri site, Yeoju. In the area on the left, pottery likely used for storage was found, while stone tools were found in the area on the right. Heunam-ri Settlement 4 (흔암리 주거지 4). 1978. (Seoul: Seoul National University Museum), image 26 (modified by the author). Recently, a similar assumption has been made in reference to the spatial division of a long house from Sosa-dong in Pyeongtaek. The inner space of this house is assumed to have been divided into two areas: an area for women and children, where the hearth was located and domestic tasks were performed, such as weaving, simple woodwork, preparation of the fire, cooking, and storage; and another area for men, where tools and weapons were made for hunting and war (Kim Byeongmo et al. 2008, 142-143). This observation indicates that the division of inner space by function seems to be closely related to gender differentiation. It has been widely accepted, according to various archaeological analogies, that areas for food storage and pottery can be associated with women, while areas for making stone tools can be associated with men, though such an assumption seems quite contentious and problematic. Of course, our assumptions about these individual residences certainly cannot be generalized and extended to all other houses and settlements from the period. Still, it seems quite possible to consider the division of the inner space of houses according to a chain of meaning based on labor division by gender. This gendered spatial division conditioned and enabled the everyday activities of individuals, and served to maintain and institutionalize the existing gender differentiation as a medium in everyday life. This gender differentiation was also exemplified in another way, apart from everyday life, in the burials and burial groups, which were constructed beginning in the Middle Bronze Age. For instance, the Songguk-ri culture, which is representative of the Middle Bronze Age of Korea, employed two types of pattern for the inner placement of burial groups (those consisting of more than five burials): concentric and linear. For the concentric pattern, exemplified by burial groups at Sanui-ri and Oseok-ri, two or three central graves are encircled by several other graves. In contrast, the linear pattern, observed in burial groups from Songguk-ri, Namsan-ri and Majeon-ri C district, consists of linear rows of graves. Since no notable burial goods have been found at the Sanui-ri and the Oseok-ri sites, it is difficult to discern the relation between the central and peripheral burials. Even so, the burials at the center were clearly referenced in the placement and construction of the outlying burials (Fig. 9). In addition, the fact that most of the burials (with two or three exceptions) do not include any burial goods suggests the existence of some doctrine restricting the use of burial goods as a means of expressing individual or communal identity, such as one’s specific lineage group within the community. And inhibiting the use of burial goods for individual expression implies an emphasis on collectivity and equality between the members of the community, rather than an endorsement of differentiation and distinction. Fig. 9. Burial placement at Oseok-ri site. Oseok-ri Site (오석리 유적), by Yi Namseok (이남석). 1996. (Gongju: Gongju National University Museum). While emphasizing equality between community members, the custom of having two or three central burials also serves to legitimize the symbolic power or authority of those central individuals, more so than a common ancestral burial. In contrast, in the linear burial groups, several of the graves have stone daggers or stone arrowheads located at one end or the other (Fig. 10). It is not currently clear whether this placement of daggers or arrowheads indicates the temporal sequence of burial construction or if it is a reference for the overall construction and placement of burial groups. However, looking at the Majeon-ri C district burial group, the daggers or arrow-heads are present in 12 out of the 27 total burials (not including five burials that are only 1 m. in length, assumed to be infant or child burials). Considering the near 1:1 ratio between burials with and without daggers or arrowheads, and the wide acceptance that daggers and arrowheads are largely associated with men, it is possible to infer that those objects are symbols of men or masculinity, rather than status symbols or prestige goods signifying social hierarchy. If this supposition were true, and if the burials with daggers and arrowheads were in fact referenced in the construction and placement of the other burials, then those individuals were probably males who played an important role in the community, rather than people who held a high rank or status within the community. Fig. 10. Burial placement of stone cist burial group at Namsan-ri site. “Prehistoric Burial Group from Namsan-ri, Tancheon-myeon, Gongju,” by Yun Mubyeong (윤무병). 1987. Essays written to commemorate the retirement of Prof. Sambul Kim Wonyong I (삼불 김원룡 교수 정년 퇴임 기념 논총 I), p. 57. This emphasis on equality and collectivity is also evidenced by the emergence of wooden wall or enclosure sites or storage facilities, possibly for surplus goods, which began in the later phases of the Early Bronze Age. In the Early Bronze Age, consumption of domestic goods, food preparation, and storage of surplus produce was typically restricted to the individual household level. However, in the Middle Bronze Age, some activities developed which indicate a shift towards the group or community level. Foremost among these is the storage of surplus goods, since it seems likely that such goods were somehow distributed to the larger group. Furthermore, the enclosures and wooden walls would have acted as boundaries and defensive facilities, indicating a distinction between community insiders and outsiders, also contributing to the emphasis and augmentation of communality. In light of these inferences, it could be argued that female gender expression was made and maintained by engendering space in the context of everyday domestic life. But at the same time, such expression would seem to have been stifled through the burial practices and the emergence of communal storage facilities, which seem to stress collectivity and equality. As for the men, the presence of the stone daggers and arrowheads indicates that their individual identity was at least somewhat acknowledged by a community. Certainly, even in a period when individual expression is restricted, it seems plausible that some power relationships would be constituted and sustained between members of a community. But in this period, an expression of power or a power relationship could perhaps have been executed by emphasizing equality and community, rather than by displaying individual wealth or distinction. In such case, the symbolic privilege bestowed on women and femininity, as well as the chain of meaning centered on female identity, that had been maintained since the Neolithic period would have gradually lost its integral social value and been indirectly replaced by other alternatives. Paradoxically, however, amidst this apparent emphasis on equality, the use of bronze objects expressing individual identity and masculinity emerged. Use of Bronze Objects & Appearance of Masculinity Bronze ritual objects dating from the 5th-4th Century BC have been found in burials all over the Midwestern part of the Korean Peninsula, including the Daegok-ri site, Hwasun in Jeollanam-do province and the sites at Dongseo-ri, Yesan, Namseong-ri, Asan, Goejeong-dong, Daejeon, Nonsan, and Deoksan in Chungcheongnam-do province. These bronze ritual objects, which include hilt-shaped objects, trumpet-shaped objects, a bullet-shaped bronze bell, a two-headed bronze bell, and an eight-headed bronze bell, have been found alongside slender bronze daggers, bronze mirrors, and black burnished pottery (Fig. 11). However, most burials from this period do not contain such bronze ritual objects; often the burials contain some combination of bronze daggers, mirrors, and black pottery, or else single bronze objects like daggers or spearheads. Fig. 11. Burial goods from the burial site at Dongseo-ri, Yesan. The Bronze Age Culture in Korea (한국의 청동기 문화). 1992. (Seoul: National Museum of Korea; Gwangju: Gwangju National Museum), pp.30-31. These burials were likely independently or exclusively placed, as the number of settlements from this period is much lower than previous periods. The emergence in this period of independent burials with bronze ritual objects seems to indicate that individuality and masculinity could now be empha-sized as a means for displaying and executing power, rather than the values of equality and communality which marked earlier periods. If so, what caused this change? Perhaps rituals of burying individuals with particular bronze objects became socially and symbolically acknowledged and accepted within communities. We still do not know if these bronze ritual objects originated from elsewhere, such as in Manchuria or maybe even somewhere outside the Korean peninsula. However, the introduction of such rituals mediated and even propelled the transition from the Middle Bronze Age, with its emphasis on the social value of community, to the Late Bronze Age, when individuals were socially legitimized, as exemplified by the manner of burial construction. As yet, no direct data exists to show how these bronze objects, such as armor and mirrors, were associated with the buried body, and the masculine body in particular. In fact, it may not be possible to ever determine with certainty the exact nature of the relationship between the masculine body and the bronze objects. Nonetheless, the mere presence of the objects is significant, in that it demonstrates that those who constructed the burials somehow interpreted the identity of the dead through the objects and recognized them on some symbolic level. In other words, the masculine body was socially symbolized by burying the male body in conjunction with bronze armor, thus emphasizing the masculinity of the deceased. Considering that bronze armor is primarily associated with violence, the possible constitution of masculinity and the male body as a warrior is of great significance as a concrete reference to serve as the foundation for a symbolic value and structure. Such a foundation would have been indispensable as the social hierarchy began to privilege more coercive and physical forms of power, and as more complex societies began to form, such as ancient states. The developing conception of a warrior’s beauty, and the symbolic value of such a conception, would be closely related to significant changes in the structural principles maintaining the society or community, not to mention its implication for the overall perception of the masculine body. Therefore, the emergence of burial practices utilizing ritual objects indicates the appearance of some sort of fundamental symbolic value, which was a prerequisite for constituting and maintaining the society. This value would have been compromised and accepted by the community members, unlike the advent of high social status reflected by prestige burial goods. This symbolic value would be the bedrock on which various future social changes could be constructed. Conclusion In this article, I have attempted to examine the limited archaeological data that embodies the existence of women and the process by which concepts related to femininity and female identity formed in prehistoric Korea. In addition, I have discussed the reasons why the self-expression of the female identity was not clearly visible or highly mediated through the material culture in certain periods. According to the earliest relevant archaeological evidence, from the Neolithic period, women, female identity, and femininity were expressed in the form of figurines symbolizing abundance and fecundity, indicating that such values were approved and validated as important social values within the community. In addition, the Neolithic period seems to have featured social categorization between male and female (i.e., chain of meaning), as mediated by body ornament or stone axe. In other words, it might be inferred that, during this period, men and women expressed their own identity through body ornamentation and that such self identity and its expression was acknowledged within the society. In contrast, during the Early and Middle Bronze Age, that type of individual self expression likely became restricted by the increasing division and specialization of labor caused by the rise of agriculture, which in turn led to a greater emphasis on equality and community as social values. This emphasis would have been implemented by the reproduction of these symbolic values as structural principles for the society, and then maintained by the members of the society. This emphasis on equality then saw a significant shift in the Late Bronze Age, as males began to more actively express their individuality and masculinity, as evidenced by burial practices. This change was enabled by a new conceptualization of masculinity and the masculine body, represented by an increasing reverence for the image of a warrior.

Genre painting refers to pictures depicting scenes and events from everyday life of ordinary people. The corresponding Korean term, pungsokhwa, literally means “folk custom painting.” The lexical meaning of pungsok, “custom,” is “everyday practice or habits handed down in a society from the past,” “popular trends” (風氣) or “conventions” (時體).1 Korean folk customs as they are known today may be traced back to the Bronze Age, when people began regularly cultivating crops and forming agrarian communities. Traditional genre painting may be divided into two types. In the broad sense, the term covers paintings depicting events, customs, traditions, and other situations and scenes of daily life of people. Among these are events in the royal court and palace, activities and practices of the literati class, everyday lives of commoners, popular games, folk religion, rites of passage (冠婚喪祭), and seasonal customs.2 More specifically, in the narrow sense, genre painting may be defined as “secular painting” (俗畵). It comprises “paintings depicting mainly mundane affairs in markets and on the streets, miscellanies in the lives of commoners, leisure activities of the nobility, scenes of farming and weaving, and suggestive pictures charged with sexual desire.”3 The latter are quite distinct from paintings describing the lofty and decorous life of aristocrats. The scenes depicted by Kim Hongdo (金弘道, 1745–after 1816; sobriquet, Danwon) and Shin Yunbok (申潤福, 1758?–after 1813; sobriquet, Hyewon) of the late Joseon period belong to this category of secular painting. But while they are quintessential genre scenes, it would not be right to consider them as the sole representatives of genre painting. Otherwise, under such a narrow definition, a considerable heritage of paintings depicting events in royal palaces, fraternal gatherings of scholars (契會), and other important documentary pictures of an official nature might be excluded. A broad range of observation would be helpful for understanding the diverse customs and lifestyles of different periods. Genre painting, in the broad sense, should mean paintings depicting all types of customs in human communities. Realism (寫實性) and documentary precision (記錄性) are the two most essential elements of genre painting, which is a genre of the fine arts primarily intended to depict aspects of human life as exactly as they are. No less important in this regard is historical integrity (時代性). An abstract or non-representative presentation of a genre scene or a modern artist's imaginary depiction of ancient customs cannot be considered a genre painting in the proper sense. If it is to evoke sympathy and touch the viewer, a genre painting would also need a certain degree of “dignity, tasteful and lyrical mood."4 It requires artistic and aesthetic sensibility(藝術性). Works by Kim Hongdo and Shin Yunbok, painted over two centuries ago, can appeal to Koreans today, and even be delightful, because they are rendered with realistic documentary precision and historical integrity, artistic expertise as well as uniquely Korean atmosphere. These may be defined as the “five most important virtues” of Korean genre painting. Korea has a large corpus of genre paintings forming a prominent tradition from remote ancient times to the late years of the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910). As faithful mirrors of the lifestyles, thoughts and emotions of the Korean people as well as intense representations of Korean aesthetics, genre scenes constitute an integral part of Korean painting history. They are also vital sources of inspiration for today's Koreans in reassessing their history, culture, lifestyle and aestheticism. II PRE-JOSEON GENRE PAINTINGS It is reasonable to assume that the type of painting which is called genre painting today emerged after mankind had developed a community life and painting technique had reached a certain level. On the Korean peninsula these two basic conditions were met during the Bronze Age. Ancestors of present-day Koreans had begun to settle down and live collectively during the Neolithic period, but the origins of genre painting should be found in Bronze Age relics which began to contain painterly expressions. The oldest known record about Korean folk customs is found in Dongyizhuan (東夷傳: Accounts of the Eastern Barbarians) from the Houhanshu (後漢書, History of the Later Han). According to this ancient Chinese source, people of early Korean kingdoms such as Buyeo, Goguryeo and Ye (濊, Yemaek) conducted rites in the tenth month or in the twelfth month (Buyeo) after the harvest to thank the heavens for granting them rich crops.5 These rites, called respectively yeonggo (迎鼓), dongmaeng (同盟) and mucheon (舞天) in the three states, were accompanied by drinking, dancing and merrymaking to promote harmony among villagers. They were all basically thanksgiving customs rooted in early agricultural society. Regrettably, there are no paintings depicting these activities that remain today. 01 BRONZE AGE The earliest extant relics that may be regarded as analogous to genre painting in Korea are the Bangudae (盤龜壹) petroglyphs in Daegok-ri, Eonyang, Ulju (蔚州), Gyeongsangbuk-do, and the Bronze ritual object with farming scenes (農耕文靑銅器) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea. The rock carvings of Bangudae (盤龜臺) provide glimpses of the life of early inhabitants of the Korean peninsula, who engaged in fishing and hunting. The engravings feature many motifs including marine mammals such as whales, dolphins and turtles, and land animals such as tigers and deer, as well as scenes of hunting with nets, a captive animal confined in a wooden enclosure, and whale hunters at sea.6 Noteworthy in particular are images of pregnant animals and men with erect phalluses, symbolic of aspirations for fertility and abundance. Drawing no less attention in this regard is the Bronze ritual object with farming scenes (Figure 1). Partially destroyed, the front of this presumed ritual object has a Y-shaped tree with a pair of birds looking across at each other from the two branch tips (only part of the bird on the right branch remains). A tree with birds perched on top probably portrays a ritual altar (蘇塗).7 On the back, to the right are featured two men, one with erect phalluses and tilling a field with a small plough and the other digging earth with a hoe. To the left of these images is another man about to put grain into a vessel covered with a net. These scenes depict farmers ploughing in the spring and harvesting in the autumn. The highly symbolic and simplified motifs are carved in a semi-abstract style on a plain background. Through this ritual piece some crucial aspects of the lifestyles and customs of Bronze Age people as well as their spiritual world can be observed. Prayers for abundance symbolically expressed on this bronze object are probably related to harvest rituals and festivals conducted in the ancient kingdoms of Buyeo, Goguryeo and Ye. ( Figure 1 ) Bronze object with farming scenes (農耕文靑銅器), 7.3 (h) x 12.8 (w)cm, assumed to be from Daejeon, National Museum of Korea 02 THREE KINGDOMS AND THE SOUTHERN AND NORTHERN DYNASTIES During the Three Kingdoms period (57 BC–668 AD), more varied lifestyles emerged and everyday customs diversified further. As painting achieved remarkable development at this time, it would certainly have attempted to reflect diverse aspects of life. But, except for tomb murals of the Goguryeo Kingdom (37 BC– 668 AD), no genre scenes remain from this period. Over the past century and more, tombs in the northern state of Goguryeo have been found to contain mural paintings portraying diverse aspects of life, including clothing styles, architecture, religious faith and thought.8 Most murals in the tombs dating from the fourth to the sixth centuries describe daily customs of Goguryeo through scenes from the life of the deceased while those of the 7th century or later tend to focus on celestial deities such as the guardians of the four cardinal directions reflecting the influence of Daoism. Among the tombs of the first period (the 4th to the early 5th centuries), the most remarkable are Anak Tomb No. 3, dated 357, the 13th year of the Yonghe (永和) era; and the Old Tomb of Deokheung-ri, built in 408, the 18th year of Yongle (永樂). On the walls of these tomb chambers, both located in North Korea, are rendered portraits of the deceased (Figure 2) and scenes from their lives in this world such as ceremonial processions (Figure 3), while the ceilings portray the celestial world where the masters of the tombs would dwell in the afterlife. Hence the tombs form a small universe as conceived by the people of Goguryeo, and the murals show the stylistic characteristics of painting and daily life in the ancient kingdom as well as its religious, spiritual and philosophical views. ( Figure 2 ) “Tomb Owner,” on the wall of the main burial chamber of Anak Tomb No. 3, 357, Hwanghae-do, North Korea ( Figure 3 ) “Ceremonial Procession,” on the corridor wall leading to the main burial chamber of the Anak Tomb No. 3, 357, Hwanghae-do, North Korea Most Goguryeo tombs from the early period and the middle period (early 4th to the 6th centuries) had two or more chambers and therefore offered plenty of space to paint. Consequently, their murals feature diverse themes including portraits of the tomb owners, processions, hunting scenes, scenes of combat, dancers and musicians, and sacrificial offerings. These themes are set against different backdrops, including the interiors of aristocratic homes, kitchens, mills, butcher shops, garages, stables, cattle sheds, fortress walls and pavilions.9 The ceilings are adorned with celestial and mythical motifs such as the sun, the moon, constellations, flying fairies, immortals, mythical beasts, panacean herbs and lotus flowers. While the murals on the walls obviously describe domestic daily life, those on the ceilings strongly represent Buddhist and Daoist ideas introduced from China, which suggests that these imported religious and philosophical traditions must have added diversity to native customs. Also, some of the mythical beasts and plants and geometric patterns indicate cultural exchanges with not only China but Central and Western Asia as well. With these physical records, it can be assumed that daily customs in Goguryeo had embraced foreign influences from China and beyond by this time. The Goguryeo tomb murals from the early to the middle periods have dual characteristics. The paintings on the walls are typically realistic, explanatory, epic and documentary, while those on the ceilings tend to be imaginary, ideological and religious. Generally, however, the tomb murals of Goguryeo are characteristically dynamic and tense, a tendency that becomes even more obvious in the murals of Muyongchong (舞踊塚, Tomb of the Dancers), Gakjeochong (角扺塚, Tomb of the Wrestlers) and other tombs from the third period. The full blossoming of the powerful style of Goguryeo tomb murals came in the late period as evident in Gangseodaemyo (江西大墓, Great Tomb of Gangseo), Sasinchong (四神塚, Tomb of Four Deities) in Tungkou (通溝), Jinpa-ri (眞坡理) Tomb No. 1 and Tomb No. 4 of Ohoebun (五盔墳, Five Helmet Tombs). As mentioned above, however, genre scenes rapidly disappeared from the tomb murals of later Goguryeo as the worship of the four directional gods and immortals grew increasingly popular under Daoist influence. No less important is the practical reason that painting space got drastically smaller as single-chamber tombs became popular. Certainly, with limited space available for mural painting inside the tombs, it became impossible to depict episodes from the life of the deceased with epic grandeur. Apart from the Goguryeo tomb murals, few paintings that may be regarded as genre pictures remain from the Three Kingdoms and the Southern and Northern Dynasties (Unified Silla, 668–935; and Balhae, 698–926) periods. Most of these have previously been systematically discussed in other publications by the writer, and will not be discussed here.10 Nevertheless, a mural tomb discovered in 1985 in Sunheung (順興), Gyeongsangbuk-do deserves attention as it is one of the few ancient mural tombs located in South Korea. Believed to be a Silla tomb built in 479 or 539, it shows a strong influence from Goguryeo, particularly the murals painted on the four walls of the stone burial chamber.11 The four walls feature different themes: the eastern wall shows mountains and a medallion containing the image of a bird, which is believed to be a representation of sunlight; on the northern wall are figures of a propitious bird and lotus flowers amid the mountains stretching from the eastern wall; on the western wall is a house and a tall willow tree surrounded by walls; and on the southern wall is a human figure holding a catfish banner near the entranceway. Above this human figure is an ink inscription: "己未中 墓像 人名.” From the inscription it has been found that the tomb was made in the gimi (己未) year, corresponding to 539 or 479. The catafalque (棺臺) is decorated with boshan (博山), the stylized Daoist mountain design, on the upper front panel; the motif of trees and more mountains is repeated below. A guardian warrior (力士) is painted on each side of the entranceway (羡道), one running to the outside, holding up a snake, and the other with an alien face (梵顔胡相). The murals in this tomb generally look archaic. The mountains, in particular, are painted in the archaic style found in the hunting scenes of the Tomb of Deokheung-ri (德興理) and the Muyongchong (Figure 4). The lotus and mountain designs are thought to combine Buddhist and Daoist elements. But one particular mural, painted on the western wall, smacks of a genre view: the house, a tall willow tree and the walls surrounding them are clearly reminiscent of the background pictures of second-period Goguryeo tomb murals. Hence it may be assumed that genre paintings were often produced in Silla under influences from Goguryeo. ( Figure 4 ) “Hunting Scene,” on the wall main burial chamber of the Muyongchong, Tomb of the Dancers, late 5th century, Jian, China The tomb of Princess Jeonghyo (貞孝公主, 757–792) of Balhae, located on Mt. Xilongtou (西龍頭山) in Helong (和龍縣), Yanbian (延邊), Korean Autonomous Prefecture, in China’s Jilin Province (吉林省), contains important murals providing glimpses into the life and painting style in the northern kingdom.12 The murals, rendered in beautiful colors, feature tomb keepers, guards, attendants, musicians and eunuchs. They are dressed in long robes with hoods and leather boots. These human figures, mostly depicted in profile, seem to combine traditions from Goguryeo and Chinese figure paintings of the Tang period (618–907) in view of their style of dress and plump physique. It can be gleaned from these murals that the people of Balhae believed in an afterlife and decorated the interiors of their tombs with mural paintings, as did their Goguryeo forebears. It can also be conjectured that Balhae inherited its dress and daily customs from Goguryeo while embracing Chinese culture from Tang at the same time. 03 GORYEO PERIOD As evidenced by historical records and extant works of art, Korean painting made great progress in many genres including figure paintings, portraits, landscapes, animals, birds-and-flowers, bamboo and palace scenes as well as Buddhist painting during the Goryeo period (918–1392).13 Lifestyles also grew markedly diverse and upper-class culture was permeated by aristocratic tastes. Goryeo had distinctive dress and food as well as general lifestyle. Both Chinese emperors and Korean kings expressed keen interest in each other’s customs. For example, Emperor Zhezong (r. 1085–1100) of Northern Song gave the visiting Goryeo envoy Yi Jaeui (李資義, ?–1095) a list of books that he wanted to receive from Goryeo, which included a copy of Goryeo pungsokgi (高麗風俗記, Record of Goryeo Customs) and 30 volumes of Pungsok tongeui (風俗通義, Folk Customs Encyclopedia). Emperor Shizu (r. 1260–1293) of Yuan (1271–1368) sent a document titled Fengsu baishi (風俗百事, A Hundred Customs) at Goryeo’s request in 1278, the 4th year of King Chungnyeol’s reign (1274–1308).14 As is widely known, Goryeo followed Mongol customs and during the latter part of the period, Goryeo’s own customs were also well known in Yuan. Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo) and Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經, Illustrated Record of an Embassy to Goryeo in the Xuanhe Era), a 12th-century source written by the Song diplomat Xu Jing (徐兢, dates unknown), provide glimpses of everyday customs of the period.15 Given the advanced level of painting and the diversity of folk customs in Goryeo, it is possible that daily lifestyles were popular themes among painters. The lifestyles of the royal family and the nobility, in particular, must have been attractive subjects of painting. The literati class probably gave rise to a distinct sub-culture during the early part of the Goryeo period as evidenced by a painting by Yi Jeon (李佺, dates unknown), Haedong girohoedo (海東耆老會圖, Gathering of Retired Officials), depicting a scene from an elderly retired officials' fraternity meeting led by Choe Dang (崔讜, 1135-1211). The scene was also engraved on stone and fraternity meetings of elderly officials became even more popular.16 The works Yeseonggangdo (禮成江圖, Yeseong River) and Cheonsusa nammundo (天壽寺南門圖, South Gate of Cheonsu Temple) painted by Yi Nyeong (李寧, active in the 12th century) and Geumgangsando (金剛山圖, Mt. Geumgang) and Jinyang sansudo (晋陽山水圖, Landscape of Jinyang) by an anonymous painter attest to a tradition of realistic landscape painting established in Goryeo.17 This implies that genre paintings in the broad sense were also produced, but due to a dearth of paintings remaining from this period, further details are not available. Extant fragments of the paintings titled Suryeopdo (狩獵圖, Hunting Scene), attributed to King Gongmin (r. 1351–1374) and Gima dogangdo (騎馬渡江圖, Horse Riders Crossing a River) by Yi Jehyeon (李齊賢, 1287–1367), testify to the aforementioned popularity of Mongol customs and hunting among the aristocrats of Goryeo. Buddhist paintings provide fragmentary but useful glimpses of the daily customs in Goryeo. Among the most notable works in this regard is Mireuk hasaeng byeonsangdo (彌勒下生經變相, Frontispiece for the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya), painted by Hoejeon (悔前, dates unknown) in 1350, which is preserved at Shinnou-in (親王院) in Mount Kouya in Wakayama, Japan. Another piece with the same title is at Chion-in (智恩院) in Kyoto, Japan.18 The lower sections of these Buddhist paintings feature farming scenes of ox-drawn ploughing, rice harvesting and threshing. Buddhist paintings offer useful clues to lifestyles in the secular world through portrayals of gorgeous houses with tiled roofs, their interiors and the costumes of human figures. Large-scale Buddhist festivals organized by the state, such as yeondeunghoe (燃燈會, Lantern Festival) and palgwanhoe (八關會, Festival of the Eight Vows), were attended by the royalty as well as the general public. It is regrettable that no paintings depicting these annual celebrations remain today as they must have been intimately tied to folk customs at the time. III GENRE PAINTINGS OF THE EARLIER HALF OF THE JOSEON PERIOD The Joseon period (1392–1910) witnessed further development of painting in diverse genres, including those depicting folk customs. In terms of painting style and the nature of subjects depicted, the Joseon era that lasted about five centuries may be divided into four periods: the early period from 1392 to around 1550, the middle period from around 1550 to around 1700, the late period from around 1700 to around 1850, and the last period from around 1850 to 1910. Throughout these periods, Joseon produced documentary pictures of important events of the state and the palace, including uigwedo (儀軌圖, illustrations for royal protocols). Among the most remarkable genre scenes painted during the early period was Daesoga euijangdo (大小駕儀仗圖, Honor Guards in Full Armor) by An Gyeon (安堅, active 1440s-1460s).19 Also notable as genre paintings of outstanding documentary value are Sindojongmyosajik gwanjeonjosi hyeongsejido (新都宗廟社稷官殿朝市形勢之圖, Royal Ancestral Shrine, State Altars, Palaces and Cityscape of the New Capital), painted during the reign of the founding monarch, Taejo (r. 1392–1398), Jungmyojo seoyeongwan sayeondo (中廟朝書筵官賜宴圖, Banquet for Instructors of the Crown Prince in the Reign of King Jungjong), painted during the reign of Jungjong (r. 1506–1544), albums of genre scenes produced under Injong (r. 1544–1545) and scenes of state examinations painted under Myeongjong (r. 1545–1567).20 The literati, or the scholar-bureaucrats, frequently held fraternity meetings (契會, gyehoe), which often resulted in the production of commemorative pictures by court painters during the early Joseon Dynasty.21 Most of these meetings were held in the mountains or riversides in spring or autumn and paintings depicting these gatherings naturally included the landscape. These pictures typically have a title at the top, a scene of the meeting in the middle, and a list of participants at the bottom. This style was predominant in pictures of fraternity meetings of the early and the middle periods of Joseon. Kim Hongdo, who was active during the late period, maintained this style as shown by his 1804 work, Giroseyeon gyedo (耆老世聯稧圖, Fraternal Legacy of Elders). Documentary pictures of literati fraternity meetings produced during the early Joseon period characteristically emphasized a huge overwhelming landscape in the style of An Gyeon, looming over a tiny symbolic image of the gathering, as shown in Miwon gyehoedo (薇垣契會圖, Fraternity Meeting of the Office of Censor-General), Hagwan gyehoedo (夏官契會圖, Fraternity Meeting of the Ministry of Defence), and Dokseodang gyehoedo (讀書堂契會圖, Fraternity Meeting of the Royal Athenaeum). Closer observation will lead to a useful understanding of popular patterns of entertainment: the participants are clad in official robes and silk hats; the wine jars placed on a table speak of their love for nature and drinking with friends in the outdoors as a means of cultivating a noble and valiant spirit. In particular, “Fraternity Meeting of the Royal Athenaeum” clearly shows some traits of a genre scene, marked by such details as catching fish with a net in the Han River (漢江). Pictures of fraternity meetings changed greatly from around 1550. More of the meetings came to be held indoors, which resulted in a greater focus on portraying the meetings themselves rather than landscapes in the background. Consequently, the pictures memorializing fraternity meetings from this period show stronger characteristics as genre paintings. These changes can be easily confirmed through a few outstanding pieces, such as Hojonanggwan gyehoedo (戶曹郎官契會圖, Fraternity Meeting of Mid-level Officials of the Ministry of Revenue) (Figure 5), and Namji giyeonghoedo (南池耆英會圖, Fraternity Meeting of Retired Senior Officials by the South Pond) by Yi Giryong (李起龍, 1600-?) (Figure 6). ( Figure 5 ) “Fraternity Meeting of Mid-level Officials of the Ministry of Revenue” (detail), anonymous, ca. 1550, ink and light color on silk, 121 (h) x 59 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 6 ) “Fraternity Meeting of Retired Senior Officials by the South Pond”, Yi Giryong, ink and color on silk, 116.7 (h) x 72.4 (w) cm, Seoul National University Museum During the late period from around 1700 to around 1850, this style of documentary pictures of fraternity meetings of the literati declined, giving way to paintings in freer styles depicting elegant gatherings of the nobility (雅集圖). However, this did not mean the end of painting memorials of the gatherings of retired officials aged 70 or older who had served in positions of the major second rank or higher. The artists focused on depicting the meetings without landscape backgrounds. Gisagyecheop (耆社契帖), albums of fraternity meetings of retired senior officials, represent this style well. Pictures of fraternity meetings of the literati after the middle period contain more genre views as they treat the meetings with greater care. Seonjojo giyeonghoedo (宣祖朝耆英會圖, Meeting of Senior Officials under the Reign of Seonjo) (Figure 7), painted in 1585, is a good example. The meeting appears to be taking place indoors. The participants are dressed in official robes and seated against a backdrop of a landscape painting rendered over six panels in the style of the Zhe school (浙派). Each of the participants is being offered a portable table with food and drink by women as they watch two female dancers performing. In the center of the foreground is a red lacquered table on which a white porcelain jar holds flowers. On either side of the table six beautiful women are portrayed in profile. Two lit candles in the hall indicate that the meeting lasted until the evening. Outside the hall are positioned musicians playing various instruments, maids standing beside wine jars and braziers, and attendants on their knees, standing by. Thus the painting provides glimpses of various aspects of the culture of the mid-Joseon period, such as the architectural style, interior decoration and dresses, not to mention the meeting itself. The composition and painting style served as the basis for Gisagyecheop produced a century and a half later, which expressed the protocol and formalities of such meetings in greater detail. This precise documentary style was dominant in the illustrations of manuals for royal protocols, called euigwedo (儀軌圖), describing major events in the palace during the mid-to-late Joseon period.22 ( Figure 7 ) “Meeting of Senior Officials under the Reign of Seonjo,” anonymous, 1585, ink and color on silk, 40.9 (h) x 59.2 (w) cm, Seoul National University Museum Chinese paintings on popular themes, such as Binfengtu (豳風圖, Illustrations of the Odes of Bin), Wuyitu (無逸圖, Illustrations to ‘Against Luxurious Ease’) and Gengzhitu (耕織圖, Pictures of Tilling and Weaving), stimulated the development of genre painting in Joseon. Binfengtu illustrates the chapter “Illustrations on the Seventh Month from the Ode of Bin (豳風七月篇)” of Shijing (詩經, Book of Odes), said to have been written by the Duke of Zhou, the younger brother of King Wu (武王) of Bin (the homeland of the Zhou) who served as regent for his young nephew, King Cheng (成王). The poem was intended to instruct the young ruler. Also known by the title Binfeng Qiyuetu (豳風七月圖, Illustrations on the Seventh Month from the Odes of Bin), the poem depicts the life of farmers engaged in tilling and silkworm raising, along with the changing scenes of nature from month to month. As such, the illustrations naturally featured the daily customs in farming villages, an important theme of traditional genre painting. In Korea, from the early to mid-Joseon, similar paintings were produced under the same title, pronounced as Binpungdo, according to Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon Dynasty).23 One of the earliest extant works with this title is an eight-leaf album by Yi Bangun (李昉運, 1716–?).24 The album contains pictures depicting different scenes of rural life, including farming and silkworm raising in natural scenery (Figure 8). This is a style frequently noticed in genre scenes by other painters, such as Kim Duryang (金斗樑, 1696–1763) and his son, Kim Deokha (金德廈, 1722–1772), who collaborated in painting rural landscapes of the four seasons, under the titles Chunha doriwon hoheunggyeongdo (春夏桃李園豪興景圖, Exciting Scenes at Peach and Cucumber Orchards in Spring and Summer) and Chudong jeonwon haengnyeop seunghoedo (秋冬田園行獵勝會圖, Hunting Contest in the Countryside in Autumn and Winter). ( Figure 8 ) “Illustrations on the Seventh Month from the Odes of Bin,” Yi Bang-un, ink and light color on paper, 25.6 (h) x 20.1 (w) cm (each piece), National Museum of Korea The verse under the title Wuyi (無逸) from the “Document of Zhou” in Shujing (書經, Classic of History) is the subject of Wuyitu. This is another verse composed by the Duke of Zhou to warn his nephew, King Cheng, who ascended the throne at young age, against indulging in ease. The earliest known painting under this title is attributed to Sun Shi (孫奭, 962-1033), a literati painter during the reign of Emperor Renzhong of the Song Dynasty. Sun is said to have presented his painting to the emperor so that it was hung in the Pavilion of Reading.25 Likewise, in the royal court of Joseon from the early years under the founding ruler, Taejo, to Jungjong in the early 16th century, paintings on similar themes were often produced under the title Muildo and presented to the king or became a subject of discussion.26 Both Binpungdo and Muildo were intended to promote good governance by reminding the king of the difficulties experienced by their subjects in carrying out their occupations. Therefore, these paintings had to depict the life of Koreans although their underlying themes were derived from ancient Chinese classics. In effect, they were genre paintings in the broad sense that they were often seen in the royal palace during the early and middle periods of Joseon. The aforementioned Binpungdo by Yi Bangun is one such painting. Regrettably, to this author’s knowledge, there is no extant example of Muildo painted during the Joseon period. Joseon wangjo sillok contains accounts on paintings of diverse themes related with the life of the people, which obviously developed under the influence of classical Chinese paintings on subjects concerning proper state governance. Among them are Gasaekdo (稼稽圖, Grain Cultivation), Junggungjamdo byeongpung (中宮蠶圖屛風, Screen with Pictures of the Queen Engaged in Sericulture), Gwan-gado (觀稼圖, Watching Grain Growing), Samindo (四民圖, Four Classes of People), Anmindo (安民圖, Peace for the People), Yumindo (流民圖, Wanderers) and Jinmindo (賑民圖, Relief for Suffering People).27 These paintings not only served to encourage good governance and public welfare but also provided strong momentum for the development of genre painting. The two ancient themes, Binpungdo and Wuyitu gradually lost influence by around the reign of Jungjong (r. 1506–1544) as these and the more concrete themes of Gengzhitu (耕織圖) were introduced.28 Gengzhitu, or Pictures of Tilling and Weaving, were first compiled by Lou Shou (樓瓖, 1090–1162), a county magistrate of Yuquan (於潛), Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province, during the Southern Song Dynasty (1127–1279). Lou painted 45 scenes of agricultural activities — 21 of tilling and 24 of weaving — each annotated with a five-character verse, and presented the collection to Emperor Gaozong (r. 1127–1162).29 Each of these scenes depicts a different step in tilling and weaving. The pictures of tilling feature (1) soaking rice seeds (浸種), (2) paddy ploughing (耕), (3) rough harrowing (耙耨), (4) fine harrowing (耖), (5) raking (碌礒), (6) sowing seeds (布秧), (7) fertilizing (布秧), (8) lifting seedlings (拔秧), (9) transplanting seedlings (揷秧), (10) first round weeding (一耘), (11) second round weeding (二耘), (12) third round weeding (三耘), (13) irrigating (灌漑), (14) harvesting rice (收刈), (15) piling up sheaves of rice (登場), (16) threshing (持穗), (17) winnowing (簸場), (18) grinding (礱), (19) pounding (春碓), (20) sifting (籭), and (21) storing (入倉). The pictures of silk farming and weaving portrayed scenes of (1) washing silkworms (浴蠶), (2) laying the worms in breeding baskets (下蠶), (3) feeding worms (餧蠶), (4) first moult (一眠), (5) second moult (二眠), (6) third moult (三眠), (7) transferring some worms into other baskets to avoid overcrowding (分箔), (8) picking mulberry leaves (釆桑), (9) the larvae finish eating (大起), (10) setting up cocoon beds (提績), (11) mounting worms on the beds (上簇), (12) blocking baskets (灸箔), (13) removing cocoons from the beds (下簇), (14) sorting out cocoons (擇繭), (15) storing cocoons (窖繭), (16) drawing the thread (練絲), (17) moths emerging from cocoons (蠶蛾), (18) holding thanksgiving rites (祀謝), (19) reeling thread (絡絲), (20) making the warp (經), (21) preparing the weft (緯), (22) silk weaving (織), (23) weaving patterns (攀花), and (24) cutting silk (剪帛). Many subsequent editions of these illustrations were produced under various emperors. Most famously, they were reorganized into 46 pictures, 23 each for tilling and weaving, under the reign of Kangxi Emperor (康熙帝, r. 1661–1722) of the Qing Dynasty. The court painter Jiao Bingzhen (焦秉貞, dates unknown) completed the edition in 1696 under the title Peiwenzhai gengzhitu (佩文齋耕織圖, Study Hall Edition of the Pictures of Tilling and Weaving). Woodblock prints were also produced based on these pictures. These paintings spread even among the commoners in Korea during the latter part of the Joseon period.30 These Chinese paintings depicting the daily activities of farmers exerted tremendous influence on Korean genre painting during the latter part of the Joseon period. Genre scenes painted in later Joseon often portray farmers ploughing rice paddies, planting rice seedlings, cutting rice stalks, threshing, reeling thread, or weaving — in remarkably similar compositions and techniques. Probably, they were influenced by the Qing printed version of Peiwenzhai gengzhitu. IV GENRE PAINTINGS OF THE LATTER HALF OF THE JOSEON PERIOD Korean genre painting reached its apogee during the later Joseon (from around 1700 to around 1850) and waned in its last period (ca.1850-1910). The flowering of genre painting of the later period occurred in parallel with the development of jin’gyeongsansu (眞景山水, true-view landscape). This was probably owing to genre amidst the burgeoning of national awareness in scholarly and artistic circles under the reigns of Yeongjo (r. 1724–1776), Jeongjo (r. 1776–1800) and Sunjo (r. 1800–1834). In this remarkable era of self-awakening, scholars and artists pursued aspirations more felicitous for themselves and their society and country, giving rise to new trends in literature, painting, music and the sciences. Rational and practicable approaches were sought in scholarly research, resulting in the emergence of Silhak (實學, Practical Learning). Vernacular novels, such as Chunhyangjeon (春香傳, Story of Chunhyang), Shimcheongjeon (沈淸傳, Story of Shim Cheong) and Heungbujeon (興夫傳, Story of Heungbu), were widely enjoyed. In this milieu, true-view landscape describing the actual scenery of Korea and genre views delving into the daily lives of native folks gained strong momentum in the fine arts.31 Stimulating these strides were economic development and the subsequent rise in cultural aspirations as well as the spread of Qing culture and consequent accommodation of Western painting technique.32 Pictures of the everyday lives of commoners constituted the essence of Korean genre painting of this vibrant era. These genre paintings are generally divided into those with landscape backgrounds and those without them. The landscape backgrounds of genre paintings are in turn divided into those following the Zhe school style which was popular in the mid-Joseon period and those reflecting influences from the style of the Southern School. But landscapes gradually waned and eventually disappeared amid the tendency to highlight only the genre scenes. In terms of subject matter there was also a notable shift away from paintings of a documentary nature or serving didactic and political purposes toward paintings intended as pure genre scenes. 01 GENRE PAINTINGS OF THE LATE JOSEON PERIOD (ca. 1700– ca. 1850) In the latter part of the Joseon period, as in landscape painting, several painters explored new horizons in genre painting while staunchly adhering to traditional elements. Among the pioneers were Yun Duseo (尹斗緒, 1668–1715; sobriquet, Gongjae) and his family, Yun’s student Kim Duryang (1696–1763), and Jo Yeongseok (趙榮柘, 1686–1761; sobriquet, Gwanajae). With the exception of Kim Duryang, all the leading genre painters at this time were literati painters. Kim Hongdo and other court painters of the next generation consolidated the foundation laid by these pioneers. Deserving particular attention in this regard are Yun Duseo and his son, Yun Deokhui (尹德熙, 1685–1776) and grandson, Yun Yong (尹熔, 1708–40), who developed a distinctive family style. Adept in landscape as well as figure and horse painting, they followed the conservative Zhe style in general but also embraced Southern School techniques.33 They all showed considerable interest in genre scenes as well. In his painting titled Chaeaedo (採艾圖, Gathering Mugwort) (Figure 9), Yun Duseo depicted two women collecting wild herbs on a steep mountain slope in a style obviously showing remnants of the Zhe school influence stressing landscape as background. The composition gives a stuffy feeling as the distant mountain rising behind the women looks too nearby, the result of an excessive emphasis on the background landscape. The women are also awkwardly poised, one bending forward with her back stooped and one standing straight with her head turned back. Through this composition it can be assumed that landscape was regarded as important as human figures in genre scenes painted at the beginning of this period. ( Figure 9 ) “Gathering Mugwort,” Yun Duseo, ink and light color on silk, 30.2 (h) x 25 (w) cm, House of Yun Yeong-seon in Haenam, Jeollanam-do In spite of its overall clumsy impression, the painting still provides a glimpse of Yun's artistry through his depiction of the women's clothing in particular. He obviously had a shrewd eye for observation and the ability for accurate description with his smooth and spirited brushwork. In his collection of critical essays, Gijol (記拙, Humble Writings), Yun gave high praise to Kim Si (金禔, 1524–93) and other mid-Joseon painters who had emulated the landscape style of the Zhe school.34 Yun’s views are also expressed in his paintings, Chaeaedo and Jipsinsamgi (Making Straw Shoes) (Figure 10). In the latter work, the shoemaker is presented in a semi-circular space framed by drooping branches of a big tree in the back and rocks and shrubbery in the foreground, depicted in monochrome in the Zhe school style. The composition, though indisputably a genre scene, is based on both tradition and a new style. ( Figure 10 ) “Making Straw Shoes,” Yun Duseo, ink on paper, 32.4 (h) x 21.1 (w) cm, House of Yun Yeong-seon in Haenam, Jeollanam-do A leading literati painter of his time, Yun believed in principle that landscape, depicted in the Zhe school style in particular, should be part of genre scenes. Sometimes, as in Seonchado (旋車圖, Wood Turner) (Figure 11), he completely eliminated landscape from his genre scenes. Thus it may be said that Yun worked in both styles, though in principle he favored adding landscape backgrounds. ( Figure 11 ) “Wood Turner,” Yun Duseo, ink on paper, 32.4 (h) x 20 (w) cm, House of Yun Yeong-seon in Haenam, Jeollanam-do Yun Duseo's genre painting style was faithfully passed on to his descendants, as shown in Gongginori (Playing Marbles) by his son Yun Deokhui and Hyeomnong chaechun (挾籠採春, Gathering Spring Herbs) (Figure 12) by his grandson Yun Yong. In particular, Yun Yong painted a woman seen from the back as she looks around standing up from gathering wild vegetables, holding a hoe in one hand and with a basket slung over the other shoulder. Her pose clearly echoes his grand father’s earlier work, Chaeaedo but the painting is more accomplished. It may be said that Yun Yong inherited his family style but outdid his forebears. He depicted some plants denoting the ground but left the rest of the space empty, which makes the painting look all the more impressive. ( Figure 12 ) “Gathering Spring Herbs with Basket,” Yun Yong, ink and light color on paper, 27.6 (h) x 21.2 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum Landscape backgrounds continued to take an important place in the works of Kim Duryang (1696–1763),35 as seen in Mokdongosu (牧童午睡, Oxherd Taking a Nap) (Figure 13) and Sagyepungsok (四季風俗, Customs of the Four Seasons). In the painting of the oxherd, a tree rising from a corner and the grass growing around show Zhe style methods, but the depiction of the sleeping boy with his round belly exposed and the grazing ox reveal influences from the newly-introduced Western painting technique. Following Yun Duseo's Seonchado, this may be another example where Western culture provided a certain stimulus to the development of genre painting in the latter part of the Joseon period. In contrast, residual Southern School methods still prevail in Kim's other work, Sagyepungsokdo (四季風俗圖, Customs of the Four Seasons). This is a serial work consisting of two long horizontal scrolls, Chunhadoriwon hoheunggyeongdo (春夏桃李園豪興景圖, Exciting Scenes at Peach and Cucumber Orchards in Spring and Summer) (Figure 14-15) and Chudong jeonwon haengryeop seunghoedo (秋冬田園行獵勝會圖, Hunting Contest in the Countryside in Autumn and Winter) (Figure 16-17). What is noteworthy about these paintings, which depict seasonal folk customs set against elaborate landscape backgrounds, is that the spring and summer scenes are arranged from right to left in the traditional style, but the autumn and winter scenes unfold from left to right. ( Figure 13 ) “Oxherd Taking a Nap,” Kim Duryang, ink and light color on paper, 31 (h) x 51 (w) cm, unknown private collection ( Figure 14 ) “Exciting Scenes at Peach and Cucumber Orchards in Spring and Summer,” Kim Duryang and Kim Deok-ha, ink and light color on silk, 8.4 (h) x 184 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 15 ) “Exciting Scenes at Peach and Cucumber Orchards in Spring and Summer” (detail), Kim Duryang and Kim Deok-ha, ink and light color on silk, 8.4 (h) x 184 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 16 ) “'Rice Threshing' in the Hunting Contest in the Countryside in Autumn and Winter,” (detail) Kim Duryang and Kim Deok-ha, ink and light color on silk, 7.2 (h) x 182.9 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 17 ) “Hunting Contest in the Countryside in Autumn and Winter” (detail), Kim Duryang and Kim Deok-ha, ink and light color on silk, 7.2 (h) x 182.9 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea These paintings of seasonal customs also show a close resemblance to the pictures of tilling and weaving, especially in depictions of detailed activities like rice threshing. In this context, the paintings reflect composite trends such as the lingering importance of the traditional landscape background, the adoption of Southern School techniques, borrowing from pictures of tilling and weaving, and exploration of a new style in genre painting. The farm scenes, in particular, continued to be depicted frequently by later artists such as Kim Hongdo and Kim Deuksin (金得臣, 1754-1822; sobriquet, Geungjae). Jo Yeongseok stood out among genre painters before Kim Hongdo.36 A typical literati painter, Jo was especially good at figure and genre painting and was a close friend of Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676–1759; sobriquet, Gyeomjae), Korea’s most renowned true-view landscape painter, who was ten years older. A collection of his writings, titled Gwanajaego (觀我齋稿, Manuscripts of Gwanajae) after his pen name, was found in 1984 and then an album of genre scenes was also uncovered by his descendants, shedding more light on his life and thought.37 Unlike his friend Jeong Seon, Jo painted landscapes showing influences of the Zhe school and had obviously embraced Southern School techniques as well, but his album of genre scenes clearly show that he also explored a new style in genre painting. The album, carrying the intriguing title, Sajecheop (麝臍帖, Musk Deer Navel Album), has a warning written on the cover: “Never show this to others. Anyone who disobeys is not my descendant (勿示人 犯者非吾子孫).” This stern warning suggests that Jo did not want his genre paintings to be known widely. The paintings in the album attest to his remarkable achievement in exploring a radically new style in genre painting. Most of his genre paintings eschew landscape backgrounds and focus completely on the folk custom itself. If a little awkward at first glance his genre scenes are honest without exaggeration and overflow with pleasant humor. In particular, Sugong seonchado (Wood Turner) (Figure 18) recalls the similar scene painted by Yun Duseo under the title Seonchado (Figure 11) while Saecham (Snack Time) (Figure 19) depicts a scene similar to Jeomsim (Lunch) by Kim Hongdo and Gangbyeon hoeum (Riverside Picnic) (Figure 20) by Kim Deuksin in his later years. The commoners seated with their backs turned toward the viewer are recalled by the humble figures appearing in Park Sugeun’s oil paintings in the 20th century. The resemblance may be incidental but the figures come alive through the brushstrokes of the two artists who, though separated by time and space, saw with the same eyes and captured the same mood of ordinary Koreans at work and play. ( Figure 18 ) “Wood Turner,” Jo Yeongseok, ink and light color on paper, 28 (h) x 20.7 (w) cm, private collection in Seoul ( Figure 19 ) “Snack Time,” Jo Yeongseok, ink and light color on paper, 20 (h)x 24.5 (w) cm, private collection in Seoul ( Figure 20 ) “Riverside Picnic,” Kim Deuksin, ink and light color on paper, 22.4 (h) x 27 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum Through Yun Duseo and Jo Yeongseok, it can be reaffirmed that literati painters were more active than professional court painters in exploring and embracing new painting styles. It was a persistent trend in painting throughout the Joseon period. Genre painting was no exception. It is widely known that Jeong Seon was a pioneer in exploring and establishing the remarkable tradition of depicting the “true view” of Korean landscapes.38 But, as shown in his painting Dokseoyeoga (讀書餘假, A Break from Reading) (Figure 21),39 he also possessed a peerless ability in depicting motifs in genre style. The painting features an old scholar gazing at potted plants in the yard, sitting sideways on a verandah, a folding fan painted with a landscape design in his hand. Behind the scholar, who may be Jeong himself, is seen the interior of his study. A bookcase with many books neatly piled up, the inside of an open bookcase door lined with an archaic picture of a sage contemplating a waterfall, a window detailed with an iron knob with decorative flower design open to the view of an old juniper tree, a bamboo mat with exquisite patterns on the floor, the wavy grain of the verandah’s wooden floor, a pair of pretty leather shoes on the ground, and the plants in beautiful flower pots outside — all these motifs are elegantly harmonized to create a lyrical ambience. The skillful diagonal composition giving depth to the scene and realistic depiction of motifs aside, what is especially impressive is the graceful dignity and poetic atmosphere. The painting fully shows that Jeong could have made an ingenious contribution to the development of genre painting if he had wanted to. ( Figure 21 ) “A Break from Reading,” Jeong Seon, ink and light color on silk, 24.1 (h) x 17 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum Jeong Hwang (鄭榥, 1737–?), a grandson of Jeong Seon, emulated the true-view landscape style of his grandfather but also had an interest in genre painting, as is well shown in Ianwa suseok sihoedo (易安窩壽席詩會圖, Poetry Meeting for Celebrating the Longevity of Nam Gihan) (Figure 22). The painting depicts elderly men seated in two rows facing each other in an open space surrounded by square walls. The venue is decorated with potted plants and a miniature rock collection with a tall tree rising from a corner in the foreground. The composition and technique resonate with the influence of Jeong Seon. ( Figure 22 ) “Poetry Meeting for Celebrating Longevity of Nam Gihan,” Jeong Hwang, ink and light color on paper, 25 (h) x 57 (w) cm, private collection in Seoul Among other notable genre painters before Kim Hongdo are Kang Huieon (姜希彦, 1738–1784), Yi In-sang (李麟祥, 1710–1760) and Kang Sehwang (姜世晃, 1713–1791).40 They were all amateur literati painters famous for landscape painting rather than genre pictures. Seokgongdo (石工圖, Masons) by Kang Huieon betrays a certain resemblance to Jo Yeongseok in its Zhe style composition and neat depiction of figures. Kang was obviously trying to explore his own style in Sainsamgyeongdo (士人三景圖, Three Literati Scenes) (Figures 23–25) but he still remained under the influence of Jo in these serial works. For example, the scholars writing or drawing while sitting on the floor and leaning forward in Sainhwiho (士人揮毫, Literati Wielding Brush) (Figure 23) look appealingly fresh but the overall composition, especially a tree shown at the upper left corner, definitely resembles Sugong seonchado (Figure 18) by Jo Yeongseok, attesting to a close stylistic relationship between the two artists. This painting also reveals a certain affinity with Hyeonjeong seungjipdo (玄亭勝集圖, Pleasant Gathering at the Hyeonjeong Pavilion) (Figure 26) by Kang Sehwang (姜世晃, 1713-1791). And yet, it can't be denied that Kang Huieon’s remarkable originality clearly showed in his enduring interest in refined cultural activities of the literati rather than the daily life of commoners as well as his simple and lyrical expression of essential themes. ( Figure 23 ) “Literati Wielding Brush” from “Three Literati Scenes,” Kang Huieon, ink and light color on paper, 26 (h) x 21 (w) cm, private collection in Seoul ( Figure 24 ) “Literati Composing Poems” from “Three Literati Scenes,” Kang Huieon, ink and light color on paper, 26 (h) x 21 (w) cm, private collection in Seoul ( Figure 25 ) “Literati Performing Archery” from “Three Literati Scenes,” Kang Huieon, ink and light color on paper, 26 (h) x 21 (w) cm, private collection in Seoul ( Figure 26 ) “Pleasant Gathering at the Hyeonjeong Pavilion,” Kang Sehwang, ink on paper, 101.8 (h) x 35 (w) cm, private collection in Seoul Also a part of the serial work, Sainsaye (士人射藝, Literati Performing Achery) (Figure 25) adopted traditional ideas of composition in the three figures arranged in a triangle under a pine tree rising from a corner and the importance of the landscape background. But the technique employed for depicting human figures, the shape of the pine tree and the women in the background reveal the unique painting style which prevailed during the late Joseon period, and the pine tree looks somewhat similar to those by Yi In-sang. Moreover, the women in the background present a crucial clue to the stylistic lineage flowing down to the two master genre painters, Kim Hongdo and Shin Yunbok, of the following generation. Along with Kang Sehwang, Yi In-sang (李麟祥, 1710-1760) contributed remarkably to the development of literati painting in the Southern School style during the latter part of the Joseon period. He is better known for both figure and landscape painting than for genre.41 But two paintings attributed to him, Songha sueopdo (松下授業圖, Study under Pine Tree) (Figure 27) and Yucheonjeom bongnodo (柳川店蓬壚圖, Taverns at Yucheonjeom) (Figure 28) explicitly reveal that he had considerable interest in genre scenes. ( Figure 27 ) “Study under Pine Tree,” Yi Insang, 18th century, ink and color on paper, 28.7 (h) x 27.5 (w) cm, private collection ( Figure 28 ) “Taverns at Yucheonjeom,” Yi In-sang, ink on paper, 24 (h) x 43.2 (w) cm, private collection in Seoul Songha sueopdo depicts a teacher and a student studying in the shade of a pine tree with a large rock in the background. The landscape in the background is undoubtedly the work of Yi In-sang, but as pointed out by Lee Dongju (李東洲), the human figures foreshadow the brush technique of Kim Deuksin (1754–1822),42 who was only six years old in 1760, when Yi died. But the composition highlighting two men against a landscape background, the serious facial expressions of teacher and student, and the props laid out beside them, such as a pitcher and cup, and an ink stone and water dropper, well reflect the lifestyle of scholars at the time. In contrast, Yucheonjeom bongnodo successfully expressed an interesting aspect of the late Joseon lifestyle by adroitly depicting commoners’ houses, stable, thatched lookout post and travelers with a skillful dry brush. As mentioned above, Kang Sehwang made an enormous contribution to the development of Southern School painting during the latter part of Joseon. He morally supported many professional painters including Kim Hongdo and wrote encomia on their works, but was known to have left behind no genre painting by himself. But one of his early works, Hyeonjeong seungjipdo, painted when he was 34 years old, portrays a popular custom of the literati class through a picture of upper-class scholars leisurely enjoying refined hobbies like a game of go, reading, and music (Figure 26).43 In spite of somewhat immature brushwork, the painting is impressively lyrical and even betrays a close kinship with Sainsieum (士人詩吟, Literati Composing Poems) by Kang Huieon in terms of subject and composition (Figure 24). Since they are known to have been distantly related, it may be considered natural that they painted in a similar style. One distinctive difference, however, is that Kang Sehwang’s paintings are more refined and Kang Huieon’s far simpler and more straightforward. Kang Sehwang was three years younger than Kang Huieon, but in view of his superior expertise in painting, his power in the art world and social position, it is assumed that he exerted influence on the latter. Despite a few early works depicting genre scenes and his comments on numerous genre paintings, after middle age Kang Sehwang does not seem to have painted any genre scenes. It was probably because he, as a man of the literati class, was reluctant to deal with mundane subjects. Genre painting of the late Joseon period attained its marvelous ingenuity through Kim Hongdo, Kim Deuksin, and Shin Yunbok. Kim Hongdo distinguished himself in all areas of painting landscapes, figures, and birds-and-flowers, but he made truly monumental achievements in genre scenes.44 When he was young, Kim studied under Kang Sehwang, who ever after remained his stalwart mentor. A collection of Kang's writings, Pyoamyugo (豹菴遺稿, Posthumous Manuscripts of Pyoam) contains pages titled “Record on Danwon (檀園記),” where he wrote about Kim: And he also has incredible skill in portraying people and customs of our country, such as scholars reading, pedlars heading to market, travelers, boudoir scenes, peasants, women growing silkworms, many-roomed homes, double doors, craggy mountains, and trees in the fields. He can describe all these exactly as they are — an ability with no precedent at all.45 In another section of the same book Kang wrote “A Second Record on Danwon (檀園記又一本)”: It may be said he possesses skills as yet unheard of in the past four hundred years. Furthermore, he is so good at depicting all daily customs of people precisely as they appear, as well as the streets, ferries, shops and stores, scenes at public service examinations and playgrounds that no sooner than he lays down his brush, everyone can't help applauding and exclaiming in wonder. These are the very renowned genre pictures painted by Kim Saneung (金士能, another name of Kim Hongdo). How could he ever attain such artistry without his smart brain and enigmatic apprehension which led him to lofty awakening?46 These records vividly bring to light the dexterity displayed by Kim Hongdo in depicting genre scenes and the high regard given to his works. Through most of his thirties Kim enjoyed painting landscapes as well as houses and street scenes in traditional concepts. Among notable works from this period are Haengnyeo pungsokdo (行旅風俗圖, Journey through Everyday Scenes) (Figures 29, 30), which was painted in 1778 when Kim was 34 years old; Modang Hong Yisang pyeongsaengdo (慕當 洪履祥平生圖, Scenes from the Life of Hong Yisang), dated 1781, when he was 37; and Damwa Hong Gyehui pyeongsaengdo (淡窩 洪啓禧平生圖, Scenes from the Life of Hong Gyehui),” also believed to have been painted during his thirties. At 34, Kim also produced Seowonajipdo (西園雅集圖, Literati Gathering in the Western Garden) in Chinese style on a folding screen and on a fan,47 where the landscape background is emphasized. ( Figure 29 ) “Rice Threshing” (detail) from “Journey through Everyday Scenes” (eight-panel screen), Kim Hongdo, 1778, ink and light color on silk, 90.9 (h) x 42.9 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 30 ) “Blacksmith's Workshop” (detail) from “Journey through Everyday Scenes” (eight-panel screen), Kim Hongdo, 1778, ink and light color on silk, 90.9 (h) x 42.9 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea A few important facts can be confirmed through these early genre paintings by Kim from his thirties. First, he regarded landscapes and houses as important backgrounds. Second, he often painted scenes from the lives of members of the literati at their request. Third, Chinese paintings of tilling and weaving exerted considerable influence on Kim's genre scenes of this period. Later in life, however, Kim Hongdo developed his own genre painting style by removing the landscape and houses from the background and highlighting the activities of people. For example, when the threshing scene on the folding screen is compared with farming scenes from his famous work, Pungsok hwacheop (風俗畵帖, Album of Scenes from Daily Life) (Figures 31–39) in the National Museum of Korea, where the paintings are more refined and mature in technique than those on the screen and also convey a far more artistic impression. ( Figure 31 ) “Roof Tiling” from “Album of Scenes from Daily Life,” Kim Hongdo, ink and light color on paper, 27 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 32 ) “Tavern” from “Album of Scenes from Daily Life,” Kim Hongdo, ink and light color on paper, 27 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 33 ) “Ppalaeteo” from “Album of Scenes from Daily Life,” Kim Hongdo, ink and light color on paper, 27 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 34 ) “Mat Weaving” from “Album of Scenes from Daily Life,” Kim Hongdo, ink and light color on paper, 27 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 35 ) “Rice Threshing” from “Album of Scenes from Daily Life,” Kim Hongdo, ink and light color on paper, 27 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 36 ) “Lunch” from “Album of Scenes from Daily Life,” Kim Hongdo, ink and light color on paper, 27 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 37 ) “Blacksmith's Workshop” from “Album of Scenes from Daily Life” Kim Hongdo, ink and light color on paper, 27 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 38 ) “Village School” from “Album of Scenes from Daily Life,” Kim Hongdo, ink and light color on paper, 27 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea ( Figure 39 ) “Wrestling” from “Album of Scenes from Daily Life,” Kim Hongdo, ink and light color on paper, 27 (h) x 22.7 (w) cm, National Museum of Korea Therefore, as mentioned earlier, it is believed that Kim painted most of the less refined genre scenes with landscape or house backgrounds while in his thirties and those works focusing on human figures engaged in their activities against a plain background were painted later. This is again backed by the fact that the subjects of “Journey through Everyday Scenes” are remarkably similar in theme but less lively and dynamic when compared with genre scenes in the album at the National Museum of Korea, especially Tajak (Rice Threshing) (Figure 35), Daejanggan (Blacksmith’s Workshop) (Figure 37) and Nojung sangbong (路中相逢, Reunion on the Road). The change in style was probably necessitated by a need to effectively meet demand in a short time and to add humor and vitality — in other words, greater effects for less time and effort. Besides, landscape backgrounds had naturally to be abandoned when working on album leaves that were much smaller than screen panels. Kim still employed landscape or houses in the background after his forties, as shown in Samgong bulhwando (三公不換圖, Life Worthy of Three High Councilors’ Positions) or Giro seyeongyedo (耆老世聯楔圖, Fraternal Legacy of Elder Statesmen),48 but these paintings were probably done under mandatory conditions of respecting traditional style or subject. In this regard, they must be seen under a different category from his genre paintings. What is noteworthy is that both these works show an absolutely original brush technique in spite of their conventional subject and composition. There was obviously great demand for genre paintings by Kim Hongdo among royalty and the literati as well as the rich middle class, considering that he painted scenes from the lives of such private patrons as Hong I-sang and Hong Gye-hui and that he was supported by the wealthy salt merchant Kim Han-tae.49 Kim satisfied demands from his powerful and wealthy patrons but he was interested more fundamentally in observing the daily life of ordinary people engaged in their occupations and depicting them with a humorous touch, as shown by his numerous genre scenes, including Giwaigi (Roof Tiling) (Figure 31), Jumak (Tavern) (Figure 32), Ppalaeteo (Washing Place) (Figure 33), Jarijjagi (Mat Weaving) (Figure 34), Dambaesseolgi (Cutting Tobacco Leaves), Umulga (A Scene by the Well), Seodang (Village School) (Figure 38) and Ssireum (Wrestling) (Figure 39). These paintings tell clearly why, as his mentor Kang Sehwang gushed, “everyone can’t help applauding and exclaiming in wonder as soon as he laid down his brush.” His vivid and realistic genre scenes appeal strongly to viewers beyond time because they are based on his attentive observation of the life of people at the grass roots. As evidenced by his Pungsok hwacheop at the National Museum of Korea, Kim’s genre scenes are characterized by immaculate composition based on circular or X shapes, vibrant depictions of human figures with dynamic facial expressions, and energetic and powerful brushwork. His style has influenced Kim Deuksin, Shin Yunbok and other professional painters of his time as well as folk painters of later years. Paintings by Kim Deuksin faithfully echo the style of Kim Hongdo. For example, Pungsok palgok byeong (風俗八曲屛, Eight-panel Screen with Everyday Scenes) reveals a close stylistic resemblance to early genre scenes by Kim Hongdo, especially in rendering landscapes and figures. The obvious influences from Chinese tilling and weaving scenes also seem to have come through Kim Hongdo. Human figures, houses, cattle and horses, chicken and other domestic fowl, and tree branches all attest to a strong influence from Kim Hongdo. Kim Deuksin’s ability as a genre painter is well expressed in an album in the collection of the Kansong Art Museum. Paintings in this album show a far more powerful technique by all measures than those in another album at the Ho-Am Art Museum. Including Milhuitujeon (密戯鬪牋, Secret Gambling) (Figure 40), Songha giseung (松下棋僧, A Buddhist Monk Engaged in a Chess Game under Pine Tree)(Figure 41), Seonghajingni (盛夏織履, Shoe Weaving in Midsummer) (Figure 42) and Gangbyeon hoeum (江邊會飮, Riverside Picnic)(Figure 20), the paintings in the album at Kansong Art Museum still tend to place weight on background, though more moderately in comparison with the works that Kim Hongdo painted in his forties or later. A notable characteristic is that in most cases the background was simplified rather than completely removed. These paintings also reflect an unmistakable influence from Kim Hongdo but at the same time reveal the originality of Kim Deuksin. A clear resemblance is noted in the facial expressions of human figures vibrant with lively spirit and the concise but clear depiction of subjects, while folds in the clothes are tightly drawn with thinner lines. Generally, it can be said Kim Deuksin developed his own style based on influence from Kim Hongdo. ( Figure 40 ) “Secret Gambling,” Kim Deuksin, ink and light color on paper, 22.4 (h) x 27 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum ( Figure 41 ) “A Buddhist Monk Engaged in a Chess Game under Pine Tree,” Kim Deuksin, ink and light color on paper, 22.4 (h) x 27 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum ( Figure 42 ) “Shoe Weaving in Midsummer,” Kim Deuksin, ink and light color on paper, 22.4 (h) x 27 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum Needless to say, Shin Yunbok along with Kim Hongdo formed the two pinnacles in genre painting of the late Joseon period. He was the son of Shin Hanpyeong (申漢枰, 1726–?), a court painter who was distinguished in painting landscapes, figures, and flowers and grass, and participated in the production of royal portraits for King Yeongjo (r. 1724–1776) in 1773 and Jeongjo (r. 1776–1800) in 1787. Shin Yunbok was certainly influenced by his father to a great extent. The clear affinity between the father and son in terms of subject matter, supple brushwork and pleasant coloring technique is confirmed through Shin Hanpyeong’s work Jamoyugado (子母育兒圖, Mother Caring for Her Children) (Figure 43), bearing his sobriquet Iljae (逸齋), in the collection of the Kansong Art Museum. It is believed that the son developed his father’s style. ( Figure 43 ) “Mother Caring for Her Children,” Shin Hanpyeong, ink and color on paper, 31 (h) x 23.5 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum Shin Yunbok was also influenced by Kim Hongdo, a junior colleague of his father. His calligraphic style and drawing techniques for depicting landscape elements such as oddly-shaped rocks, the swell of the sea and variations in the lotus-leaf texture stroke exhibit similarities to Kim. He also resembles Kim in not a few genre elements. As he developed a distinctively original style of genre painting, however, Shin at a glance looks entirely unrelated to Kim. It may be said that he developed his own style based on legacies from Shin Hanpyeong and Kim Hongdo. Shin is markedly different from Kim Hongdo, however, in his choice and command of subject matter, composition method, description of human figures and coloring technique. In terms of subjects, Shin energetically delved into the world of hedonists and courtesans, whereas Kim’s primary interest was in the daily lives of ordinary commoners. This is why, though he sometimes dealt with commoners’ themes, Shin’s genre scenes frequently portray erotic themes or have such an atmosphere (Figure 44).50 ( Figure 44 ) “A Scene on the Fifth Day of the Fifth Month,” Shin Yunbok, ink and light color on paper, 28.2 (h) x 35.2 (w) cm, Kansong Art Museum To effectively describe romantic and erotic scenes, Shin depicted backgrounds and props with great care and applied delicate and supple brush lines and gorgeous colors. As a result, his genre paintings look remarkably sophisticated. And through elaborate backgrounds they realistically present household goods and dress and hair styles as well as the season or the hour of the day. As in the case of Danopungjeong (端午風情, A Scene on the Fifth Day of the Fifth Month) (Figure 44), his compositions often contain extra figures peeping at the main theme from the background, a technique of two-directional viewing that originated from Kim Hongdo’s Ppalaeteo (Washing Place) (Figure 33). Shin also intended a specific motif to draw the viewer's attention within a composition. In Danopungjeong, the woman on a swing takes the role of eye-catcher. Also, men and women in his paintings all have more or less similar faces so they appear to lack diversity. The landscape background is sometimes excessively stressed at times and this undermines the overall effect of the composition. In general, however, Shin’s genre paintings are absolutely original and extremely refined and romantic. They are charming and realistic representations of everyday scenes and styles of late Joseon culture, particularly the life of the affluent classes, which would otherwise have been forgotten. This is a valuable contribution of Shin Yunbok and also an important reason why his genre scenes are cherished. In this sense, Shin deserves even deeper appreciation for bravely putting his seal on works that might have been viewed as disgraceful or immoral in his day. It would have been even more helpful for research about him if he had dated his works. It is regrettable that he didn’t do so. Shin’s genre paintings exerted influence on several painters of later years and his style was even adopted in folk painting. After him, however, Korean genre painting began to wane. 02 GENRE PAINTINGS OF THE LAST PERIOD OF JOSEON (ca. 1850-1910) Genre painting rapidly declined along with the contemporary true-view landscape painting from around 1850 through the final years of the Joseon Dynasty. Behind this trend was probably the dominance of Southern School theory which placed greater emphasis on xieyi (寫意) or the “freehand” style stressing the meaning hidden in the subject, rather than the likeness (形似) in external appearance. As Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜, 1786–1856; sobriquet, Chusa) led this trend, the emergence of Kim and his school should be associated with the fast decline of genre painting.51 Some painters continued to paint genre scenes during the final years of Joseon. Among them were Yu Suk (劉淑,1827–1873; sobriquet Hyesan) and Kim Jun-geun (金俊根, dates unknown; sobriquet, Gisan).52 But their works no longer had the powerful appeal and charm that typified the genre paintings of previous generations. Yu Suk’s painting style is clearly revealed in Daekwaedo (大快圖, Grand Matches) (Figure 45), the best-known of his works, which is in the collection of the Seoul National University Museum.53 It depicts two combat sports matches – traditional Korean wrestling (ssireum) and martial art (taekgyeon) – each taking place between a pair of boys on a vacant lot alongside the old Seoul city wall. The painting is clearly reminiscent of Kim Hongdo’s Ssireum (Wrestling) in theme and replicates another painting with the same title attributed to Shin Yunbok in composition. Yu appears to have attempted to paint a work of his own by combining the styles of two masters of the previous century. But his painting ended up falling far short of the ingenious artistry of his forebears. The slanted oval composition, featuring the young fighters surrounded by spectators, lacks tension and vigor as the focus is divided between the two simultaneous matches, one in the foreground and the other in the background. Also distracting is the landscape depicted in detail. The combating boys, all with similarly bulging heads, look languid and expressionless and so do most of the lookers-on. The sporting scene seems spiritless and inanimate. It no longer echoes with the exciting screams that reverberated across the genre scenes of the previous era. ( Figure 45 ) “Grand Matches” Yu Suk, 1836, ink and color on paper, 104.7 (h) x 52.5 (w) cm, Seoul University Museum Most of the outstanding traits of the above painting by Yu Suk are also detected in the works by the late 19th century professional genre painter Kim Jun-geun, who is believed to have hailed from Pyeongyang. Kim left behind over 1,000 works, many of them scattered abroad in various countries including the United States, Germany, France and Denmark. Kim worked mostly in Choryang and Wonsan, where he could easily contact Western missionaries who were interested in Korean folk customs. Hence his paintings were carried by the missionaries when they returned home. Genre paintings attributed to Kim appear to have been produced in collaboration with other painters, probably in a workshop system.54 The mass production system enabled him to make prints to illustrate a Korean edition of Tyeollo ryeokjeong (天路歷程, The Pilgrim’s Progress).55 Kim eliminated landscape backgrounds and focused on human figures, but his genre scenes almost invariably look inanimate. The human figures are small and weak, all with similar expressionless faces and bulging heads, and generally wearing dyed clothes. His heads are reminiscent of human figures depicted by Yu Suk, and compositions replicate genre scenes of Shin Yunbok. Julgwangdae (Tightrope Walker) (Figure 46) exemplifies this lifeless style. Most of Kim’s paintings have a title written in Korean script in a corner, another conspicuous change from the previous era. ( Figure 46 ) “Tightrope Walker” from “Gisan’s Genre Painting Album,” Kim Jun-geun, ink and light color on paper, 18 (h) x 25.5 (w) cm, Hamburg Museum of Ethnology, Germany During the late Joseon period, genre scenes were also frequent motifs of folk painters, who referred most often to works by Kim Hongdo and Shin Yunbok. This indicates the genre painting styles of leading court artists spread widely among ordinary painters. The nectar ritual paintings (甘露圖) of the Joseon period also deserve attention as they contain scenes such as folk entertainments from the lives of the deceased in this world, that resemble secular paintings in both subject matter and style.56 These Buddhist temple paintings, depicting the “sweet dew” ceremony for guiding the souls of those who met untimely or tragic deaths to heaven, also feature diverse scenes representing the pain and suffering experienced by mortals while they are alive, such as war, hunger and accidents, as well as punishments in hell. These cannot be considered ordinary scenes from daily life but still deserve attention as they show thematic affinities to genre paintings.57 Commercial scenes depicted in lower sections of many nectar ritual paintings are especially worthy of note as they clearly resemble ordinary genre views.58 There are several dozens of this type of ritual paintings dated to the 16th to the 19th centuries, forming a treasure trove of not only Buddhist paintings but also secular genre paintings of the later Joseon period, which requires a thorough and systematic research.59 V CONCLUSION Korean genre painting achieved remarkable development from ancient times through the Joseon Dynasty. Genre paintings of the Goguryeo and late Joseon periods deserve to be highly valued for their successful depiction of Korean life and folk customs in unique and admirable artistic styles. They reflect diverse aspects of Korean history, culture, lifestyles, thought and aesthetics, and therefore can appeal strongly to Koreans even today. The value of their insightful observation, witty subjects, neat composition, and honest and humorous portrayals — the defining qualities of traditional Korean genre painting — should be rediscovered and utilized as sources of inspiration and wisdom in exploring new genre styles for the future. It is truly sad that the tradition of genre painting vanished in Korea during the turbulent years of colonial rule through modernization and there is hardly any sign of its revival. This lamentable situation has been caused by the decorative, sensual and escapist tendencies of fine arts and art education under Japanese rule and the overwhelming influence of Western painting, especially the widespread popularity of abstract painting. Compounding this is a lack of appreciation of genre scenes and the tendency to avoid sensitive themes among Korean artists today. Genre painting does not necessarily have to criticize reality. Good subjects can be found everywhere. The bustling subways, happy summer holidaymakers on the beach and in the mountains, markets pulsing with the energy of ordinary people, innocent children around elementary schools, pedlars crisscrossing alleyways to sell their goods, the earnest and joyful faces of visitors from home and abroad at museums and galleries — all these can make wonderful genre scenes. If the bright and vital images of these people everywhere can be conveyed onto the canvas along with their resonant spirit, they can make great genre paintings from a modern viewpoint. In this regard, it is earnestly hoped that the study and appreciation of genre paintings from the past may lead to the revival of modern Korean genre painting in new styles.