The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

If we take a brief look at the trends in court painting research, we reveal changes in the system of court artists belonging to Dohwaseo (Bureau of Painting). These changes occurred in the list of artists and the work that the artists produced. Professor Kang Kwan-shik’s investigation of the chabi daeryeong hwawon (or jabi daeryeong hwawon), the painters in waiting to the court who were attached to Gyujanggak (royal library), can be said to have laid the foundation for research on the subject of court painting, given that almost all Joseon court paintings were produced by the Dohwaseo artists and the painters in waiting. During the Joseon dynasty, after important state rites or ceremonies of the royal family, court officials would commission these artists to produce paintings realistically recording the event as souvenirs to be shared amongst themselves. Research on such documentary court paintings has played a great part getting scholars to take notice of Joseon court painting. The study of court painting is greatly indebted to documentary evidence provided by uigwe, books that record in detail state rites or other events. Research on court painting gained momentum when researchers began to appreciate the rich content and value of the paintings contained in these books. As the uigwe contain paintings such as Banchado (painting of the order of participants in a royal procession), study of uigwe paintings was also actively carried out as a part of court painting research. These days, attention is focused on the paintings that were used to decorate palace interiors. As most court paintings were colored, for a long time they were treated as folk paintings (min-hwa). But with progress in court painting research, the origin of folk painting is now seen to be connected with court painting, and it is widely accepted that folk paintings are the works that were produced by professional artists when the court painting style spread beyond the palace to ordinary homes. While research on court painting was based on solid documentary support provided by Uigwe, the opening of the National Palace Museum of Korea in 2005 provided a place where actual examples could be seen firsthand. The National Palace Museum was established around a collection of artworks from five royal palaces in Seoul: Gyeongbokgung, Changdeokgung, Changgyeonggung, Gyeonghuigung, and Gyeongungung. Its permanent display and special exhibitions have both aroused public curiosity about court paintings and to some extent relieved that curiosity. Public interest in the culture of the royal court grew when the Joseon dynasty uigwe were inscribed on the UNESCO Memory of the World Register in 2007 as well as when the uigwe kept in the National Library of France were returned to Korea in 2011 on a permanent loan basis. These uigwe were special copies for “the kings’ perusal,” and this in turn played a large role in advancing court painting studies. It is timely, therefore, that this volume is based on articles about court painting, which has led research on the art of the royal court over the past ten years. The focus of this volume is decorative court painting, the genre of court painting that has most captured the attention of scholars recently and where many research discoveries have been unearthed. Paintings of the sun and moon, and five peaks (ilwol obongdo), symbols of longevity (jangsaengdo), peonies (morando), flowers and birds (hwajodo), and flowers and plants (hwahoedo) make up the bulk of decorative court paintings. Other popular themes are Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life, The Feast of Yoji Pond, in addition to books and scholar’s accoutrements (chaekgado), and white porcelain vessels (baekjado). Among these themes, paintings of the sun and moon, and five peaks were considered the most important. This theme has been covered quite extensively in other publications and is not covered extensively in this volume to leave room for papers on paintings that are less well-known but of high artistic value, providing rich material for discussion. The decorative court paintings introduced in this volume are all in collections in the United States. All of them are important examples of Joseon court painting and at the same time have the advantage of being works relatively more accessible to researchers outside of Korea. Meanwhile, articles in the Feature section, devoted to works in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, all deal with material that can be placed under the category of court painting. Hence the subject of court painting has been given full coverage. The first paper in this volume of JKAA is a study of the Dohwaseo artist system by Professor Kang Kwan-shik. Nearly all paintings used in the court, and indeed all the court paintings introduced in this volume, were produced by these artists. Dohwaseo was a government agency in charge of all painting-related affairs of the state and the court that existed for some 500 years, from the early days of the Joseon period until its closure as a result of the 1894 Gabo Reform. Knowledge of changes in the Dohwaseo system, the kind of jobs commissioned to the artists and their characteristics, and the social position of the court artists is the first step to understanding court painting, which is why this paper was chosen to lead into the theme for the special report. On the premise that Dohwaseo was managed by civil officials during the early Joseon period and by the king later in the period, Professor Kang Kwan-shik explains that systematic reform of the government bureau in charge of painting following the reign of King Sukjong improved the treatment of the artists, enhanced their skills, and influenced art trends. In particular, he emphasized that the court painter in waiting system institutionalized by King Jeongjo brought radical changes to the Dohwaseo system. Dr. Park Bonsoo’s article is a study of the Ten Symbols of Longevity (Sipjangsaengdo, 십장생도) folding screen in the collection of the Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art at the University of Oregon in the United States. For the government officials of the Joseon period, it was customary to produce and distribute amongst themselves commemorative folding screens, called gyebyeong, in memory of a state rite or ceremony. The folding screen at the University of Oregon was also produced for a similar purpose, indicating that the ten symbols of longevity, a popular theme for decorative court paintings, was applied to other types of works such as gyebyeong. These commemorative folding screens include a list of participants at the particular event and information about who commissioned the screen and when. The University of Oregon screen was produced in the late 19th century and presents a standard for the style of colored court paintings produced by Dohwaseo. Dr. Kim Sujin’s article deals with a folding screen entitled Sea, Cranes, and Peaches (Haehakbandodo, 해학반도도), produced during the Korean Empire (1897–1910) and now preserved at the Honolulu Academy of Art. The Joseon royal family placed great importance on longevity and the birth of many sons and expressed these wishes in paintings. Longevity paintings featuring interminable natural objects and plants and animals known to live for a long time were hence widely used to decorate the palace. The date and purpose of production of the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches folding screen can be surmised from the inscription on the surface of the artwork. The composition of sea, cranes, and a peach tree is rooted in Joseon tradition, but the treatment of the background in gold leaf is a style somewhat removed from it. The folding screen is therefore an example reflecting new trends of the early 20th century influenced by Japan. Accommodating paintings of this new style at the royal palace suggests that Emperor Gojong’s sense of beauty, which recognized new trends, converged with the availability of large spaces where such folding screens could be installed. Professor Park Jeonghye’s article, “Production and Significance of Paintings of Tribute Missions to the Son of Heaven in the Late 18th Century” explores how the Chinese theme of “princely gathering” (wanghoe) was assimilated by Joseon and became a popular subject for decorative court paintings. Unlike the ten symbols of longevity or peonies, the princely gathering was not a theme traditionally found in Joseon paintings. Like chaekgado, or paintings of books and scholars’ accoutrements, wanghoedo were first produced during the reign of King Jeongjo, when original new subjects for court painting emerged and works produced by the court artists greatly improved in quality, becoming firmly established with iconography suited to the folding screen form. Indeed, Wanghoedo screens are considered to be one of the major achievements of 18th century court painting, an example of Chinese source material expressing a reign of peace and prosperity and rule by virtue transformed to suit the situation in Joseon. The paper focuses discussion on the Wanghoedo folding screen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural Science, considered to be one of the finest examples of its type in terms of quality and artistry. Though not included in the special topic section, Curator Lee Hyegyeong’s study of a ten-panel folding screen entitled Peonies (Morando, 모란도) is also about court painting. Paintings of peonies had the most varied uses in the palace, and this folding screen is a masterpiece that can be considered the most beautiful extant peony folding screen in Korea. The composition forms one continuous painting that runs over all ten panels of the screen, evocative of a peony filled garden. During conservation treatment, it was discovered that documents from the 1820s were recycled for the mounting paper, allowing us to guess that the folding screen dates to that time. If we consider that the king’s portrait was the most important artwork in the palace during the Joseon period, Kwon Hyeoksan’s paper, The Production and Copying of Portraits of Meritorious Subjects: Portraits of Jo Gonggeun and their Related Drawings is also worth discussing in the court painting context. Portraits of meritorious officials were also commissioned completely to the Dohwaseo court artists. Twelve sketches (chobon) of such portraits have survived and are important items that not only enable us to confirm the way sketches for portraits were produced but also surmise how copies (imobon) were made as well. This volume closes with an archaeological study on the production and characteristics of the birch bark saddle flap excavated from Cheonmachong (Tomb of the Heavenly Horse). The tomb was so named after the two birch bark saddle flaps decorated with a flying horse, or so-called “heavenly horse,” the major treasures yielded by the tomb. The painting of a heavenly horse (Cheonmado) is so famous that most Koreans have heard of it, but not everyone is aware that it was painted on a saddle flap. This fascinating study uncovers the manufacture of the saddle flaps, from the collection of the birch bark, to the joining of the front and back panels, finishing of the edges, and painting of the heavenly horse design. Court artists did not leave their signature or seal on works commissioned by the court. Hence decorative court paintings are generally anonymous and their date of production is also difficult to work out. But the papers published in volume 12 of JKAA all deal with works whose date of production is known, or can at least be guessed, and can therefore be adopted as a standard for understanding Joseon court painting. Marked by high quality and artistry, they are major works of court painting from the late Joseon period. New Joseon court paintings continued to be introduced through auctions and the collections of clan groups. As serious study of the topic began rather late, gaps still remain in the research, but this problem is being addressed through newly introduced works. The characteristics and excellence of Joseon court painting are less well known to the international audience than that of other genres. It is hoped that through the articles in this volume readers will appreciate that Joseon court paintings have a unique formative beauty and sense of color as well as a dignified character that distinguishes them from the court paintings of China or Japan. Park Jeong-hye Professor The Academy of Korean Studies

A number of folding screens painted during the late Joseon dynasty (1392–1897) depict a figure seated in the throne hall of a Chinese-style palace receiving tribute gifts from exotically dressed foreigners (Fig. 1). These screens conventionally consist of eight to ten panels each and, when fully opened, present a grand panorama of a royal ceremony measuring 120–180 centimeters (47.2–70.8 inches) in height and 350–450 centimeters (137.7–177.1 inches) in length. Ten folding screens of Korean origin and addressing this theme of paying tribute are known to exist either within or outside the country. Fig. 1. Wanghoedo. Latter half of the 19th c. (before 1885). Eight-panel folding screen. Color on silk. 182.0 x 446.45 cm. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History Presuming that these paintings mounted on folding screens fall under the category of Joseon court painting, this paper proposes that they be referred to as Wanghoedo (Ch. Wanghuitu, 王會圖), or Painting of a Tribute Mission to the Son of Heaven. This is derived from the resemblance of these scenes of tribute gifts being offered to the Son of Heaven (the emperor or king) with wanghoe (王會, princely gatherings) that took place during the reign of King Wu of the Zhou dynasty. Surviving records state that Wanghoedo were produced in the court during the latter half of the Joseon period. Moreover, Wanghoedo shares stylistic characteristics similar to those of 19th-century decorative court-painted screens such as Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life (郭汾陽行樂圖, K. Gwak Bunyang Haengnakdo), Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond (瑤池宴圖, K. Yojiyeondo), and One Hundred Children (百子圖, K. Baekjado), which indicates that Wanghoedo is also a type of court painting. Following the introduction of a Wanghoedo screen in Evelyn B. McCune’s book Korean Screens (1983), the subject has been briefly treated by several scholars (Lee Eunmi 2010; Sascha Priewe 2010). However, no in-depth investigation or comparative analysis has yet been conducted. This article provides a comprehensive study of Wanghoedo as a painting type in terms of the origin of its iconography, purpose of its production and function, period of production, and content. It aims to identify its characteristics and significance from the perspective of court painting. Origin of Tribute Paintings: Jikgongdo and Wanghoedo The term princely gathering (K. wanghoe, Ch. wanghui) refers to a grand gathering of feudal princes and leaders from the four barbarian tribes that took place at Wangcheng during the reign of King Wu (1169–1116 BCE) of Zhou, a period of great peace. This occasion is recorded in a compendium of documents on the Western Zhou period known as Yi zhou shu (逸周書, Lost book of Zhou) and was first adopted as the subject for art during the Tang dynasty (618–907). According to Jiu Tang shu (舊唐書, Old book of Tang), during the time of Emperor Taizong (r. 627–649) of Tang, envoys from many diverse nations came to pay tribute wearing clothes that appeared highly strange at the court. This prompted an official named An Chou, the deputy head of the legislative bureau of the government (中書侍郎, Ch. zhongshu shilang) to suggest that a painting be made of the gathering. It is believed that this tribute painting, known as Wanghuitu, was produced to attest to the great virtue of Emperor Taizong by invoking King Wu, whose reign was renowned as an era of peace. This meaning implied within the painting is closely connected to the production of Wanghoedo in Korea during the Joseon period. Paintings of foreign envoys arriving to pay tribute to China actually appeared in the first half of the sixth century, long before Wanghuitu. A work entitled Illustration of Tribute Missions (職貢圖, K. Jikgongdo, Ch. Zhigongtu) shows foreigners arriving in China to pay tribute. It was created by Xiao Yi (later Emperor Yuan of Liang, 508–554) while he was serving in Jingzhou as regional inspector. Illustrated Tribute Mission to Liang (梁職貢圖, Ch. Liang Zhigongtu), housed in the National Museum of China in Beijing, is a copy of Xiao Yi’s original produced during the Northern Song period (Jin Weinuo 1992, 72–80) (Fig. 2). A Wanghuitu painting by the Tang court artist Yan Liben (601–673 CE) depicting tribute missions to the Emperor Taizong (Fig. 3), is considered to be another copy of Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu. Although Yan Liben’s painting is similar in style and content to Illustrated Tribute Mission to Liang, that fact that it is called Wanghuitu rather than Zhigongtu is worth noting. Fig. 2. Replica of Illustrated Tribute Mission to Liang. Northern Song. Color on silk. 25 x 198 cm. National Museum of China Fig. 3. A section from Wanghuitu by Yan Liben. Color on silk. 28.1 x 238.1 cm. Taiwan National Palace Museum Examining the titles mentioned in Chinese art history references, it becomes apparent that Zhigongtu was the broadest general name for paintings on the theme of paying tribute. However, paintings of foreign tribute missions to the Tang court during the reign of Taizong were known as Wanghuitu, resulting in a blurring of the distinction between the concepts of Zhigongtu and Wanghuitu (Kitano Yoshie 2008, 3–16). From the Song dynasty (960–1279) onwards, Zhigongtu and Wanghuitu were considered to be the same type of painting in that they both dealt with the theme of tribute and showed no clear distinction in their forms. It can be presumed that Wanghuitu, said to have debuted during the reign of Taizong at the suggestion of An Chou, would have taken the form of illustrations of various individuals as seen in the extant Illustrated Tribute Mission to Liang. During the Tang dynasty, tribute paintings featured a procession of foreign envoys bearing precious gifts. One widely known example of this processional type of painting housed at the National Palace Museum in Taiwan is attributed to Yan Liben and entitled Zhigongtu. As evidenced by Joseon Envoys on a Tribute Mission (Zhuyi Zhigongtu) by Qui Ying from the Ming dynasty, which is held at the Palace Museum in Beijing, it was a type actively adopted and pursued by artists of the Yuan and Ming dynasties (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Joseon Envoys on a Tribute Mission. Color on silk. 29.8 × 580.2 cm. Beijing Palace Museum Paintings on the theme of tribute were most actively produced during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor in the Qing dynasty. The form of the Liang Zhigongtu is well reflected in a colored copy entitled Zhigongtu that faithfully depicts the tribute relations during the Qianlong era. It was described in the book Huang Qing zhigongtu (皇淸職貢圖, Illustrated tributaries of the great Qing), which is part of Siku quanshu (Complete library in four sections) published by the Wenyuan Chamber (the Qing imperial library) in 1788 (Jeong 2011, 339–373). During the Qianlong era, the form of such paintings focusing on a procession paying tribute was recomposed to better fit within a vertically hanging format rather than a scroll to be opened horizontally. One prominent example is Ten Thousand Countries Paying Tribute to China (萬國來朝圖, Wanguo Laichaotu), which sets envoys from all over the world and from ethnic minorities within China, such as people from Taiwan, against the grand background of the Forbidden Palace while they await an audience with the emperor bearing their tribute gifts (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Ten Thousand Countries Paying Tribute to China by Yao Wenhan, Zhang Tingyan, and others. 1761. 322.0 x 210.0 cm. Beijing Palace Museum As described above, tribute paintings in China started out as state-commissioned court paintings featuring envoys and other people from foreign countries dressed in their respective exotic costumes, an infrequent event considered worthy of being recorded for posterity. Three main types of composition were produced: foreign envoys of exotic appearance standing at regular intervals within a row and set against an empty background; a procession of envoys coming to pay tribute against a natural or architectural background; and a procession of envoys gathered at the palace waiting to pay tribute to the emperor. All the extant tribute paintings from China fall under one of these three categories. Their unique attire and appearance and the distinctive tribute gifts they bear were key compositional elements of the paintings. Receiving and Understanding of Tribute Paintings in the Joseon Dynasty The king of Joseon and his scholar-officials gained a basic understanding of the background and purpose of Wanghuitu paintings produced during the reign of Taizong of the Tang dynasty through Zizhi tongjian (資治通鑑, Comprehensive mirror in aid of governance) , one of the major texts for training emperors in leadership (Kim Ilhwan 2003, 55–88). Such tribute paintings were created at a time of peace both internally and outside of the nation as a means to display the authority and virtue of the leader who had made this peace possible. Joseon scholars found ways of linking their experience on tribute missions to tribute paintings, such as the mention of Wanghoedo in a poem by the scholar Seong Hyeon (1439–1504) who had been dispatched to Beijing as an envoy in the late 15th century. Also, the writing of records on their tribute missions was compared to An Chou’s promotion of the production of Wanghuitu paintings. The scholar-officials of the first half of the Joseon period lacked the opportunity to view Wanghuitu in person, but they clearly perceived such paintings to be depictions of foreign civilizations and a reflection of an idealized political order during an era of peace and prosperity. From the latter half of the 18th century, scholar-officials’ vague understanding of Wanghuitu grew more concrete when wooden printing blocks for Huang Qing Zhigongtu were brought back by Joseon envoys to the Qing court. Huang Qing Zhigongtu was among the books cited by Han Chi-yun (1765–1814), who visited Beijing on a mission in 1799 (the 23rd year of the reign of King Jeongjo), when he wrote Haedong yeoksa (History of Korea). It was also among the books, calligraphy, and paintings that King Heonjong gathered at Seunghwaru Pavilion in Changdeokgung Palace. In the latter half of the 19th century, copies of Huang Qing Zhigongtu continued to be imported to Korea, and Yi Yu-won (1814–1888), who was dispatched to Qing China in 1875 (the 12th year of the reign of King Gojong), was gifted with eight volumes of the book. The inflow of this work into Korea in the 19th century can be extrapolated to some extent from Hwanyeong choyeong gimun, a Korean translation of the Chinese text currently held in the collection of the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 6) (Jeong Eun-joo 2011, 356–369). Fig. 6. Detail of Hwanyeong Chohyeong Gimun. Color on paper. 35.4 x 49.6 cm. National Museum of Korea Meanwhile, it is presumed that envoys who participated in tribute missions to Qing China observed firsthand Wanguo Laichaotu, or paintings of Ten Thousand Countries Paying Tribute to China. Actively produced during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor between the 1760s and 1780s, these were a new form of tribute paintings that became popular at the time (Jeong Eun-joo 2011, 93–125). Hong Yang-ho (1740–1820), who visited Qing twice on tribute missions in the late 18th century, compared a painting, Wanguo Laichaotu, that he saw in Beijing with the Joseon Wanghoedo in a text he wrote for Jo Sang-jin (1740–1820) as Jo was preparing for a mission to Beijing. The variety of foreign goods depicted in the Wanguo Laichaotu recalled for Hong the precious tribute goods displayed in the palace yard as depicted in the Korean Wanghoedo. Hence, the understanding of Chinese tribute paintings was deepened when Huang Qing Zhigongtu was introduced to Joseon in the latter half of the 18th century and as envoys developed firsthand experience with foreign cultures and civilizations. This inspired the production of Korean Wanghoedo paintings in the latter half of the Joseon period. Emergence and Use of Wanghoedo Screens in the Jeongjo Era It is difficult to determine precisely when the subject of wanghoe, or “princely gathering,” first came to be painted in the Joseon dynasty, but the late 18th century during the reign of King Jeongjo (r. 1776–1800) seems most likely. The era’s passion for Northern Learning (北學, Bukhak) boosted the envoys’ eagerness to experience new customs, and their testimonies incited great curiosity. Moreover, the missions allowed envoys an opportunity to obtain realistic visual images of foreign civilizations. King Jeongjo sought to produce “princely gathering” paintings in a folding screen format, an expression of strong royal authority in a reign of peace, which reflected the reality of Joseon at the time. It is thought that King Jeongjo’s commission was fulfilled by painters-in-waiting to the court (chabi daeryeong hwawon) attached to the Gyujanggak, the royal library. In 1796 (the 20th year of the reign of King Jeongjo), Wanghoedo was given as an exam subject to the painters-in-waiting as a means of determining who to provide with a regular salary (Kang Kwan-shik 2001, 156–157). Tests for artists on a similar subject were also administered during the reigns of King Sunjo (r. 1800–1834) and Heonjong (r. 1834–1849). “Envoys dressed in formal attire from many nations holding an audience with the emperor,” a subject similar to “princely gathering,” was used in various exams during Jeongjo’s reign. First coming to be painted in this way during Jeongjo’s reign, Wanghoedo remained in high demand at court through the reign of Gojong in the 19th century. For example, when Crown Prince Hyomyeong (1809–1830) entered Seonggyungwan, the national Confucian academy, and in 1879, when Crown Prince Yi Cheok (later Emperor Sunjong, r. 1907–1910) recovered from smallpox, government offices commissioned Wanghoedo screens to be presented to them (Park Eungyeong 2012, 81–83) as congratulatory gifts. No exact date of production is known for any of the surviving Wanghoedo screens. However, the eight-panel Wanghoedo screen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History (hereafter the “Smithsonian screen”) can be dated to the fourth month of 1885 (the 22nd year of the reign of King Jeongjo) at the latest (Figs. 1, 7). This screen was acquired by John B. Bernadou, a U.S. naval officer who served as the Smithsonian attaché to the U.S. legation in Seoul from the ninth month of 1884 to the fourth month of 1885 (Chang-su Cho Houchins 2004, 7–21). Fig. 7. Acquisition file written by Walter Hough (1859–1935), curator at the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History when they acquired its Wanghoedo screen in 1886 Bernadou acquired 180 items in Korea between 1884 and 1885. All were typical objects of ethnographic interest, including everyday clothing, kitchen items, farming implements, dishes, stationery items, leisure items, and folk items. Before leaving for Korea, he received a brief education in the categorization of 069 items related to material culture, and according to Smithsonian guidelines he collected objects within the framework of anthropological theory (Choe Hyeop 2008, 3–38). The paintings he acquired were mainly folk paintings or examples that featured a depiction of Joseon customs. Considering Bernadou’s standards, the Wanghoedo screen was a rare and unusual item in the collection due to its deep Chinese influence inconsonant with the collection guidelines. It is highly likely that the screen was presented to Bernadou, whose collection activity aided by Yun Chi-ho (1865–1945) fell within the range of official diplomatic activity. As described above, Wanghoedo screens began to be produced during the reign of King Jeongjo by court painters at the Gyujanggak. During the reign of King Sunjo, they were produced on celebratory occasions, and it appears that their usage gradually expanded throughout the reign of King Gojong (r. 1863-1907). The presentation of these screens to the king or crown prince indicates that, as paintings suited to quarters occupied by males, Wanghoedo were considered to exemplify a wish for strong royal authority and an era of peace. Moreover, it is possible that they were not only produced for domestic use but as gifts for foreign missions. Establishment of the Wanghoedo Screen Form All extant Wanghoedo paintings are in an eight- or ten-panel folding screen format. They feature a figure who appears to be an emperor sitting in the outer court of a royal palace while envoys from numerous foreign countries wait their turn to present tribute gifts. The respective screens constitute a single continuous image that can be divided into three main sections: the emperor seated in the throne hall of the outer court, a wide terrace and stairs in front where the envoys await an audience with the emperor, and the area outside the palace walls where the remainder of the envoys and their attendants are waiting their turn. Tribute-themed paintings in China generally took the form either of horizontal scrolls or of vertically hanging paintings. The adoption of this theme in continuous folding screens in Korea resulted from demand in the palace, where such screens were popular. The Wanghoedo screen format with each panel joined to the next to create a cohesive image was also popular in late 16th-century Japan, where the composition was reinterpreted. In comparison to Chinese and Korean Wanghoedo, Japanese versions differ in terms of point of view, picture plane, content, and expression (Kitano Yoshie 2008, 3–16) (Fig. 8). The Wanghoedo screen form that was introduced during the reign of King Jeongjo is highly likely to have been devised solely by painters-in-waiting at the Gyujanggak. Clearly, however, it was based on the composition and content of the Chinese tradition of tribute paintings. First, the location of the emperor and the procession ascending the stairs to honor him is borrowed from the form of the processional tribute paintings that were popular during the Ming dynasty (Fig. 4). In addition, the composition featuring a throne hall and terrace in the center with envoys waiting their turn for an audience demonstrates the influence of Qing documentary paintings such as Ten Thousand Countries Paying Tribute to China. The arrangement of palace buildings at one end of a long horizontal plane centered on the throne hall and terrace is highly similar to All Nations Coming to Court from a collection entitled Illustrations of the Great Celebration (Ch. Luhuan Huijingtu) produced in 1771 (the 36th year of the reign of Qianlong) to celebrate the 80th birthday of Empress Dowager Xiaoshengxian (1693–1777), mother of the Qianlong Emperor (Fig. 9). Fig. 8. Wanghoedo by Kano Eitoku. Late 16th century. Pair of screens. Six panels (each). Color on silk. Museum of Fine Art Fig. 9. All Nations Coming to Court from Illustrations of the Great Celebration. 1771. Color on silk. 97.5 x 380.0 cm. Beijing Palace Museum Considering that the number of panels in Joseon folding screens tended to increase over time, it is presumed that production of ten-panel screens would have started at a later date than that of eight-panel screens (Fig. 10). This notion is supported by the tendency toward more stylized and decorative expressions in ten-panel screens. Although the number of panels and the size of the picture plane are not always linked, most ten-panel screens feature considerable space. On ten-panel screens, there is some empty space near the lower part of the terrace and throne hall spanning the fourth to seventh panels where a number of tall trees have been arranged with figures thought to be members of the Mo tribe waiting to offer a gift of tapir. These figures are not included in eight-panel screens. Also, the height of the enclosure walls is lowered to provide a clear view of the envoys before the throne hall. As a result, compared to the eight-panel versions, the ten-panel Wanghoedo screens possess a reduced sense of depth and assume a low bird’s-eye view. Fig. 10. Wanghoedo. Ten-panel screen. Color on silk. 145.0 x 351.4 cm. British Museum One of the important aspects of Wanghoedo screens as paintings is their visual composition combining traditional perspective with an oblique bird’s-eye view. The use of perspective is clear, with objects growing smaller from the bridge outside the palace gate to the throne hall where the emperor sits. The viewer’s gaze thus follows the envoys standing outside the palace gate at the left and moves naturally toward the right to the outer throne hall, with the sense of depth expanding as it approaches the emperor at the highest part of the painting. Such realistic depiction of space was only possible from the reign of King Jeongjo, when the “ruled line” (界畫, K. gyehua, Ch. jiehua) method of depicting palace buildings had been mastered to the necessary extent. It reached its peak during the reign of King Sunjo in paintings such as Painting of the Eastern Palace (K. Donggwoldo) and Thriving City in a Peaceful Era (K. Taepyeong Seongsido) (Park Jeong-hye 2012, 254–271) (Fig. 11). That the refined artistry and skill were observed in court painting during the reign of Sunjo is not unrelated to the fact that artists such as Kim Hongdo (1745–after 1806), Shin Hanpyeong (c. 1726–after 1809), Jang Hanjong (1768–after 1815), Kim Deuksin (1754–1822), and Yi Inmun (c. 1726–after 1809) continued to serve as painters-in-waiting during his reign following the reign of Jeongjo, up to as late as 1822. Fig. 11. Thriving City in a Peaceful Era. Early 19th c. Eight-panel screen. Color on silk. 113.6 x 49.1 cm (each). National Museum of Korea As described, the form of Wanghoedo screens was established during the reign of Jeongjo. However, it is considered that court painters only achieved true mastery of the ruled-line technique for the depiction of palace architecture and natural representation of space that can be seen in Wanghoedo screens during the reign of Sunjo. Content and Iconography of 19th-Century Wanghoedo Screens Among the ten extant Wanghoedo screens, the Smithsonian screen provides a definitive example not only for its precise upper date limit of the fourth month of 1885 but also for its exquisite depiction of details. It additionally stands out in terms of iconography. The following section of this paper will analyze the content of Wanghoedo screens based on the Smithsonian example but will also present the variations and unique characteristics found in Wanghoedo screens through a comparison with the screen in the collection of the National Museum of Korea and the ten-panel screen in the collection of the British Museum. In the outer court presented on the second panel of the Smithsonian screen is a figure on a throne backed by a screen of the Sun and Moon and Five Peaks (K. Ilwol Obongdo) on the northern wall wearing a crown with beaded tassels and a long yellow robe. The yellow elements, such as the yellow roof, the yellow sunshade over the central figure, and the yellow sunshades to either side of him, indicate that he is the emperor (Fig. 12). However, the crown is decorated with motifs of the sun and moon, and the figure is not wearing the mianfu (emperor’s ceremonial costume) that accompanies the mianguan crown, which makes it difficult to conclude that the figure on the throne is in fact the emperor of China. The sun and moon motif on the crown is found on figures of kings (Jeong Byeongmo 2010, 29–65), including the kings in Buddhist paintings of the Ten Kings of Hell, King Mu of Zhou in Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond paintings, or Korean kings, such as in the portrait of King Gyeongsun of Silla painted in the latter half of the Joseon dynasty (Fig. 13). Elements in the arrangement of the figures around this emperor or king recall the princely gathering of King Mu of Zhou. First, the figure in a red robe standing to his right is Jiang Ziya (Tai Gong Wang), an aide to King Mu who was named a duke for his role in overthrowing the Shang dynasty and who eventually served as prime minister. To his left, the crowned figures standing side-by-side are considered to be Shu Yu of Zhou and Xun Shu, the younger brothers of King Cheng of Zhou, and the Duke of Zhou, the younger brother of King Wu. Fig. 12. Detail of the emperor on the second panel of the Wanghoedo screen. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History Fig. 13. Detail of King Mu of Zhou from Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond. Eight-panel screen. 19th c. Color on silk. 121.0 x 45.0 cm (each). Gyeonggi Provincial Museum The number and arrangement of figures surrounding the monarch in Wanghoedo screens vary slightly in each example. Unlike the Smithsonian screen, in the other paintings the central figure facing south (which indicates the ruler) is seated on a throne at a table rather than on a high platform, and two dukes kowtow before the table (Fig. 14). Another point of divergence from the Smithsonian screen is that the monarch and other nobles are all holding scepters. Fig. 14. Detail of the second panel showing the emperor from Myeongdang Wanghoedo. Eight-panel screen. Color on silk. 138.0 x 272.0 cm. National Museum of Art The central portion of Wanghoedo screens, the third, fourth, and fifth panels, features the envoys who have arrived to pay tribute. They can be divided into four groups. Though all are dressed differently and carry unique gifts, it is not easy to determine precisely from which countries they have arrived. However, the figure at the head of the procession who has reached the throne platform and is presenting a pair of white pheasants perched on a frame clearly appears to be representing the Yueshang people (Fig. 12). The Yueshang originated from the territory corresponding to the southern-central area of Vietnam today, referred to as Linyi in accounts of foreign countries in ancient history books. According to the “Annals of Emperor Ping” from Hanshou (Book of Han), when the Duke of Zhou was serving as regent for the young King Cheng, the Yueshang required nine interpreters to manage the languages of the territories they passed through before finally reaching Zhou to present the white pheasants. This old story, well known in Joseon both inside and outside the court, was understood by the people in the sense that the world was going to be peaceful when a good and wise king came. The reason why the old story of Yueshang was placed at the very front of the tribute procession, therefore, is seemed wishes for the manifestation of virtue in Joseon with the advent of a good and wise king. Although this tale of the Yueshang differs in time from the princely gathering of Zhou, the fact that the Yueshang envoy was placed at the very front of the tribute procession indicates that Wanghoedo screens were not painted to accurately illustrate a particular old story but as a symbolic representation of a peaceful reign. This is confirmed in the costumes of the envoys and the tribute gifts they carry, which are different in every version of the Wanghoedo screens. Apart from the Smithsonian screen, in all the others the people at the head of the procession offering a white pheasant are represented as still climbing the stairs and wearing either a fur hat or one with horns (Fig. 15). The Yueshang people bring additional tribute gifts aside from the white pheasants, such as large swords, animal horns, and mirrors. In other screens they are also depicted as carrying coral, tortoises, and Buddha’s-hand fruit. Fig. 15. Detail of the second panel showing the envoys from Ming Tang Wanghoedo. Eight-panel screen. Color on silk. 138.0 x 272.0 cm. National Museum of Art In the Smithsonian screen, the second mission is pictured ascending the stairs with its leader holding a tortoise and a piece of coral. In addition, the group also carries the seven Buddhist treasures, a heavenly peach, mushroom of immortality, incense burner, white rabbit, geomungo (six-stringed Korean zither), silk, and other objects inside wrapping cloths. The envoys are dressed in officials’ caps known as yanggwan and a ceremonial costume called jobok with a decorative rear panel. They also carry scepters. Their attire closely resembles the ceremonial costumes of Joseon officials, but there is a slight difference in the way it is worn. Furthermore, the gifts carried by the envoys do not conform to products of Joseon. The third mission is making its way up the stairs to the lower tier of the terrace wearing fur hats decorated with twin sets of long pheasant plumes. A piece of cloth is draped over their robes across one shoulder only and tied around the waist with a belt (Fig. 16). These envoys wear different types of feathers in their hats according to their rank, and each carries a pheasant and a long object in a red wrapping cloth. Although many nations or tribes can be noted in the Huang Qing Zhigongtu from Sancai tuhui (Collection of illustrations of the three realms), it is difficult to clearly identify from which region these particular envoys might have come. They were painted with a great deal of imagination rather than firsthand observation, and as most copies of the painting were based on a single model, it is possible that repeated copying caused the results to become blurred or far removed from the original. The other envoys lined up along the lower terrace are dressed splendidly in their respective costumes. Judging from their officials’ hats and the scepters they carry, the figures featured here are representatives of vassal states and not from the “barbarian tribes” (fanzu). Fig. 16. Detail of the fourth panel showing the lower tier of the terrace from Wanghoedo. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History The fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth screens show envoys from the barbarian tribes stretched out across the lower terrace with their gifts laid outside the palace walls. They await their turns along with their attendants in small groups with palanquins. The tribute gifts they bring include birds such as pheasants, geese, hawks, and peacocks, as well as a dazzling array of rare and precious animals in Joseon such as sheep, horses, white deer, haetae (a mythical animal), suanni (a lion-like animal), a monoceros, camel, elephant, lion, and hunting dogs. The wild birds are all being carried in mobile cages, while the tame birds are transported perched atop luxurious scepters with feeding trays on top. Most of these creatures are auspicious animals that represent good fortune. In addition, there are quite a large number of unidentified animals, most likely imaginary. For these fictional animals, reference would have been made to books such as Shan hiai jing (Classic of mountains and seas) and Sancai tuhui (Collection of illustrations of the three realms), but numerous variations were invented based on the artist’s imagination. Aside from the animals, the yard is filled with chests and colorful silk-wrapped parcels that may hold mirrors, copper dishes, jewels, and the like (Fig. 17). The sumptuousness of these diverse gifts in the imperial courtyard suggests the splendor and grandeur of the princely gathering. In comparison to the tribute paintings from China, the Joseon Wanghoedo screens are characterized by the large proportion taken up by this courtyard scene. They bring to mind depictions in Japanese folding screens of Edo (Tokyo) of gifts sent by the Joseon kings to Japan laid out along the Gejo Bridge or the depiction in Japanese nanban (meaning “foreigner”) screens of exotic goods brought by Dutch merchants as they disembark (Fig. 18). Fig. 17. Detail of the fifth panel showing the tribute gifts from Wanghoedo. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History Fig. 18. Detail of Edo Screen. Edo period. Six-panel screen. Gold and color on paper. 178.4 x 381.6 cm. National Museum of Japanese History In Wanghoedo screens, the imaginary or foreign animals rarely seen in real life are mainly depicted in outlandish manners. However, the camels and elephants, never seen in Korea, stand out (Fig. 19) for their relatively realistic depiction in the Wanghoedo screens. This suggests that information about these animals became more available in the country from the latter half of the 18th century. Envoys traveling to China on missions frequently came into contact with camels and elephants, and in their travelogues they recorded their impressions of the animals’ strange appearance (Chang Chin-Sung 2011, 163–175). An interest in exotic animals is reflected in the camel painting by the Qing artist Jin Fugui (active mid- to late-18th century) that was acquired by Kim Gwang-suk (1727–1797), as well as the camel painting by the Joseon artist Yi In-mun (1745–1824), who twice took part in a mission to China (Fig. 20). Camels and elephants also appear in folding screens titled Era of Supreme Peace (Taepyeong Seongsido), showing that the interest in these two animals was particularly high during the latter half of the Joseon period. Fig. 19. Detail of the fifth panel showing camel and elephant from Wanghoedo. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History Fig. 20. Camel by Yi Inmun. Color on paper. 30.8 x 41.0 cm. Gansong Art Museum In the case of Wanghoedo, the theme itself originated in China. Since the expression of the contents relied on only conceptual knowledge of foreign goods and the imagination, the screens were naturally given a Chinese mood. The long, narrow “fins” of the officials’ samo hats bend downwards and the belts on the officials’ robes hang down. Not only is the costume of the envoys rendered in a Chinese style, the depiction of the palace is also patently Chinese in the form of the buildings, the yellow coloring of the roofs, the decorative ceremonial implements on the walls, the high ornamental two-level terrace, the ceremonial columns (huabiao), and bronze lions. However, here and there in the Wanghoedo screens are scattered reflections of Joseon. These include the Sun and Moon and Five Peaks screen behind the ruler’s throne, the simplified ceremonial implements as ordered by King Yeongjo in the mid-18th century, and the costume of the officials holding them (Je Songhee 2012, 113–115) (Fig. 21). Fig. 21. Detail of the second panel showing ceremonial implements from Wanghoedo. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History 19th-Century Wanghoedo Screens and the Court Painting Style The iconography and expression of extant Wanghoedo screens bear great similarities with the overall style of latter 19th-century court painting. Among examples of court paintings, they can most informatively be compared to Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond. In terms of the posture of the figure, his crown and costume, and the decoration of the tables, the iconography of the emperor in Wanghoedo closely resemble that of King Mu of Zhou in the Yoji Pond painting (Figs. 13, 14). The monoceros in the Wanghoedo screens, an attempted depiction of a rhinoceros, resembles the “blue cow” ridden by Laozi in the Yoji Pond painting (Fig. 22). In addition, the lion and elephant in the Wanghoedo screen can be compared with the lion and the elephant ridden by Manjushri and Samantabhadra, respectively, as they descend from heaven in the Yoji Pond painting (Fig. 23). Moreover, the expression of the guards standing on either side of the stone steps of the building in which the ruler is sitting in Wanghoedo screens is very much alike that of the Four Heavenly Kings descending from the sky while guarding the Buddha in the Yoji Pond painting. In the Wanghoedo screens, the grandly decorated palanquins left outside the palace walls after being ridden to the venue by the envoys are of the same type seen in the Yoji Pond paintings. The base and balustrade of the terrace in the Wanghoedo screens is closely similar in structure to the balustrade on the residence of Xiwangmu, or Queen Mother of the West, as seen in the Yoji Pond painting. The ornamentation is analogous as well, such as the shape of the relief carvings on the railings, the inlaid decoration on the mottled marble, and the base finished with stone slabs. Fig. 22. Detail of Laozi and the blue cow from Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond. Eight-panel screen. 19th c. Color on silk. 150.3 x 56.6 cm (each). Private collection Fig. 23. Detail of Manjushri and Samantabhadra from Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond. Eight-panel screen. 1800. Color on silk. 112.6 x 237.0 cm. National Museum of Korea The oddly shaped rock in the Wanghoedo screens is of the same style as the strange rock inside the stone chest depicted in paintings titled Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life (Fig. 24). On the other hand, they show stylistic differences to the balustrades and strange rocks of Yoji Pond paintings of the 18th century. The Wanghoedo screens are stylistically similar to court paintings of the latter half of the 19th century but have different style to the court paintings of 18th century. Fig. 24. Detail of Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life. Joseon. Color on silk. 143.9 x 52.7 cm (each). National Museum of Korea Also, the depiction of the buildings in the Wanghoedo screen shares stylistic features with the Guo Fenyang paintings from the latter half of the 19th century. In particular, the depiction of the roof, which is shaded, reflects a typical style that emerged after the mid 19th century. Along with the Chinese-style structure of the buildings and ornamentation, the bronze lion figures to the left and right of the stairs and ceremonial features such as the huabiao columns contribute to giving the screens a Chinese atmosphere. Joseon court artists had mastered the depiction of Chinese-style palace architecture through the study of paintings such as Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond, Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life, One Hundred Children, and Han Palace and applied that style within the framework of court painting. Conclusion The “princely gatherings” known as wanghoe date back to the Zhou dynasty of China, and paintings of such occasions, referred to as Wanghoedo (Ch. Wanghuitu), were first produced during the reign of the Taizong Emperor (r. 627–649) of the Tang dynasty. The concept of a princely gathering and the reasons for painting them were known to the court of Joseon and its scholar-officials since the foundation of the dynasty. However, the paintings were only briefly mentioned in writings intended to prepare those taking part in missions to China. In the early Joseon dynasty, there was no need to produce such paintings. Wanghoedo screens were first created in Joseon during the reign of King Jeongjo in the 18th century as a form of court painting. Jeongjo made efforts to seek out new subjects for decorative paintings for the court and develop the contents to suit conditions in Korea. The Wanghoedo screens were one of the outcomes of these efforts. Several influences at the time inspired the creation in Korea of paintings on the subject of princely gatherings, including the changed perception of the Qing dynasty, experience with foreign civilizations among the envoys who took part in missions to Beijing during the Qianlong Emperor era, firsthand observation of paintings of Wanguo Laichaotu, which were popular during the Qing dynasty, and transmission of the book Huang Qing Zhigongtu to Joseon. Though Wanghoedo screens were first produced in the late 18th century, the style and expression of the extant paintings correspond to that established during the reign of King Sunjo (r. 1800–1834). The surviving Wanghoedo screens are stylistically related both to the Donggwoldo theme that showcases expertise in the ruled-line painting technique used to depict palace architecture and to paintings of the Era of Supreme Peace, a comprehensive visual expression of the new culture and civilization of the latter Joseon period. This leads to the conclusion that they were painted at a point later than the Jeongjo era. It is presumed that, as with other decorative court paintings, the process of reproduction and repeated copying as a specified painting type would have caused the Wanghoedo screens to evolve in terms of style and expression and change in iconography. The most important concept for understanding Wanghoedo screens is taepyeong seongse, or the era of a peaceful reign. Since it was based on a princely gathering from ancient Chinese history, their contents were removed from the reality of Joseon, resulting in an emphasis on the representation of an ideal political space or the auspicious nature of an era of peace. The world depicted in Wanghoedo screens is a kind of virtual reality in which the real worlds of China and Korea are blended and where past and present coexist. The background of Wanghoedo screens being an ideal political space enhanced with a touch of imagination makes them an appropriate point of comparison for paintings of the Era of Supreme Peace, which depict an ideal living space for all people. In the latter paintings, the real worlds of China and Korea are also intertwined to produce a representation of an ideal city, providing multilayered implications. The auspicious nature of Era of Supreme Peace paintings is also linked to the Immortal’s Feast at Yoji Pond paintings, which show a multitude of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and Taoist immortals gathering from all directions to express their good wishes for the Queen Mother of the West and King Mu. In addition, it has been noted that the Yoji Pond paintings and Wanghoedo screens share considerable iconography. The two are also linked in that the Yoji Pond paintings represent an audience with the highest authority in the world of the immortals, while the Wanghoedo screens express respect for the highest authority in an ideal political world. Thus far, Wanghoedo screens have been examined as a type of decorative court painting of the 19th century that emphasizes auspiciousness and an idealized world. Unlike other decorative screens featuring peonies, Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life, Immortals’ Feast at Yoji Pond, or the ten symbols of longevity, all of which could be used by royalty and common people alike, Wanghoedo was a theme reserved exclusively for use in the royal palace. Even there, it was limited to the king and the crown prince. The significance of Wanghoedo screens can also be found in their expansion of the diversity of themes for court painting.

First produced in the late seventeenth century, Dosando paintings can be associated with the tradition of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi, in that both involved paintings that depicted the retreats of venerated Confucian scholars. As such, Dosando may be seen as the direct result of the acculturation of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi in Joseon. The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi became widely known in Joseon during the sixteenth century, around the same time that Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism was being further absorbed, understood, and promoted. At that time, various books about Zhu Xi and his philosophy were introduced to Joseon society, serving as an important catalyst for deepening the Joseon literati’s understanding of Zhu Xi and Neo-Confucianism. As studies of his writings progressed, Zhu Xi began to command ever more respect and admiration as the founder of Neo-Confucianism. Joseon literati avidly read Zhu Xi’s Wuyi Boating Songs (武夷櫂歌) and Records on Mt. Wuyi (武夷誌), which naturally led to increased awareness of and interest in the paintings of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi. Yi Hwang and his fellow sixteenth-century scholars were the first in Joseon to be exposed to The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi paintings, and they expressed their deep appreciation of these works and their fierce admiration for Zhu Xi in various writings. Above all, for Joseon literati, the landscape of Mt. Wuyi depicted in these paintings came to symbolize Zhu Xi and their scholarly devotion to his ideas, while also allowed them to vicariously experience the ideal place of their master with their own eyes. Exemplifying the Joseon reverence for The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi, Yi Seonggil(李成吉, 1562-1621) painted his own The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi (Fig. 2) in 1591, making a copy of the original Chinese painting. Yi Seonggil’s handscroll painting depicts the nine representative scenes (i.e., the nine bends) at Mt. Wuyi, capturing each location in detail. The painting is specifically organized to enable viewers to progress from the first bend to the ninth, as if on an actual journey through the landscape. All of the buildings and important sites are labeled, and the depictions of their locations and characteristics are based on the actual view. In the center of the painting is the fifth bend, where Wuyi Jingshe Academy is depicted (Figs. 2a and 2b). The academy is shown in three-quarter view, with Dayinping Peak (大隱屛) rising behind it like a screen. A few boats appear here and there on the stream to indicate the direction in which the water flows. With its numerous details, elaborate description, and exceptional composition, Yi Seonggil’s The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi clearly demonstrates the considerable talent of the artist. This version of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi was further copied and distributed to the various provinces, so that Confucian scholars and students in outlying regions could take inspiration from the work. Fig. 2. The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi (武夷九曲圖) by Yi Seonggil (李成吉, b. 1562). 1591. Ink and light colors on silk, 33.5×398.5 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 2a. Wuyi Jingshe Academy (武夷精舍) and Dayinping Peak (大隱屛) of the fifth bend, from The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi (武夷九曲圖) by Yi Seonggil (李成吉, 1562-1621). Fig. 2b. Wuyi Jingshe Academy (武夷精舍) and Dayinping Peak (大隱屛). Another notable copy of the Chinese original is The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi of Zhu Xi (朱文公武夷九曲圖, Fig. 3), now in the collection of the Yeungnam University Museum. Significantly, this work is known to have been given to Yi Hwang by his colleague Yi Dam (李湛, 1510-1577). This painting is believed to be a copy of a copy of the Chinese original, produced by a regional painter. Yi Hwang added his annotation to the painting (Fig. 3a) and made it into a handscroll, adding a portrait of Zhu Xi and other relevant information. With its simple style, this work reflects the relatively limited skills of an unknown artist, but it nevertheless demonstrates that Confucian scholars and students away from the capital—including Yi Hwang—revered and took great inspiration from The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi. Fig. 3. The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi of Zhu Xi (朱文公武夷九曲圖), artist unknown. c. 1564. Ink and light colors on paper, 34.7 × 587.7 cm. (Yeungnam University Museum). Fig. 3a. Annotation on The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi of Zhu Xi. As The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi and the work of Zhu Xi continued to be disseminated throughout Joseon society, scholars of the seventeenth century came to associate “nine bends” with an ideal place or utopia. As such, an interesting new practice arose, with people seeking to identify other examples of nine bends at famous scenic locations in Joseon and producing “nine bends” paintings of those sites. Such paintings are the direct result of attempts to assimilate The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi into Joseon culture as an innovative way of paying tribute to the Chinese original. As mentioned, Kim Changseok’s Dosando (Fig. 4) remains the representative example of Dosando paintings. Kim’s painting follows the general format of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi of Zhu Xi (Fig. 3), the local Korean copy of Zhu Xi’s original work, but it depicts the landscape of Dosan, rather than Mt. Wuyi. Key similarities between the two paintings suggest that Kim Changseok likely modeled his work directly on the local copy of the Chinese original. Fig. 4. Dosando (陶山圖) by Kim Changseok (金昌錫, 1652-1720). c. 1700. Ink and light colors on paper, 39.0×27.5 cm. (Yonsei University Library). First and foremost, the rendering of Dosan Seowon (Fig. 4a) in Kim’s painting matches that of Wuyi Jingshe Academy (Fig. 3b), the centerpiece of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi of Zhu Xi. Both paintings show the respective academies from an aerial perspective, with the buildings having a straightforward, rectangular outline. Fig. 4a. Dosan Seowon (陶山書院) from Dosando. Fig. 3b. Wuyi Jingshe Academy (武夷精舍) from The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi of Zhu Xi. Second, the manner in which the title of the two paintings is written is also quite similar (Figs. 3c and 4b). In both cases, the title is written on a colored background. In addition, just as Wuyi Jingshe Academy includes several texts relating to Zhu Xi, Dosando includes texts by Yi Hwang, such as Writings at Dosan (陶山記) and Collected Poems at Dosan (陶山雜詠). Fig. 3c. Title calligraphy of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi of Zhu Xi. Fig. 4b. Title calligraphy of Dosando. Third, like The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi of Zhu Xi, Kim’s Dosando features the landscape around Dosan, focusing on the Nak River, and it indicates the names of sites relevant to Yi Hwang. This composition clearly shows how scholars and students after Yi Hwang created Dosando paintings to directly reflect the Zhu Xi painting that Yi Hwang himself owned and deeply admired. Furthermore, the mounting of the later painting also follows that of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi of Zhu Xi. Moreover, Kim Changseok’s Dosando also features a number of other key elements. When Kim made this painting, the culture of “nine bends” had not yet come to be associated with Dosan. As such, Kim did not attempt to designate, let alone to highlight, nine bends in the Nak River. However, the final work does portray the area that Kim’s followers would eventually (i.e., in the late eighteenth century) declare to be the fourth, fifth, and sixth of the nine bends at Dosan. At the left of the painting, near the area of the fourth bend, is a house called Bungangchon (汾江村), which was one of the main homes of the family of a mid-Joseon scholar named Yi Hyeonbo (李賢輔, 1467-1555). In addition, at the right of the painting, near the sixth bend, we can see Wollanam Pavilion (月瀾庵), an important site where scholars often held literary gatherings, frequently led by Yi Hwang and Yi Hyeonbo. These two sites mark the eastern and western boundaries of the painting. Another interesting element of the painting is the subtle inclusion of Hanseoam (寒棲庵), the home where Yi Hwang lived before moving to Dosan (Fig. 4c). The small house can be seen at the right of the painting, at the end of a small stream that branches off from the Nak River. Notably, unlike other landmarks in the painting, Hanseoam is not labeled, likely because it was not actually located in this area. In general, the artist attempted to present an actual view of the area by adopting a natural perspective, but the inclusion of Hanseoam represents a conspicuous departure from this approach. Of course, Hanseoam is one of the most important sites related to Yi Hwang, being the house where he lived while he was in his fifties; as mentioned, he even took his pen name of Toegye from the stream that ran in front of the house. Therefore, it is believed that the artist took the liberty of modifying the landscape to include Hanseoam because of its significance in Yi Hwang’s life. Fig. 4c. Hanseoam (寒棲庵) from Dosando. Finally, it is important to note how Zhu Xi’s The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi and Dosando paintings were collected. Scholars after Yi Hwang are known to have collected both Dosando paintings and The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi. For example, records show that Kim Changseok had both a copy of Zhu Xi’s painting and his own Dosando painting in his home. Another record states that the late Joseon scholar Yi Ik (李瀷, 1681-1763) asked artist Kang Sehwang (姜世晃, 1713-1791) to paint a version of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi, followed by a Dosando painting. In addition, several annotations written about the two paintings indicate that such paintings were often collected as pairs. These annotations include “On Paintings of Mt. Wuyi and Dosan” (武夷陶山二圖跋) from Collected Writings of Yi Hwijae (雲山集) and “On Paintings of Mt. Wuyi and Dosan from the Collection of the Family of Han Cheol” (族弟重吉漢喆家藏 武夷陶山圖屛跋) from Collected Poems of Jo Hongbok (望雲集). The literati who wrote these annotations viewed Yi Hwang’s landscape of Dosan as the successor to Zhu Xi’s nine bends at Mt. Wuyi as an ideal place, so it only made sense for them to collect and appreciate both paintings. A work now in a private collection shows the landscapes of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi and Dosando side by side on two facing pages (Fig. 5), thus demonstrating that the two were often united as an inseparable pair. Fig. 5. The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi (武夷圖) and Dosando (陶山圖), artist unknown. Late nineteenth century, ink and light colors on paper, 106.7 × 77.0 cm. (Private collection). IV. Development of Dosando Paintings in the Late Joseon Dynasty Most extant Dosando paintings were made after the eighteenth century. Although they generally follow the format established in the late seventeenth century, the extant works are painted in diverse styles, indicating that there was demand for Dosando from various sources. As mentioned, Kim Changseok’s Dosando is the earliest known example. Chronologically, the next two extant works are Kang Sehwang’s Dosan Seowondo (1751, Fig. 6) and a nineteenth-century Dosando by an unknown artist (Fig. 7), which is now in the Keimyung University Library. Two other Dosando paintings from later periods are held in private collections (Figs. 8 and 9). Dosando paintings of the late Joseon period can be organized according to changes in their style. Fig. 6. Dosan seowondo (陶山書院圖) by Kang Sehwang (姜世晃, 1713-1791). 1751. Ink and light colors on paper, 26.8 × 138.5 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 7. Dosando (陶山圖), artist unknown. Nineteenth century. Ink and light colors on paper, 30.0 × 130.0 cm. (Keimyung University Library). In 1751, Yi Ik asked Kang Sehwang to paint his Dosando (Fig. 7). Notably, this work does not follow the actual landscape of Dosan, but was based instead on another Dosando painting that is no longer extant. In the annotation, Kang Sehwang explains that Yi Ik asked him to make the painting as a way to honor the achievements and ideas of Yi Hwang. As such, it was not essential to duplicate the actual landscape. Furthermore, Kang Sehwang explained that Yi Ik wanted the painting as a means to help viewers actually experience Yi Hwang’s physical presence, as if they were looking at a portrait of him. Yi Ik explained his theory for appreciating Dosando paintings in an annotation that he wrote in 1739 on a different Dosando painting. In that annotation, Yi states that people looking at a Dosando painting can directly experience Yi Hwang’s physical presence and voice by exploring the places where he lived, rested, and studied. Relaying this idea in the later annotation, Kang Sehwang emphasized that Yi Ik believed that viewers of Dosando paintings could gain a type of enlightenment that was not attainable through Yi Hwang’s writings. All of the known Dosando paintings from the nineteenth century were produced and collected by either followers or direct descendants of Yi Hwang. The earliest of these is the Dosando now held by Keimyung University Library (Fig. 7), which follows the format of seventeenth-century Dosando paintings by placing Dosan Seowon at the center of a long handscroll composition. According to the annotation, this painting was based on a Dosando by Yi Jing (李徵),, and the scroll was expanded by adding the annotation and some of Yi Hwang’s writings and poems. However, the later work reflects the style of paintings from the nineteenth century, indicating that it was most likely copied from another copy (or copies) of Yi Jing’s painting, rather than from the original. The annotation also emphasizes that Dosan was not only the place where Yi Hwang lived, but also a space for scholars desiring to follow and succeed in the tradition of Yi Hwang and his school. The scroll begins on the right with a depiction of Gyesang, the area around Hanseoam. The inscription across the top reads “先生舊居溪上村,” which can be translated as “The teacher’s old residence, Gyesang” (as Yi Hwang had lived in Gyesang before moving to Dosan). This area would not actually be visible from Dosan Seowon, but because it was considered an important site in Yi Hwang’s life, the artists included it, albeit in a distant corner of the painting. Fig. 7a. Detail. As mentioned, Dosando paintings of the nineteenth century generally follow the style and format of earlier works, often with some unique expressions, as exemplified by the Dosando from the Jo Namhak Collection (Fig. 8). With its vivid contrasts and bold brushstrokes, this work represents a more individualized and improvised style. Meanwhile, the Dosando from the Seo Jeongcheol Collection (Fig. 9) reflects the style of the renowned late-Joseon painter Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676-1759), in that the trees are represented with simple dots, a technique that can be seen in Jeong Seon’s own Dosan Seowondo (Fig. 10). Whereas previous Dosando paintings showed only the western part of Dosan, this one breaks away from that convention to display a broader area, including Yeokdong Seowon (易東書院) on the lower Nak River, another important site related to Yi Hwang that is not portrayed in earlier paintings. These two Dosando demonstrate how the conventional presentation of Dosando paintings changed in the nineteenth century, taking on the style and the preferred composition of the individual artist. Fig. 8. Dosando (陶山圖), artist unknown. Nineteenth century. Ink and light colors on paper, 27.0 × 144.0 cm. (Jo Namhak Collection). Fig. 9. Dosando (陶山圖), artist unknown. Nineteenth century. Ink and light colors on paper, 33.0 × 51.6 cm. (Seo Jeongcheol Collection). Fig. 10. Dosan seowondo (陶山書院圖) by Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676-1759). 1777. Ink and light colors on paper, 21.3 x 56.4 cm. (Gansong Art Museum). Figure 5 shows a particularly interesting work from the late nineteenth century, combining The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi and Dosando as a pair. The version of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi in this work originated from a sixteenth-century copy of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi (Fig. 11) from Unjanggak (雲章閣), the memorial hall of Kim Seongil (金誠一, 1538-1593), a renowned scholar and government official of the mid-Joseon period. The overall shape of the river bends and the arrangement of the sites are remarkably similar in the two paintings. Notably, the nineteenth-century painting follows the style of mid-Joseon landscape paintings in the composition of the rocky hills and in the use of repeated strokes for texture. However, other details characterize it as a work of the nineteenth century. Fig. 11. The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi (武夷九曲之圖), artist unknown. Sixteenth century. Ink and light colors on paper, 156.0 × 87.0 cm. (Unjanggak). The Dosando painting in Figure 5 follows the established format, placing Dosan Seowon in the center, depicting the surrounding landscape, and showing the Nak River as flowing from right to left. Interestingly, however, it assumes an aerial view, as if to match the perspective in the adjoining painting of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi. As previously noted, by the nineteenth century, paintings of these two subjects were generally considered as a pair. Dosando of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries typically followed the convention of placing Dosan Seowon in the center. But variations emerged, as some works included new sites (e.g., the main home of a particular family or other regional sites), while others began to follow the approach of true-view landscape paintings. V. Emergence of “Nine Bends” Culture and the Nine Bends at Dosan In the sixteenth century Joseon scholars began to seek other natural sites with nine bends. The earliest example is the “nine bends at Gosan” (高山九曲), identified in the sixteenth century by the revered Neo-Confucian scholar Yi I. Other examples were later designated by the Noron (老論), or “Old Faction” of Joseon literati, including the “nine bends of Hwayang Stream” and the “nine bends of the Hwang River.” Then, in the late eighteenth century, a group of literati from the Yeongnam region designated the “nine bends at Dosan.” As these examples show, areas with nine bends were sometimes identified by individuals, while in other cases, they were identified through a more collective effort. The “nine bends at Gosan” is an early example of nine bends designated by an individual. In 1571, Yi I surveyed the area of Seokdam in Hwanghae Province, identifying nine bends there. He named each individual bend and referred to the designated area as the “nine bends at Gosan.” In 1576, Yi I built his Cheonggyedang residence (聽溪堂) in the area of the nine bends, and then in 1578, he built his Eunbyeong Jeongsa Academy (隱屛精舍) there. Yi I fully intended to spend his retirement at these sites, but circumstances prevented him from doing so; in fact, he was able to visit only periodically while he was between government postings. The tradition of the “nine bends at Gosan” had virtually disappeared by the late seventeenth century and was only recovered due to the efforts of Song Siyeol (宋時烈, 1607-1689) and his fellow literati of the Noron faction. Many of the structures around the nine bends at Gosan had fallen into disrepair, but Song Siyeol had them repaired and restored. He also commissioned the painting The Nine Bends at Gosan (Fig. 12) and asked other literati to write poems modeled after Yi I’s poems. Song Siyeol then had the painting engraved on woodblocks, so that the combined text of the painting and poems could represent the Yi I school, but the woodblock print is not extant. Thus, the painting came to serve as a medium for reinforcing the spiritual solidarity of the literati of the Yi I school. Moreover, it was used to demonstrate the continuity of major Neo-Confucian scholars, from Zhu Xi to Yi I, thus emphasizing the legitimacy of Yi I and the scholars who followed him. Thus, the efforts to signify the nine bends at Gosan was the precursor to later attempts by the Yi I school to designate and appropriate other areas with nine bends. Fig. 12. The Nine Bends at Gosan (高山九曲圖卷), artist unknown. 1688-1701. Joseon Historical Records Part II. vol.1 (朝鮮史料集眞續, 第一輯), plate 16. After the nine bends at Gosan, other examples of nine bends began to appear, including the nine bends of Hwayang Stream (華陽九曲), associated with Song Siyeol; the nine bends of the Hwang River (潢江九曲), associated with Gwon Sangha (權尙夏, 1641-1721); and the nine bends of Gogun (谷雲九曲), associated with Kim Sujeung (金壽增, 1624-1701). In the latter case, “Gogun” was Kim Sujeung’s pen name, and thus refers more broadly to the area where he resided. In accordance with tradition, these areas were documented in paintings, some of which are still extant, including The Nine Bends of Gogun (谷雲九曲圖, Fig. 13), painted in 1682 by Jo Segeol (曺世傑, b. 1635), and The Nine Bends of Hwayang Stream (華陽九曲圖, Fig. 14), attributed to Gwon Sineung (權信應, 1728-1787). Fig. 13. “Cheongok Bend” (靑玉峽圖), the second bend from the album The Nine Bends of Gogun (谷雲九曲圖) by Jo Segeol (曺世傑, 1635-after 1705). 1682. Ink and light colors on silk, 42.5 × 64 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 14. The Nine Bends of Hwayang Stream (華陽九曲圖), attributed to Gwon Sineung (權信應, 1728-1787). Eighteenth century. Ink and light colors on paper, 23.0 × 37.5 cm. (Chungbuk National University Museum). An examination of extant “nine bends” paintings illustrates that the literati of the Yeongnam region and those of the Noron faction had somewhat different views on the “nine bends” tradition. Notably, the literati of the Yeongnam region traced their scholarly lineage only from Zhu Xi to Yi Hwang, so they were not interested in areas associated with other scholars. At first, the Yeongnam literati focused exclusively on The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi, but then, in the late seventeenth century, they began to collect Dosando paintings as well. Thus, beginning with The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi, Joseon paintings of nine bends split in two directions, represented by the Dosando paintings of the Yi Hwang school and by The Nine Bends at Gosan of the Yi I school. In the late eighteenth century, however, the literati in the Yeongnam region dramatically changed their ideas about the “nine bends,” as they became convinced that the retreats of notable scholars and sages should include the requisite nine bends. In that context, they took it as their duty as followers of Zhu Xi to recognize the achievements of past scholars and sages by designating nine bends in areas related to those figures. The first example of nine bends to be designated by the literati of the Yeongnam region in the late eighteenth century was the nine bends of Muheul (武屹九曲) in honor of Jeong Gu (鄭逑, 1543-1620). This area of Daega Stream on Mt. Gaya was recognized by Jeong’s followers around 1776 and commemorated in 1784 in the painting The Nine Bends of Muheul (武屹九曲圖, Fig. 15) by Kim Sangjin (金尙眞, 1736-1811). Fig. 15. “The Sixth Bend” from The Nine Bends of Muheul (武屹九曲圖) by Kim Sangjin (金尙眞, 1736-1811). Ink on paper, 36.0 × 23.0 cm. (Private collection). After the nine bends of Muheul for Jeong Gu, the next example of nine bends to be identified was Yi Hwang’s nine bends at Dosan, declared in the late eighteenth century. Although Yi Hwang himself had never explicitly referred to the nine bends at Dosan, his followers justified their designation by pointing to what they perceived as indirect evidence of Yi’s intentions in his writings. According to Yi Hwang’s descendant Yi Isun (李頤淳, 1754-1832), Yi Hwang wrote poems that appropriated the rhymes of Zhu Xi’s The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi (武夷九曲詩) and Wuyi Boating Song (武夷櫂歌). As such, Yi’s followers argued that he had implied the existence of the nine bends at Dosan, even though he never openly specified or discussed them. Although he lived in Dosan for approximately ten years, diligently working on his studies, Yi Hwang never actually designated the area’s nine bends. The fact that the designation was made by his followers in the late eighteenth century is of some importance. By equating areas of Dosan with the nine bends at Mt. Wuyi, Yi Isun and the others were directly associating the scholarly achievements of Yi Hwang with those of Zhu Xi, thus emphasizing Yi Hwang as the legitimate successor to Zhu Xi. In addition to Yi Isun, other descendants and students of Yi Hwang who participated in the designation included Yi Yasun (李野淳, 1755-1831), Yi Gasun (李家淳, 1754-1832), and Yi Jonghyu (李宗休, 1761-1832). After a close examination, they decided that the nine bends at Dosan encompassed the area from Unam Peak (雲巖) to Mt. Cheongnyang (淸凉山). According to Collected Writings of Yi Gasun (霞溪集), Yi Gasun proposed the nine bends in the following order: Unam (雲巖), Wolcheon (月川), Odam (鰲潭), Buncheon (汾川), Tagyeong (濯纓), Cheonsa (川砂), Dansa (丹砂), Gosan (孤山), and Cheongnyang (淸凉) (Fig. 1). This designation seems to have been accepted as the “official” nine bends at Dosan. Further information about these designations can be found in the second chapter of Records on My Family Mountain (吾家山誌), entitled “Appendix to Records on My Family Mountain” (吾家山誌後識). In that appendix, the author explains that the nine bends were never mentioned in Yi Hwang’s Writings at Dosan (陶山記), and that they were only designated by later generations because they were all sites known to Yi Hwang, which he physically visited and walked through. In short, this record states that the nine bends at Dosan represented the area inhabited by Yi Hwang during his lifetime, so such a memorial designation could only have been established later by his students. All of the nine bends at Dosan are locations closely associated with Yi Hwang, including scenic spots and houses of people with whom Yi Hwang spent time. In addition, the names chosen for the nine bends refer to their geographical and topographical features. For example, several of the names end with -cheon (川, stream), -dam (潭, pool), or -sa (砂, sand), referring to the small tributaries and sandy areas that characterize the area of the Nak River and its surrounding flatlands. Two points about the designation of the nine bends at Dosan are especially notable. First, all of the chosen sites are close to the Nak River. As such, some of the most important sites from Yi Hwang’s life, including Hanseoam and Gyesang Seodang, are not represented, as they are located some distance from the river. Second, the fifth and central bend corresponds to the location of Dosan Seowon, just as Zhu Xi’s Wuyi Jingshe Academy was located at the fifth of the nine bends at Mt. Wuyi. This is especially interesting because, at Dosan, there is no obvious bend in the river around Dosan Seodang; in other words, this bend was presumably chosen only because the building is located there. Thus, in designating the nine bends at Dosan, the followers of Yi Hwang were definitely following the example of the nine bends at Mt. Wuyi. What prompted Yi Hwang’s followers to designate the nine bends at Dosan in the late eighteenth century? Given that the practice of designating nine bends had been initiated by the school of Yi I, the followers of Yi Hwang likely sought to reinforce their leader’s status and his academic legacy against that of Yi I. In addition, the landscape and geographical features of Dosan were particularly well suited for the identification of nine bends. Finally, the followers of Yi Hwang argued that the nine bends at Dosan were implied in many of Yi Hwang’s works and studies. Based on all of these factors, Yi Hwang’s students and followers felt it proper to identify and designate the nine bends at Dosan. Their efforts helped to increase the significance of the Dosan area, traditionally associated with Yi Hwang, and to incorporate Dosan into the larger culture of the nine bends. VI. Conclusion This paper has examined the relationship between Dosando paintings, depicting Yi Hwang’s retreat and residence, and the Joseon practice of designating the nine bends of various areas, in association with Zhu Xi and The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi. Recognized as an avid follower of Zhu Xi, Yi Hwang specifically chose Dosan as the best place to settle in retirement in order to focus on his studies and self-cultivation. Thus, Yi Hwang was well aware of a possible association between Dosan and Mt. Wuyi. However, for reasons that remain unknown, he never overtly identified or referred to any nine bends in the Dosan area. Accordingly, when the followers of Yi Hwang began to portray Dosan in the late seventeenth century, they did not initially depict the nine bends of Dosan in their Dosando paintings. Zhu Xi’s The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi was introduced to Joseon in the sixteenth century, at the time when Zhu Xi and his Neo-Confucian ideas were widely revered among Joseon intellectuals. As such, early extant paintings of Dosan typically follow the style and format of The Nine Bends at Mt. Wuyi, even though they do not explicitly identify the nine bends. The practice of identifying nine bends began in the sixteenth century with Yi I and his nine bends at Gosan; this trend was then revitalized in the eighteenth century by the literati of the Noron faction. At first, the literati of the Yeongnam region did not follow the Noron faction in seeking to identify nine bends, but by the late eighteenth century, they had changed course, beginning with the nine bends of Muheul, associated with Jeong Gu. Subsequently, the Yeongnam literati began actively seeking to designate nine bends at places associated with previous scholars and sages. As such, the nine bends at Dosan were designated in the late eighteenth century. In selecting the final locations of the nine bends, the followers of Yi Hwang chose places that had close ties to their leader, including scenic areas or the homes of his friends and esteemed colleagues. By designating the nine bends at Dosan, Yi Hwang’s followers associated Yi’s actual retirement site of Dosan with the nine bends at Mt. Wuyi, with its much larger symbolic and rhetorical implications. Overall, these efforts were intended to reinforce the lineage of Neo-Confucian scholarship, beginning with Zhu Xi and continuing to Yi Hwang. Dosando paintings were first produced in the late seventeenth century, about 100 years after Yi Hwang had settled in Dosan. After another 100 years or so, in the late eighteenth century, the nine bends at Dosan were declared. Over time, through the nineteenth century, these two practices became intertwined, as Dosando painters began to depict the nine bends of Dosan in their works. Hence, the area of Dosan became an indelible symbol to commemorate Yi Hwang, helping to firmly establish the tradition of the nine bends culture in the Yeongnam region.

The majority of the gungjung girokhwa (宮中記錄畫: court documentary paintings) of the Joseon dynasty are commemorative paintings of state ceremonies presided over by the king. Until the early eighteenth century, the themes of the gungjung girokhwa did not diverge far from the following: various kinds of palace banquets, ceremonies for the Giroso (耆老所: Office of the Elders), and administrative ceremonies, that is, the rites of the Board of Personnel (吏曹, Ijo) and the Ministry of War (兵曹, Byeongjo). In other words, early Joseon gungjung girokhwa did not necessarily depict ceremonies concerned with the Crown Prince (王世子, wangseja). However, during the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724-1776), who took much interest in visually recording the official events and ceremonies over which he himself presided, the themes of the gungjung girokhwa became more diverse than ever before. Since the late eighteenth century, realistically depicted gungjung girokhwa mainly featuring the donggung-uirye (東宮儀禮: court ceremonies related to the Crown Prince) were more frequently produced. The Joseon Crown Prince was obliged to undergo a series of initiation ceremonies from birth to enthronement, such as education as the wonja (元子: eldest royal son), appointment as the wangseja, entrance to the Seonggyun-gwan (成均館: National Confucian Academy), seoyeon (書筵: formal court lessons given to the seja), gwallye (冠禮: coming-of-age ceremony granting formal admission into adulthood), and garye (嘉禮: royal nuptials).1 The education of the Crown Prince was of pivotal importance and deemed to be directly relevant to the fate of the nation since what the Crown Prince learned or did not learn would determine whether peace or disorder would befall the nation. Thirteen Joseon paintings recording donggung uirye are known (see Table 1), the earliest painted in 1535.2 All thirteen are commemorative paintings of the administrative offices. In content the paintings are either recordings of court rites or ceremonial invocations of good auspices. The former were mostly produced by the Seja sigang-won (世子侍講院: Tutorial Office for the Crown Prince, hereafter “Sigang-won”), responsible for educating and serving the Crown Prince, while the latter were produced by various offices such as Chaegnyedogam (冊禮都監: Superintendency of Royal Investiture Ceremony), Seonjeon gwancheong (宣傳官廳: Spokesperson's Bureau), and Sansilcheong (産室廳: Royal Maternity Directorate). ( Table 1 ) List of gyechuk, gyecheop, and gyebyeong pertaining to the wangseja Title Date of production Ritual type Contents Participants Format Number of leaves Jungmyojo seoyeon-gwan sayeondo 1535 Seoyeon-gwan sayeon Sayeon Seoyeon-gwan, Gyeong-yeon-gwan, Chunchugwan Hanging scroll (original) Painting album (present) 17 Simindang yadaejido 1663 Yadae Yadae Sigang-won Hanging scroll 18 Simindangdocheop 1670 Gwallye Gwallye Sigang-won Painting album 13 Wangseja chaegnyedogam gyebyeong 1690 Chaegnye Sansu Chaegnyedogam Eight-fold screen 2 Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong 1784 Chaegnye Chaegnye Sigang-won Eight-fold screen 1 Wangseja chaegnye gyebyeong 1800 Chaegnye Yojiyeon Seonjeon-gwancheong Eight-fold screen 3 Wangseja tanganggyebyeong 1812 Tan-gang Yojiyeon Sansilcheong Eight-fold screen Wangseja iphakdocheop 1817 Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan Sigang-won Painting album 6 Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong 1819 Gwallye Jinharye Dangsang at Seungjeong-won Eight-fold screen 15 Sugyodocheop 1819 (?) Gwallye none) Painting album 12 Hoegang banchadocheop Early 19th century Hoegang (none) Painting album 11 Wangseja tan-gang gyebyeong 1874 Tan-gang Jinha Sansilcheong Ten-fold screen 20 Wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong 1879 Recovery from smallpox Chaekbong/ Jinha Owidochongbu/ Wijangso Ten-fold screen/ Eight-fold screen 4, 5 This paper focuses on paintings of the former category and examines ceremonial documentary paintings that depict in realistic detail the chaekbongnye (冊封禮: investiture ceremony), iphagnye (入學禮: ceremony for the commencement of learning), and gwallye of the Crown Prince. It analyzes in particular the motives behind their creation and their motifs. Artistically, the following paintings represent well the three wangseja-related ceremonies: Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong (文孝世子冊禮契屛: Folding Screen of Munhyo Seja's Investiture Ceremony); Wangseja iphakdocheop (王世子入學圖帖: Painting Album of the Commencement of Learning for the Crown Prince); Hoegang banchadocheop (會講班次圖帖: Painting Album of the Review Session); and Sugyodocheop (受敎圖帖: Painting Album of Receiving the Royal Edict). These paintings have yet to undergo a thorough scrutiny and this paper is an attempt at that task. The paintings listed above all depict donggung uirye in graphic detail and were all produced by the Sigang-won. Furthermore, it is significant that four paintings are related to Hyomyeong Seja - who ruled as regent for King Sunjo (r. 1800-1834) from 1827 to 1830.3 This paper seeks to answer why these court documentary paintings produced by the Sigang-won share common characteristics, and also why paintings related to Crown Prince Hyomyeong were produced so often. II DONGGUNG UIRYE OF THE JOSEON DYNASTY: CHAEKBONGNYE, IPHAGNYE, AND GWALLYE 01 THE SIGANG-WON, TUTORIAL OFFICE FOR THE CROWN PRINCE The office (衙門, amun) charged with educating the Joseon Crown Prince was called the Sigang-won. This office was originally named Sejagwansok (世子官屬) when the dynasty instituted the government bureaux of civil and military officials during the first year of the reign of King Taejo (太祖, r. 1392-1398).4 At the time of its creation, the office was charged with the twofold mission of education and royal protection – ganghak and siwi. Considering that the name, Sigang-won, first appears in the record of the 2nd day of the sixth month of the twelfth year (1466) of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455-1468) in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, it is believed that the institution was established sometime between 1392 and 1466.5 The Gyeonggukdaejeon, Complete Code of Law prescribed the Sigang-won as an office of the sixth rank (jongsampum amun). The office was supervised by a sa (師: head teacher) and a bu (傅: deputy teacher), positions concurrently held by the yeong-uijeong (領議政: Chief State Councilor) and u-uijeong (右議政: Third State Councilor), respectively. Lower in the hierarchy was the position of yisa (貳師: assistant teacher), also a concurrent position held by the fourth and fifth chanseong (贊成: state councilor). Below yisa, there were also the honorary positions of jwabin- and ubin-gaek (左· 右賓客 : Sigang-won officials of the third rank invited to teach the seja the Confucian classics and morals) and their deputies jwabubin- and ububin-gaek (左· 右副賓客). The chief administrator of the Sigang-won was for practical purposes the bodeok (輔德: chief administrator of the Sigang-won, official of jongsampum [從三品: the sixth rank]). In the daily operation of the Sigang-won, the bodeok supervised staff consisting of pilseon (弼善) of the seventh rank (正四品, jeongsapum), munhak (文學) of the ninth rank (正五品, jeong-opum), saseo (司書) of the eleventh rank (正六品, jeongnyukpum), and seolseo (設書) of the thirteenth rank (正七品, jeongchilpum). According to the Sok-daejeon (續大典: Supplement to the National Code), compiled in 1746, gyeom (兼: adjunct position) for concurrent employment were created for each of these. Moreover, qualified members of the sallim (山林: out-of-office literati) class who had not passed the civil service examination (科擧, gwageo) could be appointed to other positions such as additional teacher (贊善, chanseon) of jeongsampum, the fifth rank, adviser (進善, jinseon) of the seventh rank, and clerk (諮議, jaui) of the thirteenth rank.6 With a view to strengthening the power of the sovereign, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo made concerted efforts to reinforce the function and prestige of the Sigang-won.7 To add prestige to the Sigang-won, King Yeongjo reinstated the practice of formal bows between the seja and his head and deputy teachers that had previously been abolished. King Yeongjo also established the new position of yuseon (諭善: chief administrator) of the fifth rank in the Seson gangseowon (世孫講書院: Tutorial Office for the Crown Prince's eldest son) in 1759, when he appointed Jeongjo, his grandson, as wangseson (王世孫: the eldest son of the Crown Prince and next in line to succeed to the throne). The intention was to reinforce the education of royal heirs across two successive generations. King Jeongjo also took several steps to strengthen the role of the Sigang-won immediately after the birth of his son, Munhyo Seja. It is significant that Jeongjo promoted bodeok and gyeombodeok from the sixth rank to the fifth-rank position of dangsanggwan (堂上官: official of the fifth rank with the authority to participate in the debates and banquets at the palace halls), when there was at the time no higher-ranking official within the Sigang-won.8 What is noteworthy here is that Jeongjo did this in 1784, even before the investiture of his son, Munhyo Seja. By this move, the Sigang-won was placed on the same rank as the Samsa (三司: Three Offices of Remonstrance). Moreover, Jeongjo's intention to improve and to stabilize the functions of the Sigang-won is apparent in the completion of the Sigang-wonji (侍講院志: Records of Sigang-won [Rules and regulations governing the Sigang-won's organization] in 1784), which had been in preparation when Jeongjo held the title of wangseson. The editor of the protocol was Yu Uiryang (柳義養, 1718-?), one of Jeongjo's tutors in the years when he was second in line to the throne as wangseson. The Sigang-wonji chronicles in detail the historical records related to the organizational regulations, ceremonies, and educational contents of the Sigang-won. 02 THE WANGSEJA'S CHAEGNYE AND GWALLYE In the case of an ordinary family, the customary age for holding gwallye or coming-of-age ceremony for a son is yakgwan (弱冠: twenty). In contrast, at the royal court, the rule was to hold the eldest son's gwallye at the age of twelve, according to the Uirye (儀禮: Book of Etiquette and Ceremonies). This early age of initiation was derived from the belief that the king was the source of the wanggyo (王敎: royal order) hence the code of the royal family should be different from that of other families. The primary reason that Koreans deemed the gwallye essential was the belief that only upon the performance of the ceremony could one come into one's own as a man of principles and establish ritual and proper etiquette.9 Regarding these ceremonies, the issues most often debated within the court were the proper age for the Crown Prince's gwallye and the proper order of performance of the chaegnye (冊禮: investiture ceremony), gwallye, and iphagnye. During the reign of King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469-1494) the proper age for the gwallye became a contentious issue, and during the reign of King Jeongjong (定宗, r. 1398-1400) and King Injo (仁祖, r. 1595-1649) the sequence between the gwallye and chaegnye was deliberated. During the reign of King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1659-1674) the proper age for the iphagnye and for the gwallye was debated.10 One reason for the frequent debate over the right age for these rites was that there were many instances in which the standard rule of age eight for the iphagnye and age twelve for the gwallye could not be met. For instance, Prince Haeyang (海陽大君, Haeyang Daegun, 1468-1469), who was to reign as King Yejong (睿宗, r. 1468-1469) underwent the iphagnye in the twelfth month of 1457, just ten days after he was invested with the title of seja, and his gwallye only about a month before his chaegnye. In other words, the daegun (大君: royal prince other than the seja) had the three ceremonies of chaegnye, iphagnye, and gwallye all within the same year; so did Sohyeon Seja (昭顯世子, 1612-1645). On the other hand, in the case of Sunhoe Seja (順懷世子, 1551-1563), the ceremonies were performed in the following unusual order: chaegnye, garye, gwallye, and iphagnye. Different again was the case of King Hyeonjong, who entered the Seonggyun-gwan one year after he had undergone all the ceremonies of chaegnye, gwallye, and garye in the third year (1651) of King Hyojong (孝宗, r. 1649-1659) (see Table 2). ( Table 2 ) Chaegnye, iphagnye, and gwallye undergone by the kings of the Joseon dynasty 11 Name as king with dates of birth and death (reign years) Chaegnye (Investiture Ceremony) with age; year/month/day (AD) Iphagnye (Commencement of Learning) with age; year/month/day (AD) Gwallye (Coming-of-age Ceremony) with age; year/month/day (AD) Garye (Royal Nuptials) with age; year/month/day (AD) Enthronement with age; year/month/day (AD) Taejo 太祖, 1335-1398 (r. 1392-1398) Age 58; Taejo 1/?/? (1392) Jeongjong 定宗, 1357-1419 (r. 1398-1400) Age 42; Taejo 7/8/? (1398) Age 42; Taejo 7/9/? (1398) Taejong 太宗, 1367-1422 (r. 1400-1418) Age 34; Jeongjong 2/?/? (1400) as seje Age 34; Jeongjong 2/?/? (1400) Prince Yangnyeong 讓寧大君, 1394-1462 Age 11; Taejong 4/8/? (1404) Age 10; Taejong 3/8/4 (1403) Sejong 世宗, 1397-1450 (r. 1418-1450) Age 22; Taejong 18/4/? (1418) Age 12; Taejong 8/?/? (1408) Age 22; Taejong 18/8/11 (1418) Munjong 文宗, 1414-1452 (r. 1450-1452) Age 8; Sejong 3/10/27 (1421) Age 8; Sejong 3/12/25 (1421) Age 24; Sejong 19/?/? (1437) Age 37; Sejong 32/2/23 (1450) Danjong 端宗, 1441-1457 (r. 1452-1455) Age 8; Sejong 30/04/? (1448) Age 8; Sejong 30/9/1 (1448) Age 14; Danjong 2/?/? (1454) Age 12; Munjong 5/18/? (1452) Sejo 世袓, 1417-1468 (r. 1455-1468) Age 12; Sejong 10/?/? (1428) Age 39; Danjong 3/intercalary 6/? (1455) Prince Uigyeong 懿敬世子, 1438-1457 Age 18; Sejo 1/intercalary 7/26 (1455) Age 16; Danjong 1/4/? (1453) Deokjong (德宗, posthumous title) Yejong 睿宗, 1450-1469 (r. 1468-1469) Age 8; Sejo 3/12/15 (1457) Age 8; Sejo 3/12/24 (1457) Age 8; Sejo 3/11/07 (1457) Age 11; Sejo 6/?/? (1460) Age 19; Sejo 14/9/07 (1468) Seongjong 成宗, 1457-1494 (r. 1470-1494) Age 13; Yejong 1/11/28 (1469) Yeonsan-gun 燕山君, 1476-1506 (r. 1495-1506) Age 8; Seongjong 14/02/? (1483) Age 12; Seongjong 18/2/? (1487) Age 19; Seongjong 25/12/24 (1494) Jungjong 中宗, 1488-1544 (r. 1506-1544) Age 18; Yeonsan-gun 12/9/2 (1506) Injong 仁宗, 1515-1545 (r. 1544-1545) Age 6; Jungjong 15/4/? (1520) Age 8; Jungjong 17/10/25 (1522) Age 8; Jungjong 17/10/19 (1522) Age 10; Jungjong 19/?/? (1524) Age 30; Jungjong 39/1/1 (1544) Myeongjong 明宗, 1534-1567 (r. 1545-1567) Age 12; Injong 1/7/6 (1545) Prince Sunhoe 順懷世子, 1551-1563 Age 7; Myeongjong 12/8/? (1557) Age 10; Myeongjong 15/9/12 (1560) Age 10; Myeongjong 15/08/29 (1560) Age 10; Myeongjong 15/7/20 (1560) Seonjo 宣祖, 1552-1608 (r. 1567-1607) Jungjong's 7th son's 3rd son Age 18; Seonjo 2/12/29 (1569) Age 16; Myeongjong 22/7/3 (1567) Gwanghaegun 光海君, 1575-164 (r. 1609-1623) Age 18; Seonjo 25/8/? (1592) Age 23; Seonjo 30/4/? (1597) Age 34; Seonjo 41/2/2 (1608) Injo 仁祖, 1595-1649 (r. 1623-1649) Age 16; Gwanghaegun 2/5/11 (1610) as Wonjong (元宗, 1580-1619)'s wonja Age 16; Gwanghaegun 2/5/6 (1610) Age 13; Seonjo 39/?/? (1606) Age 15; Gwanghaegun 1/?/? (1609) Age 28; Gwanghaegun 15/3/14 (1623) Sohyeon Seja 昭顯世子, 1612-1645 Age 14; Injo 3/1/27 (1625) Age 14; Injo 3/10/17 (1625) Age 14; Injo 3/1/21 (1625) Age 16; Injo 5/?/? (1627) Hyojong 孝宗, 1619-1659 (r. 1649-1659) Age 27; Injo 23/9/27 (1645) Age 27; Injo 23/10/12 (1645) Age 27; Injo 23/09/27 (1645) Age 31; Injo 27/5/13 (1649) Hyeonjong 顯宗, 1641-1674 (r. 1659-1674) Age 9; Injo 27/10/21 (1649) as seson Age 11; Hyojong 2/8/28 (1651) as seja Age 12; Hyojong 3/4/12 (1652) Age 11; Hyojong 2/8/9 (1651) Age 11; Hyojong 2/8/28 (1651) Age 19; Hyojong 10/5/09 (1659) Sukjong 肅宗, 1661-1720 (r. 1674-1720) Age 7; Hyeonjong 8/1/22 (1667) Age 9; Hyeonjong 10/8/25 (1669) Age 10; Hyeonjong 11/3/? (1670) Age 11; Hyeonjong 12/3/22 (1671) Age 14; Hyeonjong 15/8/23 (1674) Gyeongjong 景宗, 1688-1724 (r. 1720-1724) Age 3; Sukjong 16/6/16 (1690) Age 8; Sukjong 21/3/12 (1695) Age 8; Sukjong 21/4/18 (1695) Age 9; Sukjong 22/5/19 (1696) Age 33; Sukjong 46/6/13 (1720) Yeongjo 英祖, 1694-1776 (r. 1724-1776) Age 28; Gyeongjong 1/9/26 (1721) as seje Age 29; Gyeongjong 2/9/18 (1722) Age 11; Sukjong 30?/? (1704) Age 11; Sukjong 30/?/? (1704) Age 31; Gyeongjong 4/8/30 (1724) Hyojang Seja 孝章世子, 1719-1728 Age 7; Yeongjo 1/3/20 (1725) as Yeongjo's wonja Age 9; Yeongjo 3/3/19 (1727) Age 9; Yeongjo 3/9/09 (1727) Age 9; Yeongjo 3/9/29 (1727) King Jinjong (眞宗, posthumous title) Jangheon Seja 莊獻世子, 1735-1762 Age 2; Yeongjo 12/ 3/15 (1736) as Yeongjo's 2nd son Age 8; Yeongjo 18/3/26 (1742) Age 8; Yeongjo 18/3/17 (1742) Age 10; Yeongjo 20/?/? (1744) King Jangjo (莊祖, posthumous title) Jeongjo 正祖, 1752-1800 (r. 1776-1800) Age 8; Yeongjo 35/intercalary 6/22 (1759) as seson Age 10; Yeongjo 37/3/10 (1761) Age 10; Yeongjo 37/3/18 (1761) Age 11; Yeongjo 38/?/? (1762) Age 25; Yeongjo 52/3/10 (1776) Munhyo Seja 文孝世子, 1782-1785 Age 3; Jeongjo 8/8/02 (1784) as Jeongjo's wonja Sunjo 純祖, 1790-1834 (r. 1800-1834) Age 11; Jeongjo 24/2/2 (1800) performed later Age 11; Jeongjo 24/2/2 (1800) performed first Age 13; Sunjo 2/?/? (1802) Age 11; Jeongjo 24/7/04 (1800) Hyomyeong Seja 孝明世子, 1809-1830 Age 4; Sunjo 12/?/? (1812) as Sunjo's wonja Age 9; Sunjo 1 Age 11; Sunjo 19/3/? (1819) Age 11; Sunjo 19/10/? (1819) King Ikjong (翼宗, posthumous title) Heonjong 憲宗, 1827-1849 (r. 1835-1849) Age 4; Sunjo 30/9/15 (1830) as seson Age 8; Sunjo 34/?/? (1834) Age 11; Heonjong 3/?/? (1837) Age 8; Sunjo 34/11/18 (1834) Cheoljong 哲宗, 1831-1863 (r. 1849-1863) Age 19; Heonjong 15/?/? (1849) Age 21; Cheoljong 2/?/? (1851) Age 19; Heonjong 15/6/9 (1849) Gojong 高宗, 1852-1919 (r. 1863-1907) Age 12; Cheoljong 14/?/? (1863) Age 15; Cheoljong 17/?/? (1866) Age 12; Cheoljong 14/?/? (1863) Sunjong 純宗, 1874-1926 (r. 1907-1910) Age 2; Gojong 12/2/18 (1875) Age 9; Gojong 19/1/10 (1882) Age 9; Gojong 19/1/20 (1882) Age 9; Gojong 19/2/21 (1882) Age 33; Gwanghui 1/?/? (1907) King Jeongjo, based on the precedent set in 1651, tried to introduce an efficient way of implementing the ceremonies for the chaegnye, gwallye, and garye of Crown Prince Sunjo. First of all, Jeongjo created the office of superintendency (都監, dogam) of gwallye, and united it with the existing superintendency of chaegnye.12 Moreover, arguing that it was “to relieve the burden of his descendants,” Jeongjo worked toward reducing expenses and bringing efficiency and simplicity to the elaborate rituals by holding the chaegnye, gwallye, and garye all at the same time. In fact, King Jeongjo held Sunjo's chaegnye and gwallye on the second day of the second month (1800) with plans to hold Sunjo's garye in the twelfth month. However, Jeongjo was unable to carry out his plans in full due to his own unexpected death in the sixth month of that year. Of note in this regard are Hyojang Seja (孝章世子) and Sunjong, who had the iphagnye, gwallye, and garye all in the same year, during the reigns of King Yeongjo (1727) and King Gojong (1882), respectively. As seen above, the age for being appointed seja, Heir Apparent, differed from case to case. In some cases, a prince would be enthroned as daegun before having been bestowed the formal title of wangseja, Crown Prince. In short, there was no fixed order or age for holding a wangseja's initiation ceremonies. Rather, until the time of King Hyojong, each case was sufficiently different from one another to the extent that any consistency in the order of the performance of ceremonies was not readily apparent. However, from the time of his successor King Hyeonjong, the sequence of first chaegnye, then iphagnye, followed by gwallye, and finally garye, became the norm. That is, after the mid-seventeenth century, from the time when the future King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674-1720) was the seja, this sequence of performance became the customary practice within the Joseon court. 03 THE EDUCATION OF THE CROWN PRINCE AND THE IPHAGNYE The Sigang-won had exclusive institutional responsibility for the education of the wangseja. The seja of the Joseon dynasty, upon being invested with that title, underwent the state ceremony of iphak or commencement of learning at the Seonggyun-gwan in accordance with the code of the iphagnye as stipulated in the Gukjo oryeui (國朝五禮儀: Book on the Five Rites of State).13 From the time of being designated as the eldest son, the wangseja would have studied Chinese characters and have had formal meetings with his tutor. He would also have read the Chinese classics in formal court lessons. The wangseja's entrance to the Seonggyun-gwan was a symbolic ritual showing his loyalty to the study of the Confucian ethics in order to realize, as the heir apparent responsible for preserving the foundation of the state, the political ideals of Confucianism. King Taejong (太宗, r. 1400-1418) was the first to preside over the iphagnye. In 1402, by his edict, a hakgung (學宮: special hall for royal study) was completed inside the Seonggyun-gwan.14 The following year, Taejong had the iphagnye for his first son, Prince Yangnyeong (讓寧大君), performed at the newly-built hakgung. The first to undergo the iphagnye as Crown Prince was Munjong (文宗, r. 1450-1452). King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418-1450) invested the title of seja on Munjong in the tenth month of 1421 and held the iphagnye two months later. At that time, Sejong also legislated the Chaekbong-uiju (冊封儀註: Investiture Protocol) and the Gwanuiju (冠儀註: Notes on the Gwallye Protocol). Therefore, although the iphagnye was introduced during the reign of King Taejong, the formal implementation of the ceremony for the seja took place during the reign of King Sejong. The customary age for the iphagnye was eight, when one began the study of the Sohak (小學: Elementary Learning). However, it was often impossible to adhere to this standard age. In fact, there were only six kings who commenced learning at the age of eight: Munjong, Danjong (端宗, r. 1452-1455), Yejong, Injong (仁宗, r. 1544-1545), Gyeongjong (景宗, r. 1720-1724), and Jangjo (莊祖, also known as Sado Seja [思悼世子]). Some princes were already older than eight when they were appointed seja, and others, who acceded to the title of wangseja as a daegun, seje (世弟: the seja's oldest younger brother), or seson (世孫: eldest son of the seja), typically had their iphagnye when they were older than eight. In some cases, circumstances did not allow for the ceremony at all. During the iphagnye, a baksa (博士: academic counselor) would be temporarily appointed to guide the wangseja. The baksa was usually a senior tutor of the seja, selected among the current daejehak (大提學: academic director).15 The iphagnye whereby the wangseja entered the Seonggyun-gwan as a student was more a symbolic rite, while his actual education took place at the seoyeon under the auspices of the Sigang-won. The educational format of the Sigang-won included the daily routine of beopgang (法講: formal lectures held three times a day), in addition to formal court lessons sodae (召對: special lectures) and yadae (夜對: evening lectures), which were not constrained by time or frequency. Among the lectures, yadae were, just like sodae, provided only by special order of the king. During the yadae, the senior/junior tutors of the day and one official of the Seja igwisa (世子翊衛司: Guard Office of Crown Prince, hereafter “Igwisa”) were present in black official uniform (時服, sibok). At the end of the yadae, royal wine was given to the seoyeon officials who had participated in the evening lecture. The hoegang took place twice a month. In the late Joseon period, it was held on the second and sixteenth days of each month once the seja had reached the age of eleven.16 It took place only at the seoyeon, where the seja had to show what he had learned in front of his teachers and the entire officials of the Sigang-won and the Guard Office. Beyond this intent of academic review, the hoegang was also considered an essential means for cultivating the proper code of conduct for convening and closing the formal lessons, as well as for cultivating the proper ritual of bowing (揖, eup) and humility. Moreover, the hoegang also aimed at developing the seja's respect for his teachers and elders.17 III THE CHAEKBONGNYE AND THE MUNHYOSEJA CHAEGNYE GYEBYEONG Among the extant documentary paintings today, the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong (1784) is the earliest work to show the donggung uirye (Plates 1-1 and 1-2). There is no known earlier court ceremonial painting produced by the Sigang-won. The Simindangdocheop (時敏堂圖帖: Painting Album of Simindang) related to Yi Don (李焞, King Sukjong, r. 1674-1720) 's gwallye was produced in 1670, but this album is more an illustrated manual than a documentary painting intended for the realistic reproduction of a court function.18 There are also extant today the Wangseja chaegnyedogam gyebyeong (王世子冊禮都監契屛: Folding Screen Commissioned by the Superintendency of the Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony) (Plate 2), painted when Gyeongjong was invested with the title of wangseja at the age of three in 1690), and the Wangseja chaegnye gyebyeong (王世子冊禮契屛: Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony) of 1800. The former was, however produced by the Chaegnyedogam and the latter by the Seonjeon gwancheong. Their subjects – landscapes and the Yojiyeon (瑤池宴) or banquet of the Queen Mother of the West – have no relevance to the court ceremonies referred to in their titles.19 ( Plate 1-1 ) Chaekbongdo, 1st scene of the Folding Screen of Munhyo Seja's Investiture Ceremony Anonymous, 1784 Eight-fold screen painting, colors on silk H: 110.0 cm, W: 421.0 cm (overall) Seoul National University Museum ( Plate 1-2 ) Suchaekdo, 2nd scene of the Folding Screen of Munhyo Seja's Investiture Ceremony ( Plate 2 ) Detail of the Folding Screen Commissioned by the Superintendency of the Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony Anonymous, 1690 Eight-fold screen painting, colors on silk H: 116.0 cm, W: 53.0 cm (each panel) Private collection The Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is an eight-fold screen painting of the investiture ceremony of Munhyo Seja, the son of King Jeongjo and Lady Seong (宜嬪 成氏, Uibin Seongssi, ?-1786), held on the second day of the eighth month, 1784.20 Munhyo Seja, born on the 7th day of the ninth month of the sixth year of King Jeongjo (1782), was the first-born son of King Jeongjo21 and was officially designated as the wonja or eldest son on the 27th day of the eleventh month of that year.22 Invested as the wangseja when he was three years old, Munhyo Seja died just one week after contracting measles in the fifth month of 1785.23 The first panel of the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong contains the preface. The second through fourth panels contain the scene of the Crown Prince's investiture ceremony held at Injeongjeon (仁政殿: the Royal Audience Chamber) of Changdeokgung (昌德宮: palace built in 1405). The fifth, sixth, and seventh panels contain the scene of the investiture. The last panel lists the government officials related to the ceremony leaving no doubt that the folding screen painting was commissioned by the Sigang-won.24 The twenty-five officials included seven with the rank of bodeok, three of pilseon, five of munhak, four of saseo, and six of seolseo. The list contains more names than the actual number of officials at the Sigang-won as it also includes the names of former officials in addition to the ten officials then in post. It should be noted that the work of Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is an example of a folding screen commissioned by mid-level officials including bodeok, who were the ones actually responsible for the daily lectures for the seja. In the light of King Jeongjo's decision, mentioned above, to elevate the status of bodeok and gyeombodeok at the Sigang-won to the fifth-rank dangsanggwan in connection with the investiture of Munhyo Seja, the making of this folding screen was most likely triggered by the newly-elevated status of these officials of the Sigang-won. The fact that all former and current officials related with the ceremony are listed also strongly supports this theory concerning the circumstances behind the project. The regulations for the entire process of the investiture of the wangseja involved a total of nine ceremonies.25 Among these, the most significant was the second ceremony, seonchaek (宣冊: proclamation of the investiture) that proceeded in two phases: the reading of gyomyeong (敎命: royal decree) to appoint the wangseja at the royal court and the latter's receiving of the gyomyeong at the Donggung (東宮: Palace of the Crown Prince).26 The Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is a work depicting these two ceremonies (Plate 1-1). Upon announcement of the gyomyeong, the messenger on behalf of the king escorts the chaeyeo (彩輿: royal carriage used to carry valuable royal items) containing the gyomyeong, the jukchaek (竹冊: investiture book), and the ogin (玉印: royal jade seal) and delivers them to the wangseja who is waiting at the Junghuidang (重熙堂) in Changdeokgung. The second panel depicts the wangseja receiving the gyomyeong, the jukchaek, and the ogin in Junghuidang (Plate 1-2). Junghuidang was constructed as part of the Donggung in the 1782, the year that Munhyo was born. Inside the Junghuidang, there is a place prepared for the wangseja to receive the gyomyeong, the jukchaek, and the ogin as seen in the painting. Positioned around it are various officials from the Tongnyewon (通禮院: Office of Ritual Affairs), the Sigang-won, and the Igwisa (翊衛司: Guard Office of Crown Prince) to ensure that the ceremony involving the three-year old seja proceeded smoothly. Thus, the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is a faithful rendition of the most important ceremonial moments in the investiture ceremony. Again, the significant aspects of the folding screen painting are that it was supervised by the officials of the Sigang-won and that it reflects King Jeongjo's policy to elevate the status of that office. This screen greatly influenced subsequent works of the same genre by providing the basic model in style and composition as reflected in the two later versions of the Wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong (王世子痘候平復陳賀契屛: Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Crown Prince's Recovery from Smallpox) (Plate 3) from the nineteenth century.27 To celebrate Sunjong's recovery from smallpox in 1879, military officials at the Owidochongbu (五衛都摠府: Five Military Commands Headquarters) and its Wijangso (衛將所: Office of Palace Gatekeepers) commissioned these folding screens, which were not depictions of the ceremony itself, but borrowed images from the folding screen made during the reign of King Jeongjo. ( Plate 3 ) Detail of the Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Crown Prince's Recovery from Smallpox; Anonymous, 1879; Ten-fold screen, colors on silk; H: 133.8 cm, W: 42.0 cm (each panel); National Palace Museum of Korea IV THE IPHAGNYE, THE WANGSEJA IPHAKDOCHEOP, AND THE HOEGANG BANCHADOCHEOP 01 WANGSEJA IPHAKDOCHEOP - CONTENTS AND STYLE 1) Background The Wangseja iphakdocheop is a gyecheop (契帖: commemorative painting album for the participants of a ceremony) produced by the officials of the Sigang-won to commemorate the iphagnye held in 1816 to mark Crown Prince Hyomyeong's entrance to the Seonggyun-gwan. This album contains the uiju (儀註: ritual protocol) which is composed of six sequential phases: chulgung-ui (出宮儀: the rite of departure from the palace); jakheonui (酌獻儀: libation rite at the ancestral altar); iphagui (入學儀: the rite of commencement of learning) including wangbogui (往復儀: the rite of formal request for instruction); supyeui (脩幣儀: the rite of offering gifts); and suhaui (受賀儀: the rite of receiving congratulations).28 The album also contains six pictures illustrating the different phases of the ceremony. In the last part of the album, there is a collection of poems written by each of thirteen officials from the Sigang-won, offering felicitations on the occasion of the iphagnye.29 The last leaf contains an epilogue by Nam Gongcheol (南公轍, 1760-1840), who served during the ceremony as a former daejehak. Jwa-uijeong (左議政: Second State Councilor) Han Yonggui (韓龍龜, 1747-1828), who also held the title of bu, first proposed the iphagnye for Hyomyeong Seja when he turned eight years old in the sixth, lunar leap month, of 1816.30 However, in accordance with King Sunjo's directive, his iphagnye was postponed to the following year. On New Year's Day in 1817, the jwa-uijeong and u-uijeong Gim Samok (金思穆, 1740-1829) reintroduced the proposal for the seja's iphagnye, and discussions on an auspicious date and ceremony proceedings were held.31 The iphagnye in the end was held on the eleventh day of the third month, from 11 am to 3 pm.32 Before the actual ceremony, a preliminary rehearsal was held on the sixth day of the third month, followed by a final rehearsal on the tenth day, on the eve of the ceremony. Nam Gongcheol's epilogue indicates that the officials of the Sigang-won, although they had completed their duties as palace officials following the completion of the iphagnye, had decided to leave a pictorial record of this splendid event for posterity in a form of painting album. Along with the epilogue, Nam Gongcheol wrote a verse in the format of o-eon-yulsi (五言律詩: five-syllable quatrain) and instructed each official to compose another in the same format. The idea of replicating the entire iphagnye in six scenes - from the departure procession at the Donggung, to the iphagnye at the Seonggyun-gwan, and the congratulatory ceremony by government officials of all ranks - was conceived in the minds of the officials of the Sigang-won, the planners of this painting album. The illustrated scenes of the ceremony accurately reflect the ritual protocol and complement the text. 2) The First Scene: Chulgungdo (出宮圖: Departure from the Palace) The first painting illustrates Hyomyeong Seja's procession (in which the order of each official's position is exactly arranged according to his rank) as it leaves the palace toward the Munmyo (文廟: National Confucian Shrine), the location of the iphagnye (Plate 4-1). The procedure for Hyomyeong Seja's departure and return to the palace followed the protocol used in King Jeongjo's iphagnye in 1761.33 Riding in yeo (輿: royal sedan chair), Hyomyeong Seja departs from his residence in the Donggung, exits Junghwamun (重華門: gate in Deoksugung), passes by Igeukmun (貳極門), and arrives at Honghwamun (弘化門: the main gate of Changgyeonggung [昌慶宮: palace built in 1483]). Upon passing the Honghwamun, the seja changes from yeo to yeon (輦: royal palanquin), and arrives at the east gate of the Munmyo.34 ( Plate 4-1 ) Chulgungdo, 1st scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja Anonymous, 1817 Album leaves, colors on paper H: 33.8 cm; W: 45.2 cm (each scene) National Palace Museum of Korea Igeuk, literally “second highest” refers to the Heir Apparent and Igeukmun lies at the junction of the two Donggung areas, namely Changdeokgung with Junghuidang as its main building and Changgyeonggung where Simindang and the Sigang-won were located. Igeukmun burnt down during the reign of King Yeongjo, and King Jeongjo restored it in the eighth year of his reign (1784) to coincide with Munhyo Seja's chaekbongnye. The King even awarded the supervisor of the Igeukmun restoration project by including him in the list of those honored at Munhyo Seja's chaekbongnye.35 It was obviously one of the measures by King Jeongjo to reinforce the prestige of the wangseja in line with the construction of Junghuidang and the overall renovation of areas surrounding the Donggung. When compared with the Donggwoldo (東闕圖: Painting of the Eastern Palace) (Plate 5), it becomes clear how realistic in detail this painting, Chulgungdo is. In the painting, the wangseja's yeo has already passed through Junghwamun, which is located in the upper portion of the picture. The guard official ikchan (翊贊: guard of the eleventh rank in the Igwisa) carrying the royal seal (印, in) is about to exit Igeukmun located southwest of Junghwamun. Among the escorts of the wangseja leading the procession are two of the wangseja's bodyguards, seori (書吏: lower-ranking officials responsible for maintaining records) leading the inma (印馬: horse carrying the royal seal) and two gwoldalma (闕闥馬: saddled royal horse), through Igeukmun.36 Following these in the procession are various officials such as byeolgam ((別監: escort for the royal palanquin in royal procession) wearing jogeon (皂巾: black headdress), sabyeok (司辟: guard for seja) carrying an ojang (烏仗: black cane), chungchanwigwan (忠贊衛官: military officials) in sangbok (常服: regular uniform), and officials from the Sigang-won and the Igwisa wearing gibok (器服: military uniform). ( Plate 5 ) Detail of the Painting of the Eastern Palace, scene of Igeukmun Anonymous, 1828-1830 Sixteen album leaves, colors on silk H: 273.0 cm, W: 584.0 cm Korea University Museum In framing the scene, while adopting the traditional court painting style that places the King or Crown Prince near the top of the picture plane facing south, the painter discarded the simple symmetrical composition typical of paintings of royal processions in order to accentuate the immediacy of the seja's procession having passed through Igeukmun and arriving at Honghwamun located in the eastern section of the palace. Despite being the procession's main subject, the wangseja is depicted on a relatively small scale in the upper portion of the scene. This style was in fact first adopted in the late eighteenth century in Hwaneohaengnyeoldo (還御行列圖: Royal Procession of Returning to the Palace) from Hwaseong neunghaengdobyeong (華城陵幸圖屛: Screen Painting of King Jeongjo's Visit to His Father's Tomb, Hwaseong) (Plate 6). These compositional changes are clearly discernible when compared with earlier processional paintings like Eocheopbong-ando (御帖奉安圖: Procession for Enshrinement of King's Autograph Album) from Gisa gyecheop (耆社契帖: Album Commemorating King Sukjong's Initiation Ceremony to Office of the Elders), completed in 1720 (Plate 7). ( Plate 6 ) Royal Procession of Returning to the Palace, 7th scene of the Screen Painting of King Jeongjo's Visit to His Father's Tomb, Hwaseong Gim Deuksin, Lee Inmun, Choe Deukhyeon, Yi Myeonggyu, Jang Hanjong, Yun Seokgeun, Heo Sik, 1795-1796 Eight-fold screen, colors on silk H: 163.7 cm, W: 53.2 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art ( Plate 7 ) Procession for Enshrinement of King's Autograph Album, 1st scene of Painting Album Commemorating King Sukjong's Initiation Ceremony to Office of the Elders Gim Jinnyeo, Jang Taeheung, Pak Dongbo, Jang Deukman, Heo Suk, 1719-1720 Album leaf, colors on silk H: 43.9 cm, W: 67.6 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art 3) The Second Scene: Jakheondo (酌獻圖: Libation at the Ancestral Altar) The second scene depicts the wangseja's ritual offering of a libation in front of the ancestral tablet of Confucius at the Daeseongjeon (大聖殿: Hall of Confucius) in the Munmyo (Plate 4-2).37 After washing his hands, the wangseja walks up the eastern steps of the hall and, facing north, places a libation cup in front of the tablet of Confucius. The route of the wangseja is marked by a yellow line which cuts across the front wing of the shrine in the northeast quadrant of the canvas, and then takes a turn southward toward the designated position where the wangseja washes his hands, after which it connects with the designated position where the wangseja bows (marked by a yellow rectangle), and exits using the eastern stairs of the hall. ( Plate 4-2 ) Heonjakdo, 2nd scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja Inside the Daeseongjeon, officials holding incense burners, incense cases, and the libation cup are gathered in the center facing each other in front of the ancestral tablet of Confucius which is depicted by a white rectangle. Judging from the fact that the area where the wangseja makes his ceremonial libation is marked by a yellow rectangle, it may be assumed that this scene is a portrayal of the wangseja offering three bows while holding the incense, before lighting it. The white rectangles on the left and right inside the Daeseongjeon denote the memorial tablets of the four sages (四聖神位, saseongsinwi), while the yellow rectangles indicate the wangseja's position when offering the libation and bowing in front of the tablets of the four sages. The four men kneeling before the tablets of the four sages are a team of officials charged with the duty of assisting the wangseja. On the junso (尊所: offering table) on top of the platform with steps is a vessel filled with wine, and on top of the jonso for the hand-washing bowl are a ro (曇: jar) filled with water and a bi (篚: bamboo basket) for towels. The officials bearing the sanseon (繖扇: insignia) and the baewi (陪衛: escorts) wait outside the eastern gate, while students of the Seonggyun-gwan in their official blue uniforms (靑衿服: cheonggeumbok) stand inside the garden facing north. The three-storied Sinsammun (神三門), the main gate of the Daeseongjeon, is drawn on a large scale, and to its right is a building erected over the monument on which the history of the shrine is inscribed.38 The accuracy of the structures and locations of the buildings depicted in this painting can be confirmed by the Taehakji (太學志: Records of the National Confucian Academy), as well as in other paintings like Ban-gungdo (泮宮圖: Painting of the National Confucian Academy) and Taehak gyecheop (太學契帖: Painting Album of the National Confucian Academy), a work made in 1746.39 4) The Third Scene: Wangbokdo (往復圖: Formal Request for Instruction) The third, fourth, and fifth panels depict the central proceedings of the iphagnye as the wangseja formally seeks the approval of the academic counselor, baksa, to be accepted as his student, in the Myeongnyundang (明倫堂) of the Munmyo (Plate 4-3). Rather than compressing the entire iphagnye proceedings into one painting, the three scenes respectively depict in detail the following: the wangseja's wangbok (往復: formal request for instruction), seeking of approval of lessons from the baksa; supyeui, offering of gifts to the baksa; and iphak, the formal commencement of studies with the recitation and exposition of the classics.40 ( Plate 4-3 ) Wangbokdo, 3rd scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja Upon the completion of the libation before the memorial tablet of Confucius, the seja dons the official dress of a student and moves to the main gate (east of Myeongnyundang). The wangseja's pyeoncha (便次: temporary royal tent) and the palanquin are in place, while the wangseja's location as he awaits the baksa's approval is depicted as a yellow rectangle outside the main gate. The jangmyeongja (將命者: student messenger) goes back and forth between the wangseja, who is requesting to be accepted as a student, and the baksa, who is humbly declining the request claiming lack of virtue and knowledge. In the end, upon the wangseja's third request, the baksa approves. Judging from the positions of the baksa, who, dressed in an official red robe, stands facing west at the foot of the eastern steps, and of the official, who bears the gift, this painting captures the moment when the wangseja, upon learning of the baksa's approval, is about to enter through the East Main Gate. The route of the wangseja's movement from this point to Myeongnyundang, past the gate, and through the western staircase, is also marked here by a yellow line. 5) The Fourth Scene: Supyedo (脩幣圖: Offering of Gifts) This scene depicts the ceremony of offering gifts to the baksa. The wangseja offers the baksa a porcelain jug filled with 36 liters of wine, a vessel with five strips of dried beef, and three rolls of white ramie cloth (Plate 4-4). In front of the baksa at the stepped platform stand three officials in official red garb, each holding respectively a porcelain jug, a small dinner table, and a basket. The location where the wangseja is supposed to be is marked by a yellow rectangle, from which he will proceed to take his seat at the desk inside the Myeongnyundang and commence his lessons. ( Plate 4-4 ) Supyedo, 4th scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja 6) The Fifth Scene: Iphakdo (入學圖: Commencement of Learning) This scene depicts the wangseja receiving lessons from the baksa inside the Myeongnyundang (Plate 4-5). Having changed into a dark robe, the baksa sits facing the wangseja across a desk upon which is placed the textbook, Sohak.41 As in previous scenes, the figure of the wangseja is not actually portrayed. Instead, his presence is implied, once again, by a yellow rectangle. Since Sohyeon Seja's iphagnye in the third year of King Injo (1625), it became customary, despite the royal status of the wangseja, not to place the desk in front of him, in accordance with the regulations governing the relationship between a teacher and a student.42 The iphagnye concluded with the baksa reading the epigraph from the Sohak, the wangseja repeating after the baksa, and the baksa explaining the text. ( Plate 4-5 ) Iphakdo, 5th scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja 7) The Sixth Scene: Suhado (受賀圖: Receiving Congratulations) On the 12th day of the third month, the day after the iphagnye, King Sunjo received a jinharye (陳賀禮: rite of congratulations) at Injeongjeon from all his palace officials.43 On the same day, a separate jinharye was held in an abbreviated form to honor the wangseja. This relatively simple ceremony was attended by bodeok Seo Jeongbo (徐鼎輔, 1762-?) and eight officials of the Sigang-won.44 However, the painting album contains both a written record and a painting of the wangseja receiving a full formal congratulatory ceremony from all the palace officials (Plate 4-6). Therefore, this sixth and final scene stands contrary to the actual proceedings. ( Plate 4-6 ) Suhado, 6th scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja The venue for the abbreviated ceremony was the Seongjeonggak (誠正閣), near the Junghuidang. The Seongjeonggak was the traditional venue for the wangseja's formal court lessons before the Gwanmulheon (觀物軒) came to replace it in 1813.45 8) Artistic Characteristics The Wangseja iphakdocheop is a distinctive work of art that chronicles the proceedings of court ceremony and faithfully conveys the proceedings through a visual medium. The work is a good example of a court documentary painting in which annotations and pictures complement each other, but this division of the whole ceremony into stages and depicting each in turn is a style adopted more widely in the saga girokhwa (士家記錄畵: documentary painting of the gentry) of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century.46 Considering that most nineteenth-century court documentary paintings are folding screen paintings of formal palace banquets such as jinchan (進宴: formal royal banquets of medium scale), jinnyeon (進宴: formal royal banquets of large scale), and jinharye, the Wangseja iphakdocheop stands out as being quite unprecedented in both form and content. The depiction of the buildings in the background reflects well the features of the actual buildings, and the shape and distribution of the instruments used in the ceremony are also quite easily discernible. The physical features of the figures in the paintings are very similar to those of the figures in Wonhaeng eulmyo jeongniuigwe (園幸乙卯整理儀軌: Book of Court Rites on the Royal Visit to Prince Sado's Tomb). Traces of Gim Hongdo's distinct style can be seen in the round shape of the faces, the depictions of ears, eyes, mouths, and noses, and the clearly defined profiles of the figures. The natural depiction of the bowing figures is a style that emerges only in the second half of the eighteenth century. In addition to the copy of the Wangseja iphakdocheop used for this study, which is presently housed in the National Palace Museum of Korea, other similar copies of the album are kept in the National Library of Korea, Yonsei University Museum, Korea University Museum, and Kyungnam University Museum. Each of the thirteen officials of the Sigang-won who had written verses on the painting album would have received a copy for himself. Taking into account the copy to be kept at the Sigang-won and the copy for the palace quarters, it is likely that a total of at least fifteen copies were produced. The copies extant today vary from one another in detail and in the draft compositions. However, in the technique of mounting the pictures into an album, the style of depiction of the figures, buildings, flowers, and trees, and in the color selections, they all share a certain level of commonality and an artistic style of a particular period. At the same time, the copy presently kept in the National Palace Museum of Korea is the best version in terms of the precise representation of the ritual protocol, clear composition, and meticulous attention to detail. It was most likely produced either to be kept at the Sigang-won or displayed inside the palace quarters.47 02 THE HOEGANG BANCHADOCHEOP The Hoegang banchadocheop is a painting album housed at the Gyujanggak and consists of five pictures without any annotation. The word hoegang in the title offers the primary clue in ascertaining the subject matter of this painting album. Indeed, as the album fits with the ritual protocol of hoegang, its theme and content can therefore be argued to be the twice-monthly review sessions in the education of the wangseja. The word banchado (班次圖: painting of royal procession) in the title also indicates that the primary purpose of this album is to portray and to record the proceedings of the ritual protocol in the proper order rather than to convey artistic qualities. In the paintings themselves one can assess the purpose and the intended use of this painting album. The first scene depicts the seupgang (Plate 8-1) or meeting preceding hoegang, in which the seoyeon official of the day and officials of the Seonggyun-gwan confirm ahead of time the contents of the lecture for the wangseja. It generally took place about half an hour before the start of hoegang outside the entrance of the seoyeon. The scene depicts the seoyeon official reading before the sa and bu teachers the contents of the lesson for the wangseja inside a tent pitched outside the main entrance. Other figures depicted are officials of the Sigang-won and the Guard Office. ( Plate 8-1 ) 1st scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session Anonymous, the 19th century Album, colors on paper H: 41.0 cm, W: 66.4 cm Gyujanggak From the second scene onwards the entire proceedings of hoegang are depicted in sequence (Plate 8-2).48 The empty chair located in the eastern section of the hall signifies the Crown Prince's seat. The third scene depicts the latter waiting to greet his teachers (Plate 8-3). The protocol called for the wangseja to wait below the steps and escort the sa and bu teachers inside and offer first exchange of ritual bows.49 The two teachers are depicted facing the yellow rectangle denoting the wangseja's seat below the western steps. The path along which the Crown Prince should go in and out of the hall is depicted by a yellow line in the style of the Wangseja iphakdocheop. ( Plate 8-2 ) 2nd scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session ( Plate 8-3 ) 3rd scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session The fourth scene features the wangseja inside the hall bowing once again to his teachers and four bin-gaek (賓客: officials invited to teach), and receiving reciprocal bows (Plate 8-4). Officials of the Sigang-won below the rank of bodeok remain standing in a row outside in the garden. Once the seja, his sa and bu teachers, and the four bin-gaek are seated around the desk, officials of the Sigang-won enter the hall and seat themselves according to rank by the eastern wall while officials of the Guard Office stand to the east and west of the stone steps outside. The wangseja would typically first recite and translate into Korean the lessons from the previous day, after which his teachers would start the lesson. The fifth leaf depicts this scene (Plate 8-5). In terms of the order of the lesson, the teacher would read from the text selected for the day and the wangseja would repeat it after him. Afterwards, the teacher would explain the text and the wangseja would follow with his own interpretation. The lesson would conclude with the wangseja reading and interpreting the text once more.50 ( Plate 8-4 ) 4th scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session ( Plate 8-5 ) 5th scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session The Hoegang banchadocheop is similar to the Wangseja iphakdocheop in its visual depiction of the proceedings of the ceremony and repeated use of the same backdrop. The style of the figures, in particular their profiles, the method of depicting the building steps, eaves, and the hanging tablets, the shape and folds of the tent, the yellow and pinkish clouds, and the overall color of the painting are all very similar to the Wangseja iphakdocheop.51 Therefore, the two albums are close in date. However, in terms of accurately representing the ritual protocol and realistically recreating the ceremony, it falls short of the latter. In short, this album does not seem to have been created to commemorate a particular hoegang of a particular wangseja. Rather, it seems to have been created to familiarize the Crown Prince with the proceedings of hoegang through visual representation. In effect, this painting album was intended to be a sort of practical chart rather than a commemorative painting. V THE GWALLYE AND THE SUGYODOCHEOP 01 THE SUGYODOCHEOP: CONTENTS AND STYLE 1) History of the Sugyodocheop and the Simindangdocheop The Sugyodocheop is a painting album consisting of thirteen pictures without any annotation. The front cover is made of light green silk with peony scrolls, and in the upper-left corner the title Sugyodo (受敎圖: Picture of Receiving the Royal Edict) is neatly written in regular script style. The pictures in the album exhibit a high degree of artistic quality with their neat and clear compositions as well as vivid and elaborate drawing and colors. However, the absence of any inscriptions (other than the one on the cover) has long been an impediment to ascertaining this album's subject matter and intended purpose. To state the conclusion first, this painting album depicts the gwallye of the Crown Prince. Assuming that the title on the cover was relevant, the author looked up state ceremonies in the Gukjo oryeui that involved a male individual at the center and that required the king's edict. Upon review, the subject matter of the album could be narrowed down to the chaegnye or the gwallye, of which the latter clearly is better matched with the details of the album. The section, Wangsejagwanui (王世子冠儀: Crown Prince's Gwallye Protocol) under the chapter Garye in the Gukjo oryeui, stipulates the five rites in the entire gwallye for the seja.52 They consisted of visiting the ancestral shrine of the royal family, presentation of the king's edict to the bin (賓: representative of the guests) and chan (贊: representative of the state officials) at the royal audience chamber, putting on the seja's ceremonial headdress in the Donggung, hoebin-gaegnye (會賓客禮: rite of receiving bin-gaek), and joallye (朝謁禮: paying respects to the king). Another painting album that is strongly evocative of the Sugyodocheop is the Simindangdocheop. This album depicts the gwallye of Yi Don at age ten (Plates 9-1 and 9-2). The fifteen annotated pictures of the painting album resemble a pictorial reference book with schematic illustrations of ritual protocol presented in sequence. Excluding decorative and artistic depictions, the album focuses on visually conveying ritual protocol through simple sketches of only the contours of the buildings while the position and directions of the figures as well as the arrangement of furniture and instruments are explained in words. The fact that this painting album contains a list of the names of thirty five participants, including the central figure, the wangseja, and officials from the Sigang-won and the Guard Office, indicates that if was from the beginning intended as a gyecheop. ( Plate 9-1 ) 2nd scene of the Painting Album of Simindang Anonymous, 1670 Album, ink on paper H: 38.8 cm, W: 30.3 cm Jangseogak ( Plate 9-2 ) 10th scene of the Painting Album of Simindang The view that this painting album was made as a gyecheop after the completion of a particular ceremony is further supported by the following attributes: the locations and routes of the officials of the Sigang-won and the Guard Office are clearly defined; the names on the list of the seating arrangement are composed of the names of the officials of these institutions; and, finally, the name of the regular venue for congratulatory ceremonies, Seonjeongjeon (宣政殿: less-formal royal council hall in Changdeokgung), is listed as the title of the last scene. More importantly, this album is perhaps the only extant example of an illustrated manual containing no pictorial depictions of the participants, who are just referred to in words alone. This is the most distinct feature of this album and one that raises questions about its background and even whether it is in fact a completed piece of work.53 A banchado chronicling in words only the seating arrangement by rank like the Simindangdocheop was first made by Jeong Gyeongse (鄭經世, 1563-1633) in the third year of King Injo (1625) on the occasion of the gwallye of Crown Prince Sohyeon. According to custom the ritual protocol of the Gukjo oryeui was presented before the wangseja in advance of his gwallye. Jeong included this presentation for the young prince who may have had questions due to the complex language and details of the protocol. Jeong divided the ceremonial proceedings into seventeen stages, created a pictorial diagram for each stage and presented them to the wangseja for a successful ceremony held in accordance with protocol.54 This is an example of a gwallye in annotated pictorial form that served a very useful role as a visual aid. What is of particular note in this instance is that Jeong Gyeongse omitted the two stages at which the prince would not be in attendance, namely the myeongbinchan (命賓贊: the rite of ordering the bin and chan to perform the gwallye) and the hoebinchan (會賓贊: the rite of holding a celebratory banquet). In the end, Jeong's fifteen-part manual perfectly fits with the composition of the Simindangdocheop, excluding the scenes depicting the Simindang building itself. After 1625, the standard number of scenes for paintings of the gwallye came to be fifteen. A copy of the painting was probably kept at all times in the Sigang-won and the Guard Office and served as an important reference both when rehearsing the ceremony and during the actual ceremony itself. This kind of banchado is also found in the painting of the gwallye of Prince Sunjo in the Gwallyechaekjeodogam-uigwe (冠禮冊儲都監儀軌: Book of Court Rites on the Investiture and the Coming-of-Age Ceremony of the Crown Prince) in 1800. In this painting, the ritual protocols of the gwallye are compressed into a single scene (Plate 10),55 confirming the assumption that the Simindangdocheop is not a new creation but is based on a pre-existing baebando (排班圖: diagrammatic representation). (Plate 10) Gwallyedo from Book of Court Rites on the Investiture and the Coming-of-Age Ceremony of the Crown Prince Anonymous, 1800 Manuscript, ink on paper Gyujanggak 2) The First Scene: The King's Edict to Hold the Gwallye In this painting album, the scene of reporting to the ancestral shrine of the royal family is omitted. The first scene depicted is that of the king issuing an edict to perform the wangseja's gwallye to the bin and chan officials in his royal audience chamber (Plate 11-1). The highlight of this ceremony is the moment when the jeon-gyogwan (傳敎官: court herald) announces the king's edict, “Let the officials proceed with the ceremony for the conferral of the gwan (冠: ceremonial headdress) on the seja,” and when the bin receives the box containing the edict. ( Plate 11-1 ) 1st scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict Anonymous, the 19th century Album leaf, colors on paper H: 42.3 cm, W: 57.7 cm (each scene) National Palace Museum of Korea The royal throne and canopy are placed above the royal platform in the center of the king's audience chamber. Surrounding the throne are guards displaying the ritual sword (寳劍, bogeom) and blue fan (靑扇, cheongseon). Beneath the platform the seungji (承旨: royal secretary) and scribes prostrate themselves. There is also a box for the edict signifying the nature of this particular ceremony. The style of depicting the royal platform, canopy, throne, the bowing officials, and the placement of the ceremonial instruments throughout the hall is very similar to the style of the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong (1784) and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong (翼宗冠禮陳賀契屛: Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony for the gwallye of Ikjong, 1819) (Plates 1-1 and 12). The royal family and the civil/military officials are placed respectively on the eastern and western sides of the hall. The bin and chan, the jeongyogwan and jipsagwan (執事官: supporting staff) officials are featured among the rows of civil officials east of the pathway. The civil officials wear ceremonial court dress, while the military officials wear their regular official dress. 3) The Second Scene: Ritual Bows of the Palace Officials From the second scene on, the subject matter portrayed is the gwanui (冠儀) itself, and the venue changes to the Donggung (Plate 11-2). This scene depicts the wangseja receiving ritual bows (拜禮, baerye) each from the officials of the Sigang-won, the Igwisa, and their supporting staff. It is comparable to the second scene of the Simindangdocheop (Plate 9-1). The seat of the wangseja is marked by a rectangle close to the eastern wall facing west. The figure clad in gold headdress and ceremonial court dress in front of the seat is thought to be the pilseon of the Sigang-won, who is charged with the duty of announcing the next stage in the proceedings. He and the jang-wi (仗衛: chief guard), who protects and assists the wangseja at close hand, accompany the wangseja throughout the procession. ( Plate 11-2 ) 2nd scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict, detail 4) The Third Scene: The Ritual Bows from High-Ranking Officials and the Wangseja's Reciprocal Bows This scene depicts the royal family and civil/military officials of the fourth rank and above entering Donggung and bowing to the wangseja (Plate 11-3). The wangseja then offers reciprocal bows. The figures standing on top of the platform wearing ceremonial court dress are the inui (引儀: ceremony announcer) and chanui (贊儀: ceremony manager). In the courtyard in front of Donggung are officials of the Sigang-won and the Igwisa standing in rows facing each other. They will stay in these positions throughout the ceremony. ( Plate 11-3 ) 3rd scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 5) The Fourth Scene: The Wangseja Receives the Ritual Bows from Lower-Ranking This scene depicts the wangseja, now seated in a chair, exchanging reciprocal bows (再拜, jaebae) with civil/military officials of the fifth rank and lower (Plate 11-4). The figures are depicted standing in the garden in two columns, south of the officials of the Sigang-won and the Igwisa. Unlike the higher-level officials, they offer their ritual bows while in the courtyard without entering the chamber. ( Plate 11-4 ) 4th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 6) The Fifth Scene: The Wangseja Receives and Bows to the Sa, Bu, and Bin This scene depicts the wangseja receiving his sa and bu as well as bin below the steps of his chamber and offering them baerye (Plate 11-5). The location where the wangseja makes his bows is located in the eastern portion of the courtyard and faces west. The jang-wi and pilseon who had flanked the wangseja indoors escort him into the courtyard. The figures standing west of the pathway with their backs bent forward are the sa, bu, and bin. ( Plate 11-5 ) 5th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict, detail 7) The Sixth Scene: The Wangseja and the Host of the Ceremony Exchange Baerye Once the sa, bu, and bin stand behind the wangseja, the juin (主人: host of the ceremony) exits to a location west of the garden. When the wangseja offers his ritual bows, the juin reciprocates (Plate 11-6). ( Plate 11-6 ) 6th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 8) The Seventh Scene: The Wangseja Receives the Royal Edict This scene depicts the wangseja in the act of receiving the gyoseo (敎書: royal edict) (Plate 11-7). The location where the wangseja receives the document is marked by a rectangle facing north along the pathway in the middle of the courtyard. The box containing the edict, having been transported through the southern gate, is placed on top of the steps. Once the representative of the guests declares, “The edict has arrived,” the wangseja kneels down and remains kneeling as the bin reads out the gyoseo. ( Plate 11-7 ) 7th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 9) The Eighth Scene: The Wangseja Ascends the Stairs to Enter the Eastern Side Room Having received the gyoseo, the wangseja proceeds to ascend the stairs, enters into the eastern hyeopsil (夾室: side room), and waits to be crowned while wearing the ceremonial attire and headdress (Plate 11-8). In the room there is a chest that contains samgaboksik (三可服式: three sets of formal costumes and headresses), namely the gollyongpo (袞龍袍: royal robe for everyday wear), the gangsapo (絳紗袍: costume for special occasions such as the king's birthday and New Year's Day), and the myeonbok (冕服: costume for sacrificial rituals) prepared by the Sang-uiwon (尚衣院: Bureau of Royal Attire). The place where the Crown Prince is to change his attire is marked by a rectangle. In the center of the building is the place where the gwan ceremonial headdress will be placed on the wangseja. To its north stands the sa facing south. On the western side of the stepped platform inside a rectangle stands the bin, who will place the gwan on the head of the wangseja as the master of the ceremony. At the end of the eastern steps the gwansetak (盥洗卓: table with bowl for washing hands), where the bin and chan will wash their hands after combing and covering the wangseja's hair, can be seen. (Plate 11-8 ) 8th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 10) The Ninth Scene: The First, Second, and Third Ceremonial Headdresses This scene depicts the wangseja putting on different garments and headdresses. First, he is wearing his customary robe, gollyongpo and a chogagwan (初加冠: the first ceremonial headdress), next a special robe, gangsapo and a jaegagwan (再加冠: the second ceremonial headdress), followed by the robe for sacrificial rituals or myeonbok and a samgagwan (三加冠: the third ceremonial headdress) (Plate 11-9). This scene is evocative of the Samgado (三加圖: The Three Costumes and Headdresses), the tenth scene of the Simindangdocheop (Plate 9-2). Once the juin guides the wangseja to the ceremonial chair, the bin steps toward the wangseja with the hair cover and comb box in hand, whereupon he proceeds to comb and cover the wangseja's hair. Then the official carrying the chogagwan walks up the western stairs. The bin takes the chogagwan from him and places it on top of the head of the wangseja. Next, the juin guides the seja back to the side room, where the wangseja changes into gollyongpo. He steps back out and sits facing west. The jaegagwan is placed on his head. The wangseja once again retreats to the side room, changes into gangsapo, and then comes back out for the samgagwan. One last time, the wangseja goes back into the side room and changes into myeonbok, then steps out again into the hall. ( Plate 11-9 ) 9th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 11) The Tenth Scene: The Wangseja Receives Gamju (甘酒: Ceremonial Wine) This scene depicts the wangseja, upon the completion of samga, receiving gamju in the ceremonial seat prepared in the western quarters (Plate 11-10). At the western top of the stairs are depicted a wine jar and an official from Saong-won (伺饔院: Bureau for Overseeing Ceramic Production) overseeing it. To his east is a long table with various dishes on it. (Plate 11-10) 10th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict, detail 12) The Eleventh Scene: The Bin Confers Ja on the Crown Prince This scene depicts the bin (an official who teaches the seja the Confucian classics and morals) conferring, on behalf of the king, a ja (字: name given at gwallye) on the wangseja (Plate 11-11). The seja stands below the western steps facing south, while the bin and chan officials stand before him. The bin takes a step forward and announces the name from the king's statement. Facing west, the juin stands in the eastern courtyard, while the sa and bu and the bin-gaek who are all standing behind him observe the proceedings. ( Plate 11-11 ) 11th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 13) The Twelfth Scene: Joallye (朝謁禮: Paying Respects to the King) This scene depicts the wangseja paying his respects to the king on the day following the gwallye (Plate 11-12). The left half of the picture depicts the joallye, and the right half the wangseja's pyeoncha and the head of the guards. It has the same composition as that in the scene depicting the iphagnye in the Wangseja iphakdocheop (Plates 4-3, 4-4, and 4-5). Inside the palace the throne and the bowing officials can be seen. To the east of the pathway are depicted the north-facing location where the wangseja will deliver his ritual bows, as well as the officials of the Sigang-won lying prostrate, clad in gold gwan and ceremonial dress, and the officials of the Igwisa in official dress. The scene shares much similarity with the Wangseja iphakdocheop in the style of depicting the tent, the folds on the awning, the folded screens, the wangseja's carriage, and the nobu (鹵簿, adornments accompanying the procession). ( Plate 11-12 ) 12th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict ( Plate 11-13 ) 13th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 14) The Thirteenth Scene: The Juin Conducts Hoerye for the Bin-gaek This leaf depicts the hoebin-gaek (會賓客: reception of bin-gaek) scene (Plates 7 and 11-1). The building of the venue is unidentified, but it is apparent that it lies next to the gate of the building where the main ceremony had taken place. Inside a round tent made of white curtains and awning are placed a peony-patterned screen and a table with food and wine on top. To the east of the table stands the juin, and to its west stand the bin-gaek, facing each other. They conduct the hoerye (會禮: salutation ceremony) by performing the exchange of ritual bows and drinking the wine. At the end of the hoerye, the juin offers the bin-gaek a chest filled with rolls of silk (束帛, sokbaek).56 The performance of such proceedings is apparent from the depiction of servants (從者, jongja) carrying the chest. 15) The Artistic Characteristics of the Sugyodocheop The style of depiction of the figures in the Sugyodocheop, such as the figures' physical proportions, facial features, and garments folds have an intimate connection to the early nineteenth century documentary paintings such as the Wangseja of 1817, the Ikjong gwallyehujinha gyebyeong of 1819, and the Jodaebi sasunchinggyeongjinha gyebyeong of 1847 (趙大妃四旬稱慶陣賀契屛: Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony on the Fortieth Birthday of Queen Mother Jo, National Treasure No. 732) (Plates 4-1, 4-6, 12, and 13). When it comes to the sketching of the figures, the characteristics of a particular method and style become more apparent when the figures are presented in profile rather than in frontal or rear view, and also when they are sedentary or prostrated rather than standing. In case of the figures in the Sugyodocheop, for instance, the rear view of the sedentary figures wearing ceremonial court dress or official uniform, and the profiles of the prostrate figures and the folds of their garments are strikingly similar to those in the Ikjong gwallyehujinhagyebyeong. In particular, the style of the royal dais (御榻, eotap), on which are placed the throne, obongbyeong (五峰屛: Screen of Five Peaks), an abbreviation of irwol obongbyeong (曰月五峰屛: screen behind the royal throne, depicting the sun, the moon, and five mountain peaks), and royal guards, as well as the placement of various figures and ceremonial instruments throughout the palace hall in the first scene of Sugyodocheop are nearly identical to those in the Ikjong gwallyehujinhagyebyeong. The high degree of similarity in these two paintings becomes more apparent when compared with the royal dais that is presented in a frontal bird's eye view in the Jodaebi sasunchinggyeongjinha gyebyeong. In the end, the style of the Sugyodocheop suggests that it is of the early nineteenth century. The date of Sugyodocheop can be narrowed down to the early nineteenth century because, when compared to the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong of the late eighteenth century or the Wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong of the late nineteenth century, the differences in the style of the figures and instruments become very clear. ( Plate 12 ) Detail of the Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony on Gwallye of Ikjong Anonymous, 1819 Eight-fold screen, colors on paper H: 127.0 cm, W: 35.5 cm (each panel) Location unknown ( Plate 13 ) Detail of the Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony on the Fortieth Birthday of Queen Mother Jo Anonymous, 1847 Eight-fold screen, colors on silk H: 140.0 cm, W: 56.0 cm (each panel) Dong-a University Museum Since a list of names of the officials in attendance is attached, the Sugyodocheop, which comes with no supplementary record of its intended purpose, is assumed not to have been intended as a gyecheop. In that case, two possible intended objectives may be considered: the Sigang-won, charged with the mission of nurturing and enlightening the wangseja, may have produced the painting at some point as a reference to the ceremony, to be kept or displayed in the Sigang-won; or the Sigang-won may have created it sometime prior to the gwallye and offered it to the wangseja to help him understand the complex procedures of the ceremony. The fact that the title Sugyodo itself reflects the wangseja's perspective offers a light on determining the purpose of this painting album. Like the Hoegang banchadocheop, the intended purpose behind the creation of the Sugyodocheop seems the second of the two, that is, educational. It has already been seen in the Simindangdocheop that the conventional practice of the Sigang-won officials copying and submitting the ritual protocol on the eve of the gwallye had been replaced in the early seventeenth century by a fifteen-leaf album in the diagrammatic baebando style. The Sugyodocheop shows how this kind of baebando-style painting of the gwallye evolved into a more artistic rendering of court ceremony by the nineteenth century. With that in mind, a cautious inquiry into the background of the Sugyodocheop, namely, which wangseja's gwallye the painting depicts, follows. If the compositional style of the Sugyodocheop is of the first half of the nineteenth century, the possible candidates are Sunjo, Ikjong, Heonjong, and Cheoljong. First, Sunjo's gwallye, which was a combined ceremony in also incorporating the chaegnye, is far removed from what is represented in Sugyodocheop. Heonjong's gwallye was conducted during the period of national mourning in the wake of the death of King Sunjo in the 34th year of his reign (1834). As wangseson, the eldest son of the wangseja, Heonjong was unexpectedly required to undergo the gwallye in order to be eligible to succeed to the throne. Cheoljong, too, underwent his gwallye in haste in the sixth month of the fifteenth year of King Heonjong (1849) immediately after being designated Deogwan-gun (德完君). Such circumstances do not conform with the proceedings represented in the Sugyodocheop; nor were they conducive to the elaborate ceremony represented therein. Therefore, the most likely person who is represented as the central character in the Sugyodocheop is Ikjong, the seja of King Sunjo.57 In regard to Ikjong's gwallye in 1819, there are two extant gungjung girokhwa: the Wangseja iphakdocheop, which captures the entire proceedings of the ceremony, and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong, which depicts King Sunjo receiving the congratulatory rite from all his civil and military officials. As seen above, the close similarity in the painting styles of the Wangseja iphakdocheop, the Sugyodocheop, and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong all strongly support this possibility. VI THE CHARACTERISTICS OF JOSEON GUNGJUNG GIROKHWA CONCERNING THE WANGSEJA 01 PRE-EIGHTEENTH CENTURY WANGSEJA GIROKHWA'S EMPHASIS ON CAMARADERIE A survey of extant wangseja gungjung girokhwa shows that the late eighteenth century is a landmark by which certain salient characteristics preceding and following this time can clearly be identified. Today, there are only four extant examples pre-dating the late eighteenth century, which indicates the relative lack of interest in chronicling the ceremonies of seja before that time. This kind of lack of interest is also reflected in the scarcity of paintings prior to this date that relate to the wangdaebi (王大妃: the Queen Dowager, widow of the previous king), and the daewangdaebi (大王大妃: the Queen Mother, mother of the previous king).58 Until the seventeenth century, paintings pertaining to the wangseja are more in the style of the Donggwan gyehoedo (同官契會圖: painting to commemorate a gathering of scholar-officials of the same office) such as the Jungmyojo seoyeon-gwan sayeondo (中廟朝書筵官賜宴圖: Painting of the Banquet Bestowed by Jungjong for the Teachers of His Seja Injong) and the Simindang yadaejido (時敏堂夜對之圖: Painting of Evening Banquet at Simindang). The former is a painting of a banquet that King Jungjong (中宗, r. 1506-1544) held in 1535 (30th year of his reign) for the seoyeon-gwan (書筵官: officials in charge of the seja's education) of the seja Injong (Plate 14).59 King Jungjong showed great interest in the education of his seja. Each year, on the 3rd day of the third month and the 9th day of the ninth month, Jungjong held gyeong-yeon-gwanyeon (經筵官宴: banquet for officials in charge of the king's education), and sayeon (賜宴: banquet bestowed by the king) and food was granted to the seoyeon-gwan each time the seja had completed the lessons in a book.60 Apparently, the main purpose of the banquet was to honor the seoyeon-gwan, but the fact that gyeong-yeon-gwan (經筵官: officials in charge of the king's education) and officials at Chunchugwan (春秋館: Office for Annals Compilation) were included in the jwamok (座目: list of participants) of thirty-nine guests highlights the fact that the Jungmyojo seoyeon-gwan sayeondo was a type of gyechuk (契軸: commemorative hanging scroll for the participants of a ceremony) commemorating King Jungjong's benevolence in hosting the sayeon.61 ( Plate 14 ) Painting of the Banquet Bestowed by Jungjong for the Teachers of His Seja Injong Anonymous, 1535 Album, colors on paper H: 42.6 cm, W: 52.3 cm Hongik University Museum Simindang yadaejido too is a commemorative painting. The painting is in the typical style of a gyechuk including the title written in seal characters (篆書, jeonseo), the illustration of the scene, and the jwamok (Plate 15). Created five years after the event, this painting depicts the evening lecture held on the 27th day of the tenth month of the tenth year of King Hyojong (1657), when Hyeonjong was the wangseja.62 The tutors of the day were Song Siyeol (宋時烈, 1607-1689) and Song Jun-gil (宋浚吉, 1606-1672), both of the chanseon (fifth) rank, Yu Gye (兪棨, 1607-1684), seventh rank pilseon, and Jo Gwiseok (趙龜錫, 1615-1665), eleventh rank saseo. Song Siyeol, Song Jun-gil, and Yu Gye were all students of Gim Jangsaeng (金長生, 1548-1631), appointed to their respective official posts while they were independent scholars out of office. All of them had previously served as sallim scholars within the Sigang-won. (Plate 15) Painting of Evening Banquet at Simindang Anonymous, copied version Hanging scroll, colors on paper H: 158.0 cm, W: 66.5 cm National Museum of Korea At this evening lecture, King Hyeonjong is said to have demonstrated exceptional knowledge and many informed opinions as he enjoyed himself drinking wine with the four officials in a pleasant mood after the lecture. Five years later, the four officials once again gathered in Seoul. Recollecting that evening, they agreed to commemorate the lecture by documenting it in both painting and words.63 In the painting, the four officials are seated next to each other around a book table and a candlestick in the east chamber (東闇, donghap) of the Simindang. This scene is less a realistic representation of the evening lecture itself than an accentuated portrayal of the physical presence of the Simindang and other office buildings nearby like the Sigang-won and the Igwisa. This style reflects the trend in the late sixteenth to the early seventeenth centuries of paintings of gatherings of scholar-officials, which emphasized a wide view of the main building of the gathering place.64 In effect, the direct cause behind the creation of the Simindang yadaejido was to capture the strong comradeship of the seoyeon-gwan, rather than to commemorate the evening gathering per se. These four men shared the common experience of working together as sallim scholars as well as the same scholarly interests and ideology. In the same vein, the introduction to the Wangseja chaegnyedogam gyebyeong of 1690 states the intention to commemorate the camaraderie felt by the listed participants as officials of the same rank sharing the same role. In sum, until the late eighteenth century, paintings concerning the wangseja tended not to focus on the wangseja himself. Neither were such paintings bona fide documentary paintings. At the same time, it is a fact that the convention of creating gyechuk or gyebyeong in the aftermath of the completion of a ceremony or function related to the wangseja had, by the late eighteenth century, become an important custom. 02 GUNGJUNG GIROKHWA RELATED TO CROWN PRINCE HYOMYEONG AND THE STRENGTHENING OF THE KINGSHIP All post-eighteenth century girokhwa relevant to the wangseja were created during the reigns of Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong. All of these respective reign periods were a time of strengthening the authority of the king. This is reflected in the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong, which depicts in realistic detail the court ceremony of the eighteenth century. Moreover, it is also significant that the painting is the work of, among the many palace offices that played both direct and indirect roles in the ceremony, the Sigang-won alone. (Plates 1-1 and 1-2). Officials of the Sigang-won below the rank of bodeok, the chief administrator, behaved as friends rather than as subjects when coming into interaction with the seja, thereby cultivating with the seja mutual sincerity and empathy. Moreover, since the title of seoyeon-gwan was perceived as cheong-yojik (淸要職, honorable and important posts) that were relatively more advantageous for promotion to higher positions during the Joseon dynasty, the seoyeon-gwan's political influence was not to be overlooked. As mentioned earlier, King Jeongjo made great efforts in various ways to reinforce the prestige of the Sigang-won and to strengthen the status of the Crown Prince: the overhaul of royal ceremonies related to seja, the publication of the Sigang-wonji, the construction of Junghuidang, the renovation of Igeukmun, and the installation of the office of dangsanggwan within the Sigang-won. The creation by the Sigang-won of a commemorative screen (Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong) during King Jeongjo's reign is a case in point. In the same vein, the Wangseja iphakdocheop signified the Sigang-won's strong policy to reinforce the king's authority. The fact that, of all extant gungjung girokhwa pertaining to the wangseja, four in number or thirty percent, account for the iphagnye or the gwallye of Hyomyeong Seja reflects well the political will to enhance the status of the seja and to reinforce the kingship during the reign of Sunjo in the early nineteenth century (Table 3).65 These four documentary paintings are as follows: the Wangseja tan-gang gyebyeong (王世子誕降契屛: Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Hyomyeong Seja's Birth) of 1812, created by the officials of the Sansilcheong, who were in office at the time of Hyomyeong Seja's birth in 1809; the Wangseja iphakdocheop of 1817; the Sugyodocheop; and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong (Plate12). During the reign of King Sunjo in the first half of the nineteenth century, extraordinary efforts were made to strengthen the kingship and revive the monarchy, as well as display its stability and authority. These efforts were manifested in various ways: the performance of jeollye (典禮) or state ceremonies such as jinchan and gasangjonho (加上尊號: praise of the virtues of the king or queen); the publication of Uigwe (儀軌: Book of Court Rites); the staging of processions of officials and the conduct of military training.66 Hyomyeong Seja himself also played an essential role in the production of gungjung girokhwa. He introduced the practice of producing jinchan gyebyeong (進饌契屛: folding screens of formal royal banquets) on a regular basis in the nineteenth century and also played a decisive role in the production of large-scale gungjunghwa like Donggwoldo and Seogwoldo (西闕圖: Painting of West Palace).67 The fact that there were more gungjung girokhwa made illustrating the birth, gwallye, and iphagnye of Hyomyeong Seja than of any other wangseja correlates with his political standing. ( Table 3 ) List of gyecheop and gyebyeong of gungjung girokhwa pertaining to Ikjong (翼宗) Title Date of Production Ritual Type Contents List of Participants Format Wangseja tan-gang gyebyeong 1812 Tan-gang Yojiyeon Sansilcheong Eight-fold screen Wangseja iphakdocheop 1817 Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan Sigang-won Painting album Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong 1819 Gwallye Jinharye Dangsang at Seungjeong-won Eight-fold screen Sugyodocheop 1819 Gwallye Gwallye (none) Painting album There were three wangseja gungjung girokhwa made during the reign of King Gojong (r. 1863-1907). They are a folding screen made by officials of the Sansilcheong to commemorate the birth of the wangseja (Sunjong, r. 1907-1910) in 1874 (Plate 16) and two more folding screens made by military officials at the Owidochongbu and Wijangso to celebrate the wangseja's recovery from smallpox in 1879 (Plate 3). Although these three paintings are neither the creations of the Sigang-won nor about donggung uirye, they are, nonetheless, folding screens that celebrate the birth of the wangseja and his recovery from illness. ( Plate 16 ) Detail of the Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Hyomyeong Seja's Birth Anonymous, 1874 Ten-fold screen, colors on paper H: 101.2 cm, W: 41.4 cm (each panel) National Museum of Korea 03 DOCUMENTARY PAINTINGS OF THE SIGANG-WON RELATING TO THE WANGSEJA The most salient characteristics of nineteenth-century paintings of court ceremonies are the restriction of subject matter to jinchan or jinnyeon and their folding screen format. In that context, all the Wangseja iphakdocheop, Sugyodocheop, and Hoegang banchadocheop that the Sigang-won produced are unconventional in both format and content. These three works are not folding screens but painting albums with realistic depictions of court ceremonies relating to the wangseja. In particular, they are distinct from other contemporary paintings in that they are extraordinarily informative. They clearly exhibit thoughtful consideration behind the creation of an illustrative painting that the young seja could comfortably view and from which he could easily absorb the sequence of the ceremony procedures. Such considerations are amply evident in the depiction of key scenes from a particular ceremony in the order in which they are performed as well as in the convenient painting album format that these illustrations assume. This kind of special consideration for the young Crown Prince was possible precisely because it was the officials of the Sigang-won, who, as his closest assistants, were in charge of producing the documentary paintings. Such considerations on the part of the Sigang-won officials in devising a painting format conducive to easy understanding can also be found in earlier works. For instance, the Simindangdocheop of 1670, a gyecheop by the Sigang-won, originated from Jeong Gyeongse's schematic explanation of the ritual protocol governing the gwallye. In this light, it can be argued that the practice of visually illustrating ceremony proceedings in the form of painting albums was a time-honored documentary tradition of the Sigang-won. This tradition stands in contrast to the intention behind the making of the folding screen of Hyomyeong Seja's chaegnye in 1812 by former officials of the Sansilcheong or the folding screen in the wake of his gwallye in 1819 by officials of the Seungjeong-won (承政院: Royal Secretariat). The purposes behind the production of these gungjung girokhwa are apparent in the paintings themselves. The intentions of the officials of the Seungjeong-won who had commissioned the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong (Plate 12), which depicts all civil and military officials offering congratulations to the king, were quite different from those of the officials of the Sigang-won who had commissioned the Wangseja iphakdocheop, which shows the wangseja as the recipient of a congratulatory ceremony. In other words, the last scene of the Wangseja iphakdocheop depicts, instead of the wangseja performing a congratulatory rite for the king, the Crown Prince himself as the recipient of such a rite performed by all the palace officials. That the last scene is named Suhado in itself indicates what the purpose and use of this painting album were, which are quite different from those of the folding screen above. VII CONCLUSION The thirteen extant Joseon documentary court paintings relating to the wangseja range in date from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. They depict various momentous occasions in the life of the wangseja: tan-gang (birth), chaekbong (investiture), iphak (commencement of learning), seoyeon (court lectures), gwallye (coming-of-age), garye (nuptials), and recovery from serious illness, and are represented by hanging scrolls, albums, and screen paintings. This paper has analyzed, within the broader context of all court documentary paintings of the Joseon period, the characteristics and significance of some of these works - the scarcity of selections notwithstanding - that had been commissioned by the Sigang-won and that were essentially documentary paintings of actual court ceremonies. Though gungjung girokhwa pre-dating the eighteenth century did include the wangseja as a subject, it is likely that such paintings were close in style to the paintings of gatherings of scholar-officials that were popular during the sixteenth to the seventeenth centuries. The eight paintings created in the nineteenth century discussed in this article can be divided into two categories according to their intended use: first, folding screens (gyebyeong) of ceremonies commissioned by the relevant court bureau and second, albums (gyecheop) commissioned by the Sigang-won. The former are a product of the trend of the time in depicting jinharye on a large-scale gyebyeong while the latter are related to the wangseja's initiation and education. As discussed above, these paintings by the Sigang-won are clearly different in form, composition, and narrative illustration from contemporary folding-screen ceremonial paintings produced by other bureaux within the royal court. They are all instructional albums that depict various ritual protocols in sequence. In effect, these pedagogical illustrations are the product of the special consideration for the young wangseja on the part of the Sigang-won officials. The Simindangdocheop and the Wangseja iphakdocheop are albums made by the Sigang-won to commemorate a particular ceremony, while the Sugyudocheop and Hoegang banchadocheop are, the lack of documented evidence notwithstanding, most likely albums of the respective ceremonies prepared by the Sigang-won in advance and brought into the Donggung, the Crown Prince's quarters for instructional purposes. As of the seventeenth century, the Sigang-won's practice of producing illustrated paintings featuring ritual protocol with the purpose of simplifying the procedures for the seja was in place. This convention was a direct factor in the making of gyecheop by officials of the Sigang-won. Moreover, it was also proven that the hitherto unknown subject matter of Sugeyodocheop was the visual manifestation of ceremonial protocol. Not all ceremonial paintings commissioned by the Sigang-won were painting albums, however. For instance, the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong of 1784 is significant among the paintings commissioned by the Sigang-won for its realistic representation of a court ceremony. That it was created as a gyecheop rather than a painting album is due in large measure to King Jeongjo's policy of enhancing the prestige of the Sigang-won. In the same vein, it is important to note that post-eighteenth century gungjung girokhwa mainly feature Crown Princes in the reigns of Kings Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong. It means that girokhwa related to the wangseja are intimately tied to the politics of strengthening the kingship, enhancing the status of the Sigang-won, and expanding the political role of the seoyeon-gwan. The intermingling of these factors acted as a catalyst in the production of girokhwa during this time. As the production of gungjung girokhwa was initiated by officials of various court offices, the paintings closely reflect the political mood of the time, as well as any changes in the organizational structure or status of the different court offices. Such was certainly the case with the gungjung girokhwa related to the wangseja produced during the reigns of Kings Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong. Therefore, the correlation between the politico-social background behind gungjung girokhwa and the jwamok or the list of participants in the ceremony that these works contain is very important in the study of gungjung girokhwa. Further study of the subject from political and social perspectives lies ahead.