Geumgwanchong Tomb and Research on Silla Tombs

Research on tombs of the Silla kingdom (新羅, 57 BCE–935) began when excavations of them were carried out by Japanese archaeologists during the colonial period (1910–45), beginning with the unearthening of Geumgwanchong Tomb (金冠塚, Gold Crown Tomb).1 It was discovered by chance in 1921 during construction work on a housing site in Noseo-ri in modern-day Gyeongju (Figs. 1 and 2). It was given the name Geumgwanchong Tomb after the gold crown which was unearthed from it (geumgwan and chong respectively mean “gold crown” and “tomb” in Korean) (Fig. 3). This chance discovery of Geumgwanchong Tomb sparked the full-fledged excavation of Silla tombs by Japanese archaeologists, and it led to the establishment of a preliminary understanding of the structure and grave goods of these tombs. In this sense, the discovery of Geumgwanchong Tomb marks a key point in the research of Silla tombs (Kim Daehwan 2014, 25–26).

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Fig. 1. Earthen mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb before it was demolished to pursue construction projects. 1912 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 22)

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Fig. 2. Geumgwanchong Tomb after it was destroyed during construction process. 1921 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 22)

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Fig. 3. Gold crown unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb. Silla, Three Kingdoms period. Gold. Height: 27.5 cm. National Museum of Korea

Given that the tomb was discovered when construction work was taking place and since the grave goods had already been recovered by non-specialists before the archaeologists began excavations, there were subsequent difficulties in conducting scholarly research on the tomb materials (Fig. 4). The academic value of the archaeological material retrieved from this tomb was consequently underrated by both contemporary and later scholars. In 2013, conservation specialists from the National Museum of Korea successfully identified an inscription 尒斯智王 (isajiwang, King Isaji) on a large sword that derived from Geumgwanchong Tomb (Fig. 5). However, the figure buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb could not be confidently identified as King Isaji due to the abovementioned issues associated with the recovery of the tomb artifacts. As a means to restore its academic value, a re-excavation of the tomb was therefore proposed. Jointly led by the National Museum of Korea and Gyeongju National Museum, the re-excavation commenced in February 2015 and was completed in July of the same year. New elements of the tomb structure as well as grave goods overlooked during the initial excavation came to be identified as a result of this further investigation. In addition, the re-excavation of the tomb shed new light on the nature of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds from the Silla Maripgan period (麻立干時期, 356–514). It also led to a more in-depth understanding of the royal burial rituals that were conducted during this time.

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Fig. 4. Geumgwanchong Tomb after the grave goods were recovered. 1921 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 8)

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Fig. 5. Inscription of 尒斯智王 on a large sword unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb, identified in 2013. Silla, Three Kingdoms Period. Gilt-bronze. Length: 86.0 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 4)

The Purpose of Re-excavating Geumgwanchong Tomb

In 1921 the Japanese Government-general of Korea, which was responsible for the management of ancient sites on the peninsula during the colonial period belatedly sent an investigative team to Geumgwanchong Tomb after the grave goods had already been unearthed. The team included the Japanese archaeologists Hamada Kosaku (濱田耕作) and Umehara Sueji (梅原末治) from Kyoto Imperial University. Upon arriving at Gyeongju, they investigated Geumgwanchong Tomb and dispatched to Gyeongseong (present-day Seoul) the grave goods that had already been unearthed by non-specialists. In 1924 a three-volume excavation report was published (Fig. 6). Hamada and Umehara established that Geumgwanchong Tomb had been a stone mound tomb and argued that the structure of the burial chamber consisted of an outer wooden chamber with an inner wooden coffin (Hamada and Umehara 1924a; 1924b; 1928). In other words, Geumgwanchong Tomb was identified as a wooden chamber tomb surrounded by a stone mound structure that was covered by an earthen mound. The perception that this type of tomb consisted of three elements (a wooden chamber, an inner stone mound structure, and an outer earthen mound) coalesced into the fundamental understanding of Silla “wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds.” In other words, the basic concept of a wooden chamber tomb with a stone mound that concept into the present day can be traced back to these Japanese archaeologists and their study of Geumgwanchong Tomb.

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Fig. 6. The Geumgwanchong Tomb Site of Gyeongju: Text I by Hamada Kosaku and Umehara Sueji (cover). 1924 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 19)

After the liberation from the Japanese colonial rule, excavations were carried out on Cheonmachong Tomb (天馬塚, Tomb of the Heavenly Horse) and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb (皇南大塚, Great Tomb of Hwangnam), leading to the accumulation of new data on wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds (Cultural Heritage Management Bureau 1974; National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 1985; 1993; 1994). Based on evidence drawn from this new data, Korean archaeologists began to reevaluate the findings of excavations conducted during the Japanese colonial period, and critically questioned the research perspective and interpretations of the Japanese researchers. For example, Hwangnamdaechong Tomb was found to feature several wooden chambers rather than a single one. In addition, it was discovered that a wooden frame had been used in the construction of its stone mound structure. These discoveries led to archaeologists specializing in the study of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds to reanalyze the wooden chamber and stone mound structure of Geumgwanchong Tomb. This proved difficult, however, due to the limited nature of the data available in the original excavation report produced by the Japanese archaeologists.

Plans were made by the Geumgwanchong Tomb investigation team to carry out a detailed excavation of the tomb so that these challenges could be overcome. First, it was agreed to rebuild the original structure of Geumgwanchong Tomb. Both the archaeological community and local residents had long supported the need to restore Geumgwanchong Tomb to its original form, nearly half of which had been damaged (Fig. 7). However, lack of basic information on its size, among other issues, made reconstruction impossible. In order to retrieve such essential information, it was agreed to excavate the tomb mound. Second, the structure of the wooden chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb had been the subject of considerable debate within archaeological circles in the decades since liberation. Plans were hence laid to investigate the precise nature of the wooden chamber structure. Third, the position within the tomb of the grave goods recovered during the Japanese colonial period and the association between the artifacts were unclear, making it difficult to determine whether the sword bearing the 尒斯智王 inscription had in fact been worn by the deceased or if it was a grave good offered by another individual. As this greatly hindered the understanding of the identity of the Geumgwanchong Tomb occupant (i.e., whether or not the deceased was King Isaji), the investigation team aimed to address this by further exploring and identifying the context of the grave goods that had already been recovered. Fourth, although it was believed that the bulk of the interred grave goods had been unearthed during the period of Japanese colonization, the investigation team made plans to recover any additional grave goods that might previously have been overlooked. Fifth, the present methods of research as well as the understanding of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, including their origins and genealogy, derive from work undertaken by Japanese archaeologists. As such, a key objective of the re-excavation was to judge the validity of the initial Japanese researchers’ understanding of the Geumgwanchong Tomb structure. Ultimately, the re-excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb identified new structural elements as well as grave goods, as presented in detail below, which had gone undiscovered by the Japanese team (Figs. 8 through 11).

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Fig. 7. View of Geumgwanchong Tomb prior to the re-excavation. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 23)

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Fig. 8. Re-excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 59)

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Fig. 9. A pair of thin gold earrings unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb in 2015. Silla, Three Kingdoms period. Gold. Length: 7.5 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 31)

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Fig. 10. Thick gold earring unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb in 2015. Silla, Three Kingdoms period. Gold. Length: 6.4 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 31)

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Fig. 11. Thin gold earring unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb in 2015. Silla, Three Kingdoms period. Gold. Length: 3.6 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 31)

The Structure and Burial Process of Geumgwanchong Tomb

Burial mound size and shape

The size of a burial mound can be determined from the ring of protective stones or the ditch that surrounds the mound. These features, however, could not be identified when re-excavating Geumgwanchong Tomb; it is likely that they were destroyed during the Japanese colonial period. The excavators therefore had no means of measuring the size of the burial mound. Given this, they had to rely upon indirect methods by examining the size of the stone mound that had been covered by the earthen mound and reexamining the records left by the Japanese archaeologists.

The size of the earthen mound can be estimated indirectly based on the size of the stone mound structure. The stone mound structure of Geumgwanchong Tomb is 22.2 meters along its east-west axis and 20.4 meters along its north-south axis (Fig. 12). Comparisons were made with Cheonmachong Tomb, which was constructed around the same time and is similarly sized. In the case of Cheonmachong Tomb, the ratio between the length of the stone mound structure (23.6 meters) and the earthen mound (47 meters) was found to be approximately 1:2. Applying this ratio to Geumgwanchong Tomb, the earthen mound can be estimated to have reached 44.4 meters along its east-west axis and 40.8 meters north-south. This estimate is based on the assumption that Cheonmachong Tomb and Geumgwanchong Tomb shared a similar ratio for the stone mound structure to the earthen mound.

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Fig. 12. View of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 31)

Another means for obtaining information on the size of the mound was to reexamine the records left by the team dispatched to Geumgwanchong Tomb by the Japanese Government-general of Korea. The archive of the National Museum of Korea contains a number of documents from the time of the initial excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb, including a plan of the tomb made on-site by Ogawa Keikichi (小川敬吉), an architect who worked for the Japanese authorities. He left a detailed record of the removal of the tomb mound and projected that it originally measured 140 cheok (尺) along its east-west axis, which translates to 42.42 meters, broadly similar to the estimate mentioned above (Fig. 13). This figure can be compared with previously recorded measurements in Table 1. The shortest of the extents of the east-west axis was the one calculated by Ogawa Keikichi in 1921, and the longest appears in the Geumgwanchong Tomb excavation report published in 1924. These measurements were determined using different methods and none were based on the ring of protective stones or the ditch that would have surrounded the mound, and this limits their reliability. It is meaningful, however, that two of the four measurements fall between 42 and 45 meters. The size of the mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb can therefore be estimated as having measured approximately 42–45 meters along its east-west axis. As for its shape, the fact that both the chamber pit and stone mound structure are longer along their east-west axis compared to their north-south axis leads to the assumption that the mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb was similarly extended slightly more along its east-west axis. In other words, the mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb was not perfectly round but somewhat elongated towards the east and west, and therefore its greatest diameter would have been along this east-west axis.

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Fig. 13. Plan of the earthen mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb, produced by Ogawa Keikichi. 1921 (National Museum of Korea 2016, p. 114)

Investigation date Diameter (east-west/m) Diameter (north-south/m) Height (m) Notes
1921 42.42 12.12 Measured by Ogawa Keikichi
1924 45.45 12.12 Geumgwanchong Tomb excavation report
2007 44.2 48.2 13 Investigated by the Gyeongju National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage
2015 44.4 40.8 ? Investigated by the National Museum of Korea

Table 1. Estimated size of the mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb

Structure of the stone mound

Geumgwanchong Tomb is defined as an “above-ground wooden chamber tomb with stone mound” (地上積石式 積石木槨墓, jisangjeokseoksik jeokseokmokgwakmyo), in which both the wooden chamber and stone mound were constructed above ground (Lee Heejoon 1996, 295). Cheonmachong Tomb and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb are excavated examples of this type of tomb. Seobongchong Tomb (瑞鳳塚)2 and Geumgwanchong Tomb were also believed to have been above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, but this cannot be confirmed due to the poor quality of the investigations of the tombs that were undertaken during the Japanese colonial period. The re-excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb, however, made it possible to confirm that it was indeed an example of this above-ground type; it was also revealed that a wooden frame had been built prior to the construction of the stone mound.

The use of wooden frames in constructing the stone mound came to light during the excavation of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. According to the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb excavation report, its wooden frame consisted of vertical planks, horizontal planks, and supporting planks. These three elements also constituted the wooden frame of Geumgwanchong Tomb: findings of empty post-shaped spaces amidst the stone mound confirmed the use of vertical planks; remains of wood and remnants of postholes evidenced the use of horizontal and supporting planks.

It is clear that the stone mound for Geumgwanchong Tomb was constructed by filling the inner space of the wooden frame with stones (Fig. 14). One point in question is how a wooden frame consisting only of posts could have sustained the pressure of the great stone mound that it supported. During the excavation of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb it was discovered that the side walls of the stone mound (側壁部 積石, cheukbyeokbu jeokseok; hereafter shortened as “stone side walls”) formed a neat straight line at their base. Drawing upon this fact, the excavators established that walls had been formed by erecting wooden panels between the wooden posts and that the space inside these walls was filled with stones. Although there is no clear evidence, many researchers have noted that it would have been impossible to construct the stone mound to such a height using only a wooden frame. While the excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb clearly revealed traces of a wooden frame, the precise composition or structure of this frame could not be reconstructed and remains a task left for future investigations.

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Fig. 14. Side walls of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb and traces of the wooden frame. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 48)

The stone mound built within the wooden frame can be further sub-divided into several parts. The excavators of Cheonmachong Tomb distinguished between the side walls of the stone mound and its top layer of stone (蓋部積石, gaebu jeokseok; hereafter shortened as “top stone layer”). The excavators of the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb also recognized such a distinction. In the case of the north mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, only the stone side walls could be identified. As such, it is possible to establish that the stone mound of the above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds consisted of stone side walls that were stacked up along the side walls of the wooden chamber. A further component was recently proposed by Kim Doochul, namely a surrounding stone layer (Kim Doochul 2009, 79). This element consists of the stones that were used to fill in the space in between the wooden chamber and the stone side walls. The presence of such a surrounding layer was identified during the excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb (National Museum Korea 2016, 118). In the case of the north mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, in addition to the stone side walls, top stone layer, and surrounding stone layer, another stone layer was identified above the ceiling of the wooden burial. In order to distinguish it from the top layer of stone, I called it the upper-section stone layer and determined that the stone mound of above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds consisted of stone side walls, surrounding stone layer, upper-section stone layer, and top stone layer, and these features were constructed in this order of presentation (Fig. 15). This analysis of the stone mound structure is meaningful in that it is based upon an understanding of the burial process involving the stone mound and wooden burial chamber as discussed in the last part of this chapter (Kim Daehwan 2016, 103) (Table 2).

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Fig. 15. Stone mound structure (Image edited by the author)

Stone mound components (in order of construction, from left to right)
National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (1994) stone side walls top stone layer
Choi Byunghyun (2016) surrounding stone layer upper-section stone layer
Kim Doochul (2009) stone side walls surrounding stone layer top stone layer
Kim Daehwan (2016) stone side walls surrounding stone layer upper-section stone layer top stone layer

Table 2. Components of the stone mound of an above-ground wooden burial chamber with stone mound

The stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb was severely damaged during the housing construction, but fortunately the stone side walls could still be identified (Fig. 16). However, damage to the upper portion of the stone side walls made it difficult to obtain information on the existence, size, and shape of the top stone layer of the stone mound. The stone mounds for the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb and for Cheonmachong Tomb both featured stone side walls and a top stone layer, but the stone mound for the north mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb had only stone side walls and the top stone layer was absent. Applying the abovementioned method for calculating the estimated size of the earthen mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb, the height of the stone side walls of the Geumgwanchong Tomb would have reached approximately 4.7 meters. As the heights of the stone and earthen mounds of Cheonmachong Tomb were, respectively, 6.0 and 12.7 meters, it is likely that the top stone layer would have been placed on top of the stone side walls in the case of Geumgwanchong Tomb as well. It was also possible to determine that a surrounding stone layer had been present in the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb. A considerable volume of stones was found packed into the space between the stone side walls of the stone mound and the outer walls of the wooden burial chamber—these stones once formed the surrounding stone layer, as discussed above. The western section of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb, which was relatively well preserved, demonstrates that this surrounding stone layer completely filled the space in between the wooden chamber walls and the stone side walls. It is impossible, however, to identify the height of the surrounding stone layer, given the absence of any information on the height of the wooden chamber or the stone side walls. However, it was possible to measure the distance between the wooden chamber walls and the stone side walls, which reaches approximately 2.46 meters. The nature of the upper-section stone layer and top stone layer can only be presumed based on examples from Hwangnamdaechong Tomb.

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Fig. 16. Layout of the side walls of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 64)

Structure of the wooden burial chamber

The wooden coffin and wooden burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb were partially identified by the investigation undertaken during the colonial period, and it was believed that a single wooden coffin had been placed within a single wooden burial chamber. However, since the more recent excavations of Cheonmachong Tomb and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb demonstrated the use of multiple wooden chambers, the structure of the wooden burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb came to be more critically scrutinized. The excavation team succeeded in revealing the structure of the floor of the wooden chamber (Fig. 17). However, as the soil layers of the floor were disturbed in the colonial period during the process of recovering the grave goods, it was impossible to reconstruct the wooden chamber. As a result, the investigation team decided to compare the information provided in the Japanese excavation report with the re-excavated floor structure of the wooden chamber.

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Fig. 17. Floor of the wooden burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 8)

The wooden chamber was measured by the Japanese archaeologists as 515 by 236 centimeters (Fig. 18). However, during the re-excavation of the tomb, traces of wood located over an area measuring 640 by 420 centimeters were found. These traces were identified as being derived from a wooden structure that sat upon a stone platform. At Cheonmachong Tomb and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb such stone platforms were used to support the outermost wall of the wooden chamber. With this evidence, it became clear that the wooden structure measuring 640 by 420 centimeters represents an outer chamber. This indicates that Geumgwanchong Tomb was furnished with two wooden chambers: an inner chamber (515 x 236 cm) as identified previously and an outer chamber (640 x 420 cm). In other words, Geumgwanchong Tomb had a dual wooden chamber structure (Table 3).

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Fig. 18. Description of the wooden coffin, wooden chamber, and grave goods included in the Japanese archaeologists’ excavation report of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 1924 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 10)

Burial pit Outer burial chamber Inner burial chamber Coffin Notes
Dimension/cm (E-W axis x N-S axis) 720 × 620 640 × 420 515 × 236 251 × 100 Greatest possible measurement applied to the inner burial chamber; figures for the wooden coffin obtained from the excavation report published during the Japanese colonial period

Table 3. Dimensions of the burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb

The re-excavation of the chamber floor revealed that the inner wooden chamber was shaped like the Korean letter “ㅍ.” A wooden coffin was placed within the inner wooden chamber, and to the east of the coffin was a wooden casket for grave goods. Accordingly, it can be said that Geumgwanchong Tomb is characterized by a double chamber and single coffin structure (Table 4).

Hwangnamdaechong Tomb: south mound Hwangnamdaechong Tomb: north mound Cheonmachong Tomb Geumgwanchong Tomb
Height of the stone side wall (m) 4.1 5.7 3.3 4.7
Full height of the stone mound (m) 5.4 5.7 6.0 ?
Height of the wooden burial chamber (outer chamber) (m) 3.7 4.0 2.1 ?

Table 4. Height of the stone mound of an above-ground wooden chamber tomb with a stone mound

Reconstructing the burial process at Geumgwanchong Tomb

The successful reconstruction of the stone mound and wooden burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb allows for a discussion of the burial process. However, as the majority of the earthen mound had already been destroyed and only portions of the side walls of the stone mound were investigated, the latter stages of the burial process can only be presumed.

Before proceeding with an analysis of how the burial was carried out, the order of the construction of the tomb structures has to be determined. As discussed above, the surrounding stone layer consists of stones that were used to fill the gap between the stone side walls of the stone mound and the wooden burial chamber. This layer would have been created either in conjunction with the simultaneous construction of the stone side walls and the wooden chamber or laid after raising the stone side walls and then the wooden chamber. In the latter case, the surrounding stone layer would have been built either after or concurrently with the construction of the wooden chamber. The latter appears to have taken place at Geumgwanchong Tomb considering its surrounding stone layer. In other words, the stone side walls were completed before the wooden chamber was built. In the case of above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, in which the wooden burial chamber sat upon a stone platform, the surrounding stone layer was necessary as a means of stabilizing the wooden chamber structure. As such, the side walls of the stone mound would have been erected prior to the construction of the wooden chamber. Therefore, at Geumgwanchong Tomb the wooden frame should have been built first, followed by the stone side walls and then the inner wooden chamber.

Another issue concerns the state of the stone side walls at the time of burial. Previous studies have suggested that the earthen mound was constructed in conjunction with the stone mound, and that burial practices were performed within a wooden chamber that was built afterwards. This means that the stone side walls would have been obscured by the earthen mound at the time of the burial. In the case of Geumgwanchong Tomb, however, it was revealed that the stone side walls were sealed with a layer of earth before the earthen mound was constructed. This sealing layer was not laid horizontally, but at an angle parallel to the surface of the stone side walls (Fig. 19). The presence and state of this earthen sealing layer indicates that the construction of the earthen mound took place only after a period of time had passed following the construction of the stone side walls. As such, it is likely that burial rituals occurred after the stone side walls and wooden chamber had been completed, followed by the sealing of the stone side walls and then the construction of the earthen mound.

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Fig. 19. Earthen layer sealing the side walls of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 32)

Based on the above, the burial process at Geumgwanchong Tomb can be summarized as follows. Firstly, the site of the tomb was prepared, a wooden frame was constructed, and the side walls of the stone mound were constructed. The outer wooden chamber was then built within these walls and the space in between the stone side walls and the wooden chamber was filled in with stones to form a surrounding stone layer. Finally, an inner wooden chamber was built, a wooden coffin was set in place, and grave goods were deposited. Evidence of the subsequent stages of the burial process could not be directly observed at Geumgwanchong Tomb, but they can be assumed based on examples from Cheonmachong Tomb and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. It is highly likely that at the next stage the upper-section stone layer of the stone mound was laid down on top of the surrounding stone layer and wooden chamber, the earthen mound was constructed adjacent to the stone side walls, and the top layer of the stone mound was put in place.

Royal Burial Practices of the Maripgan Period

Above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds were used exclusively by royalty and nobles of the highest rank during the Silla Maripgan period (Fig. 20). The most notable feature of this tomb type is the fact that the wooden burial chamber and the side walls of the stone mound were installed above ground. Most researchers have tended to regard the stone mound as a component of the earthen mound—it has been believed that its purpose was to facilitate the construction of the enormous earthen mound. However, the assumed burial process at Geumgwanchong Tomb indicates that the function of the stone mound was divorced from the construction of the earthen mound. As described above, the side walls of the stone mound were built prior to the construction of the wooden chamber, and the space created within the stone structure was where burial rituals, such as the placement of the coffin, took place. The side walls of the stone mound, which were visible from the outside at the time when the burial rituals would have taken place, had a trapezoid-like form reminiscent of an altar. The structure created by the side walls of the stone mound can therefore be considered as a grand altar of sorts where burial rituals were held.

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Fig. 20. Geumgwanchong Tomb and other wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds from the Silla Maripgan period. 2013 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 1)

The funerals of Silla royalty and the highest elite would have been attended by a large number of mourners from the neighboring polities. At the time, the site of a funeral was not only a place where mourners paid respect to the dead, but also an important stage where the authority and legitimacy of the royal family could be displayed to members of the surrounding polities. The procession from the place where the deceased had been temporarily laid to rest to the place of burial, as well as the lowering of the coffin and the placement of burial goods would have marked the high point of the burial. As such, the stone mound cannot be regarded as simply a component of the earthen mound.

The meaning of the wooden chamber and the stone mound must also be considered. As the final stage of the burial process, the ceiling of the wooden burial chamber was covered with the upper-section stone layer, which was then topped with a stone layer. Although a top stone layer could not be identified at Geumgwanchong Tomb, given the examples of Cheonmachong Tomb and the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, it is highly likely that one had originally been used. The initial excavators of Cheonmachong Tomb suggested an intriguing possibility concerning the final shape of the stone mound with the top stone layer in place: it may have resembled the roof of a thatched-roof house. In recently published reconstructions of Cheonmachong Tomb and the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, the top part of the stone mound does indeed look like a roof (Choi Byunghyun 2016, 180). The east-west cross-section of the stone mound of Cheonmachong Tomb and the north-south cross-section of the main burial chamber of the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb indicate the appearance of a building. It is therefore possible that the final shape of the stone mound with its top stone layer in place was intended to mimic an architectural form such as the house in which the deceased resided prior to his or her death.

To summarize, it can be proposed that in the case of above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds which were used by Silla royalty and the highest elite during the Maripgan period, the stone side walls of the stone mound took on the appearance and function of an altar. It also appears that the wooden chamber and stone mound should not be regarded as separate entities, since together as a single structure they may have comprised a type of architecture. In addition, the stone mound structure was not constructed merely to support the building of the earthen mound; the final form of the wooden chamber and stone mound may have reflected the actual residence of the deceased. Above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds continued to be built and used by the Silla royal family and the aristocracy throughout the Maripgan period, thus confirming their ritual significance.

The Identity of the Deceased Buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb and King Isaji

The identity of the deceased buried within Geumgwanchong Tomb is another issue that should be addressed. Hamada Kosaku, the author of Geumgwanchong Tomb of Gyeongju (慶州の金冠塚), which was published following the investigation of Geumgwanchong Tomb during the colonial period, believed that the tomb had been constructed in the early sixth century (Fig. 20). He therefore proposed that the identity of its occupant was either King Jabi (慈悲王, r. 458–479) or King Jijeung (智證王, r. 500–514). Following the liberation from the Japanese occupation, many researchers of Silla tombs argued that the construction date of Geumgwanchong Tomb was sometime between 475 and 500. If so, the individual buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb would be either King Jabi or King Soji (炤知王, r. 479–500). Some believed that even though Geumgwanchong Tomb yielded a golden crown, the size and location of the tomb made it unlikely to be a royal tomb. Given the fact that the queen consort and other members of the royal family may have also worn golden crowns, the argument that the presence of a gold crown should not automatically be taken as indication that the deceased was a Silla ruler has begun to gain support (Yoon Sangdeok 2016, 13).

In 2013, a conservation team from the National Museum of Korea discovered the inscription 尒斯智王 on a sword that was removed from Geumgwanchong Tomb. As a result, the debate has shifted to a focus on whether or not the deceased buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb was King Isaji, as well as whom this name could refer to since it is not mentioned in any extant historical records (Kim Jaehong 2014, 84). Regarding the first issue, although the general opinion has been to regard the deceased as having in fact been King Isaji, the problem remains that the sword was not worn by the deceased at the time of burial. This has led some to suggest that the two were different individuals, with the sword potentially having been a personal item belonging to a mourner that was placed as a grave good. Regarding the second issue, there is no way of knowing the true identity of King Isaji, since the name appears in neither the Samguk Yusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) nor the Samguk Sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms), or on any other inscriptions.

These two issues have yet to be resolved, although several research articles have been published on the topic. One of the aims of re-excavating Geumgwanchong Tomb was to address this question, but no information that could assist in reconstructing the precise location of the sword with the King Isaji inscription could be obtained. However, the re-excavation was successful in providing additional clues concerning King Isaji. Following the identification of the inscription 尒斯智王 on the sheath of a large sword (K618) in 2013, the inscription 尒 (i) on another large sword (Gyeongju352) which was excavated together with the above sword (K618) was argued to be associated with King Isaji. During the re-excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb, another inscription related to King Isaji was identified, this time “尒斯智王刀” (isajiwangdo, sword of King Isaji) inscribed on a pommel-end ornament which matched a sword (M366) that had previously been recovered by the Japanese team (Fig. 21). The sword was mentioned in the original excavation report along with two other large swords with an inscription related to King Isaji (K618 and Gyeongju352). With the discovery of this artifact, a total of three swords from Geumgwangchong Tomb have thus far been identified to have relation to King Isaji (Kwon Yoonmi 2016, 46). In addition, another 尒斯智王 inscription came to light when Gyeongju National Museum published a new report on the grave goods recovered from Geumgwanchong Tomb (Gyeongju National Museum 2016, 196), and further artifacts bearing inscriptions associated with King Isaji, including the sheath of a small sword, were identified among the grave goods (Table 5). If all of these grave goods were in fact owned by King Isaji and he was not the deceased buried in the tomb, then it is difficult to imagine a scenario in which so many of his belongings would be offered as grave goods, although it can of course not be ruled out. The most logical interpretation may be to regard King Isaji as the figure buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb. Of course, this interpretation may face challenges going forward, but at present it can be rationally suggested that the deceased buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb is highly likely to have been King Isaji. On the other hand, the identity of King Isaji among historically known individuals is an issue that can only be addressed in the future after new discoveries are made and further research findings come to light. Additional inscriptions related to King Isaji may be found as conservation work on the grave goods from Geumgwanchong Tomb continues.

jkaa-11-78-f021.tif

Fig. 21. Geumgwanchong Tomb of Gyeongju by Hamada Kosak u (cover). 1932 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 19)

jkaa-11-78-f022.tif

Fig. 22. Inscription of 尒斯智王刀 on a pommel-end ornament, unearthed in 2015. Silla, Three Kingdoms Period. Gold. Length: 6.2 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 63)

No. Grave goods (National Museum of Korea 2016b) Collection (Collection no) Inscription
1 Belt component National Museum of Korea
2 Sword with “尒斯智王刀” inscription National Museum of Korea (M366) 尒斯智王刀/ 八/ 十
3 Sword with “尒斯智王” inscription National Museum of Korea (K618) 尒斯智王/ 十/ 尒
4 Sword with “尒” inscription Gyeongju National Museum (Gyeongju352) 尒/ 八/ 十
5 Gold dagger-sheath decoration National Museum of Korea
6 Silver dagger-sheath decoration National Museum of Korea
7 Silver dagger-sheath end decoration National Museum of Korea
8 Dagger-sheath end decoration National Museum of Korea
9 Gilt bronze piece (presumed to have been part of a dagger-sheath decoration) National Museum of Korea

Table 5. Inscriptions associated with King Isaji found on the grave goods from Geumgwanchong Tomb

Footnote

1

The ancient Silla tombs mentioned in this article are referred to by their Korean names.

2

The name Seobongchong is a combination of seo referring to Seojeonguk (瑞典國, Sweden) and bong meaning bonghwang (鳳凰 Ch. fenghuang), a pair of mythical creatures. This tomb is so named because a golden crown with three bonghwang-shaped ornaments was discovered when Gustaf VI Adolf, the then Swedish Crown Prince, who was a keen amateur archeologist, visited the excavation site. In English writings the tomb is often referred to as Lucky Phoenix Tomb.

Selected Bibliography

Choi Jongkyu (최종규). 2014. Cheolsangjip: Funerary Rituals (鐵箱集–장송). Jinju: Gogo (고고).

Choi Byunghyun (최병현). 2016. “The Emergence of Wooden Chamber Tomb with Stone Mound and the Changing Nature of Tombs at the Wolseong North Burial Ground of Gyeongju in the Early Silla Phase” (신라전기 적석목곽분의 출현과 경주 월성북고분군의 묘제 전개). Munhwajae (문화재) 49: 154-201.

Cultural Heritage Management Bureau of the Ministry of Culture and Communication (문화공보부 문화재관리국). 1974. Excavation Report of Cheonmachong Tomb (천마총 발굴조사보고서). Seoul: Ministry of Culture and Communication.

Gyeongju National Museum (국립경주박물관). 2016. Gyeongju Geumgwanchong: Artifacts (금관총–유물편). Gyeongju: Gyeongju National Museum.

Hamada Kosaku (濱田耕作). 1932. Geumgwanchong Tomb of Gyeongju (慶州の金冠塚). Gyeongju: Society for the Preservation of Ancient Sites in Gyeongju (慶州古蹟保存會).

Hamada Kosaku (濱田耕作) and Umehara Sueji (梅原末治). 1924a. The Geumgwanchong Tomb Site of Gyeongju: Plates I (慶州金冠塚とその遺寶–圖版上冊). Gyeongseong: Government-general of Korea.

Hamada Kosaku (濱田耕作) and Umehara Sueji (梅原末治). 1924b. The Geumgwanchong Tomb Site of Gyeongju: Text I (慶州金冠塚とその遺 寶–本文上冊). Gyeongseong: Government-general of Korea.

Hamada Kosaku (濱田耕作) and Umehara Sueji (梅原末治). 1928. The Geumgwanchong Tomb Site of Gyeongju: Plates II (慶州金冠塚とその 遺寶–圖版下冊). Gyeongseong: Government-general of Korea.

Kim Daehwan (김대환). 2014. “The Investigation of Geumgwanchong Tomb during the Period of Japanese Occupation and its Meaning” (일제강점기 금관총의 조사와 의의). Gogohakji (고고학지) 20: 7-29.

Kim Daehwan (김대환). 2016. “Characteristics of Stone Mound and Wooden Chamber of the Above-ground Wooden Chamber Tomb with Stone Mound” (지상적석식 적석목곽묘의 목곽부와 적석부의 성격). Gogohakji (고고학지) 22: 89-120.

Kim Doochul (김두철). 2009. “A Critical Review on the Structure of the Wooden Chamber Tomb with Stone Mound” (적석목곽묘의 구조에 대한 비판적 검토). Gomunhwa (고문화) 73: 57-86.

Kim Jaehong (김재홍). 2014. “The Sword Inscribed with ‘King Isaji’ Excavated at Geumgwanchong Tomb and the Identity of the Deceased” (금관총 출토 ‘이사지왕’명 대도와 피장자). Hanguk sanggosa hakbo (한국상고사학보) 86: 83-107.

Kwon Yoonmi (권윤미). 2016. “The Manufacturing Techniques of the Long Swords Inscribed with ‘King Isaji’ and ‘Sword of King Isaji’ Excavated at Geumgwanchong Tomb” (금관총 출토 ‘이사지왕’명, ‘이사지왕도’명 대도의 제작기법 고찰). Dongwon haksul nonmunjip (동원학술논문집) 17: 46-73.

Lee Heejoon (이희준). 1996. “The Date and Significance of the Gyeongju Wolseongro Ga-13 Wooden Chamber Tomb with Stone Mound” (경주 월성로 가-13호 적석목곽묘의 연대와 의의). Festschrift in Honor of the Retirement of Professor Seogo Yoon Yongjin (석오 윤용진 교수 정년퇴임 기념논총). Daegu: Publication Committee.

National Museum Korea (국립중앙박물관). 2016. Gyeongju Geumgwanchong: Archaeological Features (금관총–유구편). Seoul: National Museum of Korea.

National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage of the Cultural Heritage Management Bureau (문화재관리국 문화재연구소). 1985. Excavation Report of the North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb (황남대총 북분발굴조사보고서). Seoul: Cultural Heritage Management Bureau.

National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage of the Cultural Heritage Management Bureau (문화재관리국 문화재연구소). 1993. Excavation Report of the South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb: Plates and Figures (황남대총 남분발굴조사보고서–도면·도판). Seoul: Cultural Heritage Management Bureau.

National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage of the Cultural Heritage Management Bureau (문화재관리국 문화재연구소). 1994. Excavation Report of the South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb: Text (황남대총 남분발굴조사보고서–본문). Seoul: Cultural Heritage Management Bureau.

Yoon Sangdeok (윤상덕). 2016. “A Reconsideration of the Character of the Buried at Geumgwanchong Tomb” (金冠塚 被葬者의 性格 再考). Gogohakji (고고학지) 22: 5-28.