Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

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Vol. 12 Vol. 10

Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology Vol.11

PUBLISH DATE

2017. 01.

pISSN

2577-9842

eISSN

2951-4983

Full Issue Bibliographic information

INTRODUCE

WHITE PORCELAIN OF THE JOSEON DYNASTY: Carrying on the tradition of offering articles on a special topic, this issue centers on porcelain from the Joseon dynasty (朝鮮, 1392–1910). Also included are articles on tombs of the Silla kingdom (新羅, 57 BCE–935), Buddhist temple architecture from the Joseon dynasty, and eighteenth-century portrait painting. Several of the papers include words and phrases that are not easily translated into English. It is hoped that the addition of Romanized terms, as well as Hangeul and/or Chinese characters will aid comprehension of them. To further understanding of the articles, some maps and diagrams have been specially produced. Bridging archaeology, history, and cultural studies, the articles on Joseon porcelain intersect questions of manufacture and use with issues of class, consumption, and economics. They rely heavily on recently excavated material, such as urban sites located in the center of Seoul that in Joseon times encompassed palace, temple, and government buildings in addition to licensed shops. The articles highlight the enormous popularity of Joseon porcelain among the upper and lower social classes alike. To open the issue, Jang Namwon’s article on collecting traces how in Joseon times porcelain was used and appreciated by a rising number of consumers in increasingly diverse ways, from ritual objects, functional tableware, scholar’s accoutrements, and ornaments to collectibles. The wide-spread want for ceramics even led to high-quality wares being pilfered from the official kilns and traded for profit. Jang makes use of a broad range of source material, from personal diaries and official court records to paintings of books and scholar’s accoutrements known as chaekgado (冊架圖) and munbangdo (文房圖), to highlight why the interest in ceramics as objects of appreciation and profitmaking developed in the early eighteenth century. Jang explains that prior to this time, a preoccupation with material goods was largely frowned upon as it was argued to conflict with the pursuit of scholarly and spiritual enlightenment. However, as attitudes changed so did approaches to local and imported ceramics from past and contemporary times, among them celadon stoneware from the Goryeo dynasty (高麗, 918–1392) and ceramics from Qing China (淸, 1644–1911) and Edo Japan (江戶, 1615–1868). Shifting approaches to objects led to ceramics being regarded as high-value goods that could be used and enjoyed in different ways. In her study on sixteenth-century Joseon white porcelain with Hangeul inscriptions, Kim Yunjeong brings attention to the use of porcelain within the royal palaces. The focus of the paper is white porcelain bearing either stippled or ink-written inscriptions excavated from sites located within the city wall of Seoul. Dating from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, the Hangeul-inscribed vessels belonged to members of the royal family. Many were used within their private residences, such as kitchens, but others were for ritual and ceremonial functions. Kim Yunjeong’s treatment reveals that not all vessels used within the palace carry Hangeul inscriptions. Rather, it was primarily those that were in the private ownership of members of the royal family. The paper not only emphasizes the royal demand for porcelain, it also sheds light on how influential members of the royal family managed their private assets, including the supply of goods via the private royal treasuries, and addresses the impact this had on the production of white porcelain. Kim Hyejeong continues the discussion of the popularity of porcelain during the Joseon dynasty, also among those who by law were not allowed to own them. Kim’s research evidences how the strict sumptuary laws that regulated the consumption of porcelain were often circumvented, despite the government’s efforts to prevent this. The paper closely analyses fifteenthto sixteenth-century blue-and-white porcelain unearthed from sites within the Seoul city center and examines their use among those who lived and worked in the area at the time. The excavated finds prove that despite the production and use of cobalt-decorated porcelain being heavily regulated, a significant number of vessels changed hands outside the court. Kim reasons that some items, such as jars and cups, were probably gifted to court officials and other high-ranking members of the Joseon administrative system. However, embezzlement, theft, and private commissions were likely to be the main reasons why porcelain from official kilns circulated among the general public. Despite measures taken to prevent this, the demand was such that the outflow could not be stopped and even government officials sold official wares for private gain. The popularity and cultural significance of porcelain during the Joseon period is further highlighted in Woo Minah’s article on white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. Through in-depth analysis of historical sources and recent excavated finds, the author demonstrates that such wares were manufactured at the official kilns from the mid-fifteenth to the nineteenth century. Having grouped the objects into three distinct phases, Woo verifies that the official production of ironpainted porcelain was closely linked to that of cobalt-blue wares, to the extent that iron oxide was used as a replacement for cobalt when the latter could not be obtained. This was especially so in the decades that followed the Japanese and Manchu invasions of the Korean Peninsula as shortage of cobalt led to an increased demand for iron-painted porcelain. In the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the official production of porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown witnessed its last heyday triggered by consumers who wanted more decorative and flamboyant wares. Woo argues that this was in part due to the import of polychrome wares from Qing China and that it led to official kilns using iron oxide more profusely than ever before, often in combination with cobalt-blue. The three articles included in the Feature section present different treatments of material from Silla to Joseon times. Kim Daehwan offers a thought-provoking account of Japanese archaeologists’ excavations of Silla tombs during the colonial period (1910–45). In detailing current efforts to reinvestigate their methodologies and findings, the paper highlights the enormous tasks and challenges that continue to face scholars of early Korean material. Focusing on Geumgwanchong Tomb (金冠塚, Gold Crown Tomb), which was first discovered and analyzed in 1921, Kim Daehwan accounts for why the tomb was re-excavated in 2015 by archaeologists from the National Museum of Korea and Gyeongju National Museum. Having rectified earlier erroneous conclusions on its construction and tomb artifacts, the re-excavation led to several new insights into the construction of Silla tombs, including how its layout may have played a central role in the performance of mortuary rituals. It also presented important clues as to the identity of King Isaji (尒斯智王) and why swords bearing his name were found inside the tomb. Song Unsok’s paper brings the focus back to the Joseon dynasty. Drawing on historical sources and detailed studies of temple halls, the author accounts for how the Japanese invasions of the sixteenth century brought about changing attitudes to Buddhism and he traces the impact this had on vernacular architecture. Song argues that in a severely weakened Joseon society, the Buddhist clergy offered consolation and this served to strengthen the social role of Buddhism. The performance of death rites proved especially popular among laypeople, leading to a rising number of Buddhist believers and patrons who frequented temples. This called for larger halls that could accommodate them, and among other developments it led to the use of wooden as opposed to brick floors. It also initiated changes to the size and height of the main altar as well as to the Buddhist sculptures positioned on it. Questions of how social change shaped cultural production also forms the focus of Chang Jina’s paper. Chang’s research on an important eighteenth-century portrait album in the collection of the National Museum of Korea examines the special circumstances that led to its production. The album illustrates the eighteen successful passers of the military division of the special state examination, known as the deungjunsi (登俊試). The album is unusual for several reasons. It depicted successful examination passers in album format, was commissioned by King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776), and was stored in the palace. Chang argues that this break with convention was caused by the manner in which the king viewed his role in relation to past rulers and current subjects. King Yeongjo attached great importance to the commemoration of ancestors and strove to restore the glory of the Joseon dynasty. Celebration of those who passed the deungjunsi played an important role in this, hence the production of the album and its special place of holding. To close the issue, Kwon Sohyun returns to Joseon porcelain with a paper that explores the relatively under-researched topic of inlaid white porcelain that was manufactured at official kilns during the early Joseon period. Few such wares have survived till today and since only a small number of them are from excavated sites, little is known about their date of production and use. Kwon throws much light on the topic with her detailed analysis of a cup and stand, now in the National Museum of Korea in Seoul. Of particular significance is the fact that the stand carries an inscription of “Taeiljeon” (太一殿), which was the government office in charge of conducting Taoist rites to the North Star. Through close examination of historical sources that bear mention of Taeil and Taeiljeon as well as stylistic analysis of the inlaid design, Kwon establishes that the cup and stand were manufactured sometime between 1434 and 1478, and that the set was intended to be used for ceremonial purposes in the Taeiljeon located in Uiseong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. The National Museum of Korea has taken a leading role in disseminating scholarship on Korean art and archaeology in English, and the JKAA forms part of this initiative. It is hoped that the current volume will give scholars outside Korea the opportunity to engage closely with recently published scholarship in Korean and that it will serve to further interest in Korean art and archaeology among specialists and students alike. I would like to express my thanks to the translators and editorial staff without whom this volume could not have been made. Charlotte Horlyck Chair of the Centre of Korean Studies SOAS, University of London

COPYRIGHT & LICENSE

ⓒ 2017 National Museum of Korea This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided that the article is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.

divsion line

Editorial Note

Charlotte Horlyck(Chair of the Centre of Korean Studies, SOAS, University of London)

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2017.v11_01

Carrying on the tradition of offering articles on a special topic, this issue centers on porcelain from the Joseon dynasty (朝鮮, 1392–1910). Also included are articles on tombs of the Silla kingdom (新羅, 57 BCE–935), Buddhist temple architecture from the Joseon dynasty, and eighteenth-century portrait painting. Several of the papers include words and phrases that are not easily translated into English. It is hoped that the addition of Romanized terms, as well as Hangeul and/or Chinese characters will aid comprehension of them. To further understanding of the articles, some maps and diagrams have been specially produced. Bridging archaeology, history, and cultural studies, the articles on Joseon porcelain intersect questions of manufacture and use with issues of class, consumption, and economics. They rely heavily on recently excavated material, such as urban sites located in the center of Seoul that in Joseon times encompassed palace, temple, and government buildings in addition to licensed shops. The articles highlight the enormous popularity of Joseon porcelain among the upper and lower social classes alike. To open the issue, Jang Namwon’s article on collecting traces how in Joseon times porcelain was used and appreciated by a rising number of consumers in increasingly diverse ways, from ritual objects, functional tableware, scholar’s accoutrements, and ornaments to collectibles. The wide-spread want for ceramics even led to high-quality wares being pilfered from the official kilns and traded for profit. Jang makes use of a broad range of source material, from personal diaries and official court records to paintings of books and scholar’s accoutrements known as chaekgado (冊架圖) and munbangdo (文房圖), to highlight why the interest in ceramics as objects of appreciation and profitmaking developed in the early eighteenth century. Jang explains that prior to this time, a preoccupation with material goods was largely frowned upon as it was argued to conflict with the pursuit of scholarly and spiritual enlightenment. However, as attitudes changed so did approaches to local and imported ceramics from past and contemporary times, among them celadon stoneware from the Goryeo dynasty (高麗, 918–1392) and ceramics from Qing China (淸, 1644–1911) and Edo Japan (江戶, 1615–1868). Shifting approaches to objects led to ceramics being regarded as high-value goods that could be used and enjoyed in different ways. In her study on sixteenth-century Joseon white porcelain with Hangeul inscriptions, Kim Yunjeong brings attention to the use of porcelain within the royal palaces. The focus of the paper is white porcelain bearing either stippled or ink-written inscriptions excavated from sites located within the city wall of Seoul. Dating from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, the Hangeul-inscribed vessels belonged to members of the royal family. Many were used within their private residences, such as kitchens, but others were for ritual and ceremonial functions. Kim Yunjeong’s treatment reveals that not all vessels used within the palace carry Hangeul inscriptions. Rather, it was primarily those that were in the private ownership of members of the royal family. The paper not only emphasizes the royal demand for porcelain, it also sheds light on how influential members of the royal family managed their private assets, including the supply of goods via the private royal treasuries, and addresses the impact this had on the production of white porcelain. Kim Hyejeong continues the discussion of the popularity of porcelain during the Joseon dynasty, also among those who by law were not allowed to own them. Kim’s research evidences how the strict sumptuary laws that regulated the consumption of porcelain were often circumvented, despite the government’s efforts to prevent this. The paper closely analyses fifteenthto sixteenth-century blue-and-white porcelain unearthed from sites within the Seoul city center and examines their use among those who lived and worked in the area at the time. The excavated finds prove that despite the production and use of cobalt-decorated porcelain being heavily regulated, a significant number of vessels changed hands outside the court. Kim reasons that some items, such as jars and cups, were probably gifted to court officials and other high-ranking members of the Joseon administrative system. However, embezzlement, theft, and private commissions were likely to be the main reasons why porcelain from official kilns circulated among the general public. Despite measures taken to prevent this, the demand was such that the outflow could not be stopped and even government officials sold official wares for private gain. The popularity and cultural significance of porcelain during the Joseon period is further highlighted in Woo Minah’s article on white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. Through in-depth analysis of historical sources and recent excavated finds, the author demonstrates that such wares were manufactured at the official kilns from the mid-fifteenth to the nineteenth century. Having grouped the objects into three distinct phases, Woo verifies that the official production of ironpainted porcelain was closely linked to that of cobalt-blue wares, to the extent that iron oxide was used as a replacement for cobalt when the latter could not be obtained. This was especially so in the decades that followed the Japanese and Manchu invasions of the Korean Peninsula as shortage of cobalt led to an increased demand for iron-painted porcelain. In the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the official production of porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown witnessed its last heyday triggered by consumers who wanted more decorative and flamboyant wares. Woo argues that this was in part due to the import of polychrome wares from Qing China and that it led to official kilns using iron oxide more profusely than ever before, often in combination with cobalt-blue. The three articles included in the Feature section present different treatments of material from Silla to Joseon times. Kim Daehwan offers a thought-provoking account of Japanese archaeologists’ excavations of Silla tombs during the colonial period (1910–45). In detailing current efforts to reinvestigate their methodologies and findings, the paper highlights the enormous tasks and challenges that continue to face scholars of early Korean material. Focusing on Geumgwanchong Tomb (金冠塚, Gold Crown Tomb), which was first discovered and analyzed in 1921, Kim Daehwan accounts for why the tomb was re-excavated in 2015 by archaeologists from the National Museum of Korea and Gyeongju National Museum. Having rectified earlier erroneous conclusions on its construction and tomb artifacts, the re-excavation led to several new insights into the construction of Silla tombs, including how its layout may have played a central role in the performance of mortuary rituals. It also presented important clues as to the identity of King Isaji (尒斯智王) and why swords bearing his name were found inside the tomb. Song Unsok’s paper brings the focus back to the Joseon dynasty. Drawing on historical sources and detailed studies of temple halls, the author accounts for how the Japanese invasions of the sixteenth century brought about changing attitudes to Buddhism and he traces the impact this had on vernacular architecture. Song argues that in a severely weakened Joseon society, the Buddhist clergy offered consolation and this served to strengthen the social role of Buddhism. The performance of death rites proved especially popular among laypeople, leading to a rising number of Buddhist believers and patrons who frequented temples. This called for larger halls that could accommodate them, and among other developments it led to the use of wooden as opposed to brick floors. It also initiated changes to the size and height of the main altar as well as to the Buddhist sculptures positioned on it. Questions of how social change shaped cultural production also forms the focus of Chang Jina’s paper. Chang’s research on an important eighteenth-century portrait album in the collection of the National Museum of Korea examines the special circumstances that led to its production. The album illustrates the eighteen successful passers of the military division of the special state examination, known as the deungjunsi (登俊試). The album is unusual for several reasons. It depicted successful examination passers in album format, was commissioned by King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776), and was stored in the palace. Chang argues that this break with convention was caused by the manner in which the king viewed his role in relation to past rulers and current subjects. King Yeongjo attached great importance to the commemoration of ancestors and strove to restore the glory of the Joseon dynasty. Celebration of those who passed the deungjunsi played an important role in this, hence the production of the album and its special place of holding. To close the issue, Kwon Sohyun returns to Joseon porcelain with a paper that explores the relatively under-researched topic of inlaid white porcelain that was manufactured at official kilns during the early Joseon period. Few such wares have survived till today and since only a small number of them are from excavated sites, little is known about their date of production and use. Kwon throws much light on the topic with her detailed analysis of a cup and stand, now in the National Museum of Korea in Seoul. Of particular significance is the fact that the stand carries an inscription of “Taeiljeon” (太一殿), which was the government office in charge of conducting Taoist rites to the North Star. Through close examination of historical sources that bear mention of Taeil and Taeiljeon as well as stylistic analysis of the inlaid design, Kwon establishes that the cup and stand were manufactured sometime between 1434 and 1478, and that the set was intended to be used for ceremonial purposes in the Taeiljeon located in Uiseong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. The National Museum of Korea has taken a leading role in disseminating scholarship on Korean art and archaeology in English, and the JKAA forms part of this initiative. It is hoped that the current volume will give scholars outside Korea the opportunity to engage closely with recently published scholarship in Korean and that it will serve to further interest in Korean art and archaeology among specialists and students alike. I would like to express my thanks to the translators and editorial staff without whom this volume could not have been made. Charlotte Horlyck Chair of the Centre of Korean Studies SOAS, University of London

Article

Special

Treasured Ceramics of the Late Joseon Period Viewed from a Material Culture Perspective

Jang Namwon(Professor, Ewha Womans University)

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2017.v11_02

According to long-held traditional beliefs of the Joseon period (朝鮮, 1392–1910), objects simply served their owners as a means for achieving virtue. Excessive feeling for an object was discouraged through a belief known as wanmul sangji (玩物喪志), which is the idea that a preoccupation with an object could lead to the loss of selfhood (in short, that material wealth could result in spiritual poverty). However, around the turn of the eighteenth century, people came to place as much value on objects as on humans, at least in terms of the former becoming a subject of people’s interest and study. A belief arose that the pitfalls of materialism could be circumvented if people could avoid becoming fixated on or bound by objects. Recognizing the nature of objects and respecting their value emerged as important beliefs (Son Junghee 2012, 39–51). Once the view of objects changed, people in the eighteenth century started to become demonstrably engrossed with even trivial objects, and began taking an interest not only in appreciating paintings and calligraphy, cultivating flowers, and collecting books, but in animals and plants as well. As records on objects’ history and provenance increased in detail, objects came to gain a higher value and what was once considered taboo became the focus of natural history research (Jung Min 2007, 18–38). Rather than examining royal ceramics used for dining or ceremonial purposes, which were prominent types of ceramics in the Joseon era, this study focuses on ceramics that were collected, displayed, and bestowed for the purposes of admiration, trade, or gifting. They are here collectively referred to as “treasured objects,” or wanmul (玩物), and the study seeks to examine how they were perceived and valued at the time. This article draws on a broad range of contextual materials, including personal essays and official court records, as a means to examine how ceramics were socially positioned and perceived in relation to the individuals who used, crafted, and traded in them. It treats ceramics as part of material culture and reveals how culture is formed within the interrelationship between people and ceramics. From the Goryeo (高麗, 918–1392) to Joseon periods, it is rare to find traces of the practices of treating ceramics as objects of collection and appreciation per se, but conjectures can be offered based on a variety of historical records and collections of personal writings. Ceramics as Objects of Appreciation This section examines personal writings and diaries to find examples of ceramics being perceived as objects of interest, admiration, and appreciation and it identifies what kinds of ceramics were used as royally conferred largesse at official events, as diplomatic offerings by delegations, or for reciprocal gift-giving. It also seeks to investigate those used for display in a scholar’s study and hyanggak (香閣), both of which were adjunct structures to a residence where the men of the house studied, received guests, drank tea, and appreciated the arts. Subjects of Interest and Appreciation Appreciation and admiration for a wide range of goods and regional products can be traced back to records from the Goryeo period. The twelfth-century text Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經, Illustrated account of the Chinese Embassy to the Goryeo court in the Xuanhe era) by Xu Jing (徐兢, dates unknown) includes mention of a number of banquets set in the Goryeo capital city of Gaegyeong (present-day Kaesong in North Korea) honoring delegations from the Northern Song dynasty during the Xuanhe era (宣和, 1119–1125). It reveals glimpses of Goryeo appreciation for the craftwork, ceramics, and premium teas of the Northern Song dynasty. Descriptions of banquets for Goryeo officials given by envoys of the Northern Song emperor show that curiosities, antiques, rare paintings and books, incense, and fine teas were displayed throughout the banquet halls. The intricacy and novelty of the objects were said to have captured the attention of Goryeo officials, who, each according to his tastes, selected objects for themselves as gifts at the end of the banquet (“Assembly of the Guest Envoys” in Banquet Rituals, ch. 26, Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing). The Northern Song dynasty enjoyed a resurgence of appreciation for antique objects, including an interest in ancient bronzeware which inspired the production of ceramic imitations. The ease of producing ceramic objects in the forms of antique bronzeware helped meet the surging demand, and these tastes and production trends likely made their way into Goryeo (Lee Yongjin 2006, 183–185) (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Illustration of Antiquities (博古圖) by Liu Songnian (劉松年, died c. 1224) (detail). Song, 12th–13th century. Slight color on silk. 56.5 x 128.3 cm. National Palace Museum, Taipei (National Palace Museum 2003, Fig. 2) Meanwhile, Goryeo celadon had been known in China since the Song (宋, 960–1279) and Yuan (元, 1271–1368) dynasties. In Cao Zhao (曹昭, active in the 14th century)’s Gegu yaolun (格古要論, Essential criteria of antiquities), published in the early Ming period (completed in 1388 and revised with additions in 1459), Goryeo celadon is compared to the Longquan celadon of China. Among Goryeo records, the Dongguk yi sangguk jip (東國李相國集, Collected works of Minister Yi of Korea), a collection of writings by Yi Gyubo (李奎報, 1168–1241) includes an ode to the color and beauty of Goryeo celadon, indicating that ceramics were already an object of interest and appreciation at the time (Jang Namwon 2006, 290–291) (Fig. 2). Fig. 2. Celadon Girl-shaped Water Dropper. Goryeo, 12th–13th century. Height: 11.2 cm, Width: 6.0 cm. The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka Nevertheless, it was not until late in the Joseon period that Goryeo ceramics began to receive attention as prized possessions or collectibles (Jang Namwon 2009b). Referencing both the Song dynasty work Xiuzhongjin (袖中錦, Brocade in the sleeve) by Taiping Laoren (太平老人, dates unknown) and historical records from Goryeo that mention ceramics being sent to China during the reign of King Chungnyeol (忠烈王, r. 1274–1308) at the end of the Goryeo period, Yi Ik (李瀷, 1681–1763) claimed that the distinctive jade-green hue of Goryeo celadon, known as bisaek (秘色), to be the best under heaven. He once composed a poem about the origins of Goryeo jade-green celadon and a jade-green celadon cup and stand into which liquor from a gourd-shaped ewer was poured (Seongho seonsaeng jeonjip, vol. 4). With his commentary on the glaze color, form, and quality of celadon ware, these texts by Yi provide actual cases of searching for the origins of celadon and demonstrate the uses of celadon objects. In his Yeongyeongjae jeonjip (硏經齋全集, Complete writings of Seong Haeeung), Seong Haeeung (成海應, 1760–1839) mentions that a distinct jade-colored Goryeo celadon jar was excavated from the site of the Kaesong estate of the late Goryeo period scholar An Hyang (安珦, 1243–1306). This celadon jar was the property of Sim Sanggyu (沈象奎, 1766–1838), but the literati painter Sin Wi (申緯, 1769–1845) is said to have borrowed it and failed to return it for eight years. Later, during the reign of King Gojong (高宗, r. 1863–1907), Yi Yuwon (李裕元, 1814–1888) described this same celadon piece as bearing an image of six cranes and eight rising clusters of clouds. It is presumed that the object in question was a celadon maebyeong (梅甁, literally “plum vase”) inlaid with cranes and clouds (Fig. 3). Yi went on to discuss a celadon piece in his own possession, mentioning its fret design and milky celadon color. Interestingly, Sin Wi also wrote about the celadon vase with crane and cloud design he borrowed. Along with details on its form and decoration, Sin recorded his impression of the clouds and birds in flight having a transcendental atmosphere evoking a dwelling for the immortals. Based on his comments, it appears the celadon ware was a jar ornamented with a decoration of cranes and clouds. Sin Wi also used the phrase “milky celadon color” to describe the distinct shade of the Goryeo celadon glaze. Among Sim Sanggyu, Sin Wi, Seong Haeeung, and Yi Yuwon, there was a cycle of interest, appreciation, collection, and admiration that endured over an extended period of time with the celadon vase as the intermediary object. Fig. 3. Celadon Maebyeong with Inlaid Crane and Cloud Design. Goryeo, 12th–13th century. Height: 37.2 cm. Ehwa Womans University Museum Yi Yuwon also wrote about a ceramic work excavated from the Munmyo Shrine (文廟) dedicated to Confucius in Pyongyang which was shown to him by Gim Heunggeun (金興根, 1796–1870). Yi described the object as having a cloud and fretwork pattern and a color that struck the beholder with awe, adding that it was impossible to produce such a work in his day. Yi’s thoughts on ceramics are mirrored in his other writings, so while his personal experience and knowledge form the basis for his ideas, they are also an interesting reflection of how the literati of his time passed on, admired, and discussed ceramics. The Joseon scholar Gim Jeonghui (金正喜, 1786–1856) compared dynamic, refined, and dignified writings to the unique jade-green color of celadon (Epistle 33, vol. 3, Wandang jeonjip). In the poem “Byeonghwa” (甁花, Flowers in a vase), he also applies the expression “500 year-old jade-green” to describe a painting of a celadon vase with flowers. In his poem “Songpa sujak” (松坡酬酢, Exchanging poems in Songpa) included in the Yeoyu-dang jeonseo (與猶堂全書, Complete works of Jeong Yakyong), Jeong Yakyong (丁若鏞, 1762–1836) mentions receiving a gift of narcissus from Gim Jeonghui. According to this text, Gim’s father received narcissi from an envoy who had recently returned from China, and Gim planted them in a Goryeo celadon flowerpot he cherished before sending it to Jeong. The passage makes it clear that Jeong noted the Goreyo celadon ware, and it shows that men at this time had knowledge on the antique items they exchanged among themselves. Official Gifts Bestowed by the Government There are numerous examples of Chinese and Japanese ceramics making their way into the country and being used during the late Joseon period. Studies of excavated ceramics and heirlooms have recently revealed that a considerable volume of imported ceramic wares were used in the late Joseon period (Kim Mikyung 2009, 308–311; Koo Hyein 2009, 102–105; Jang Hyojin 2014, 131–134). Foreign-made ceramics that entered the country officially as diplomatic gifts or those that had been presented to the royal court and officials were of particular interest to people in Joseon since they represented new, never-before-seen objects. The following examines a few such cases. A record from 1783 in the Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon dynasty) includes a report of the chief envoy Jeong Jongyeom (鄭存謙, 1722–1794) and deputy envoy Hong Yangho (洪良浩, 1724–1802) of the Dongji saeunsa (冬至謝恩使, the winter solstice mission of appreciation to the Qing court), who both returned from Yanjing, present-day Beijing, the previous year with gifts of ceramics. Their reports relate that they attended a banquet at the Ziguangge (紫光閣, Pavilion of Purple Light), adjacent to the Forbidden City (紫禁城, Zijincheng), and that the emperor bestowed imperial gifts upon the attendees. Jeong received three rolls of silk, three rolls of Zhangzhou velvet, five small rolls of four-ply silk, five small rolls of five-ply silk, ten Hebao pouches, and one decorated porcelain cup. Hong was gifted one roll of silk, one roll of Zhangzhou velvet, three small rolls of eight-ply silk, three rolls of five-ply silk, six Hebao pouches, and one decorated porcelain cup (Entry for the 27th day of the second month of the seventh year, Jeongjo sillok, vol. 15). This document demonstrates that envoys were presented with Chinese silk and decorated ceramic cups, among other gifts, although specifics on the silk and ceramics are unknown. Furthermore, the Palace Museum in Beijing counts among its collection a colored painting titled Imperial Banquet in the Garden of Ten Thousand Trees (萬樹園賜宴圖, Wanshuyuan ciyan tu), produced in 1755 by Giuseppe Castiglione (1688–1766), also known as Lang Shining (郎世寧), and other painters of the Qing court. The painting includes a scene depicting an arrangement of items presumed to be official gifts to be bestowed by the royal court. The Garden of Ten Thousand Trees (萬樹園, Wanshuyuan) was located in the Imperial Summer Palace (避暑山莊, Bishu shanzhuang) at Chengde, Hebei Province, and the painting captures a banquet celebrating the submission of Amursana (阿睦爾撒納, 1723–1757), the prince of the Khoit-Oirat tribe of the Junggar Basin (准噶爾部), to the Qing government. The right end of the painting features an ornate tent with piles of scrolls and ceramics (Fig. 4). These items are presumed to be gifts intended for honored guests or those who came to offer submission. Fig. 4. Imperial Banquet in the Garden of Ten Thousand Trees by Giuseppe Castiglione and others (detail). Qing, 1755. Color on silk. 221.5 x 419.0 cm. The Palace Museum, Beijing (The Palace Museum 1995, p. 116) Although the above painting concerns different recipients of a banquet, if we presume that banquets for envoys from Joseon and representatives of other countries involved similar situations and gifts, the silk and decorated ceramics provided must have been gifts of high value that became treasured possessions to the recipients. In particular, scrolls of silk and paper as well as ceramics embellished with exotic motifs and colors are the most common subjects depicted in late Joseon paintings of books and scholar’s accoutrements known as chaekgado (冊架圖) and paintings of still life known as gimyeongdo (器皿圖). Thus, it is highly likely that gifts for envoys were among the objects that were adored and appreciated in both China and Joseon. There are also records of ceramics being used as gifts in official exchanges with Japan. In 1711, Im Sugan (任守幹, 1665–1721), a deputy envoy of the Tongsinsa (通信使, diplomatic mission to Japan), was staying in the port city of Busan before boarding a ship. At this time, the Joseon envoys were presented with a porcelain cup with a plant design from the Japanese ship owner and an ornately decorated vessel from the governor of Nagato Province (長門國) in Japan. In December 1800, a Japanese condolence delegation for the late King Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1776–1800) carried gifts that included a painted bottle. There is also a record of the chief and deputy Tongsinsa envoys on another mission from 1811 receiving polychrome stackable boxes, a stemmed brazier, and a polychrome Nishikite (錦手) bowl decorated in gold as gifts from a Japanese magistrate. During the diplomatic mission of 1811, Japanese officials distributed a range of miscellaneous items to the Joseon delegation of 373 persons from 31 different ranks. Among the delegation, 17 persons of seven ranks were said to have received plates, bowls with covers, stackable boxes, and other porcelain wares. In 1876, Gim Gisu (金綺秀, born 1832) and his party of envoys were dispatched on a goodwill diplomatic mission, known as Susinsa (修信使), to Japan, and among the reciprocal gifts the Japanese sent back to Joseon were stoneware vases from the Satsuma (薩摩) region. Gim Sanghyeon (金尙鉉, 1811–1890), the minister of rites (禮曹判書, yejo panseo), and Yi Inmyeong (李寅命, born 1819), the second minister of rites (禮曹參判, yejo champan), are said to have each received a pair of these Satsuma vases. On an 1882 Susinsa mission, Bak Yeonghyo (朴泳孝, 1861–1939) received ceramic wares including bottles and cups as parting gifts from the Japanese side. Along with gifts dispatched by the Japanese emperor to the Joseon king, Bak’s party received flower vases from high-ranking officials and adjutants. During the same 1882 trip, Min Yeongik (閔泳翊, 1860–1914) presented red ginseng, fans, brushes, and other items as gifts and received in return a pair of stoneware vases and two rolls of textiles from the Japanese emperor (Choi Kyunghwa 2009, 205–206). The delegation of 1882 included Bak Yeonghyo, Gim Okgyun, Seo Gwangbeom, and Min Youngik. It was dispatched by the Joseon court as a final gesture of apology following the completion of the Treaty of Jemulpo in 1882 between Korea and Japan in order to express regrets over the aftermath of the military uprising known as the Imo gullan (壬午軍亂). Bak kept a memoir of the trip to Japan titled Sahwa giryak (使和記略, Record of a delegation to Japan), which mentioned that Joseon’s official gifts to Japan included Goryeo celadon. Upon arrival in Japan, along with the sovereign’s message, the mission sent four different types of gifts to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. These included a copy of the Yeosa jegang (麗史提綱, Short history of Goryeo) consisting of 23 books, one Goryeo ceramic piece, one silver table service set, and ten hwamunseok (花紋席) sedge mats from Ganghwado Island. Details about the Goryeo ceramic ware are unknown, but in view of the strained political situation, it is likely that the gifts were intended to reflect Japanese tastes and preferences. One of the Joseon representatives at the Treaty of Jemulpo was the aforementioned Yi Yuwon, who had great enthusiasm for Goryeo ceramics and was then serving as the chief state councilor (領議政, yeonguijeong). He had visited Japan previously and was relatively knowledgeable about the country, so there is a strong likelihood Yi would have advised upon the gifts to be presented by the delegation. As explained above, ceramics being bestowed and received as gifts during official diplomatic exchanges with China and Japan were not uncommon. It is likely that ceramics were not merely presented as regional products, but as gifts meant to reflect the recipients’ tastes. There are also a number of cases where Goryeo ceramics were included among the offerings from the Joseon court to foreign countries. For example, Empress Myeongseong (明成皇后, 1851–1895) gifted a celadon bowl to Karl Ivanovich Veber (1841–1910), the then consul general of Russia in Seoul. The bowl which is now housed at the Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography in Saint Petersburg. A celadon ewer with a cover granted by the same Empress Myeongseong to Lillias Horton Underwood (1859–1921) is currently in the Brooklyn Museum’s collection. There is a high probability that the Goryeo celadon provided as gifts were esteemed objects in the Joseon court collection. From these examples, it is evident that official visits abroad were conducive to learning about new objects and collecting them. In his Yeolha ilgi (熱河日記, The Jehol Diary), Bak Jiwon (朴趾源, 1737–1805) writes about a meeting with a Chinese merchant named Tian Shi Ke (田仕可) in Shenyang, Liaoning Province, China. Tian was deeply knowledgeable about the history of ancient vessels, and Bak pursued the meeting because he wished to obtain rare and elegant antiques and “four treasures of the study” (文房四寶, munbangsabo). Tian advised that such sophisticated objects might be found on Liulichang Street (璃璃廠) in Beijing, but that coming across items like jade-hued ceramics or ancient bronzewares in Shenyang would be difficult (“Sokjae pildam” in Yeonamjip, vol. 11, Yeolha ilgi). The jade-colored ceramics are here thought to refer to celadon wares from the Song period or their imitations. Judging from the context, it is highly likely that Bak was seeking antique wares, such as Chinese celadon and bronze vessels. The text also describes Bak and Tian freely discussing antiquities, which implies that Bak had prior knowledge of Chinese ceramics and antiquities. First-hand experience and the ability to identify such objects would have been especially important given that Bak was attempting to purchase antiquities and scholar’s accoutrements during the diplomatic trip. Furnishings for Studies and Hyanggak Not much is known about how ceramics were collected and managed at the royal court during the Joseon period. Examples from surviving private writings do provide some idea of what types of ceramics were collected and displayed as treasured possessions by private owners. In order to commission epitaph tablets, Yi Hagon (李夏坤, 1677–1724), pen name Damheon (澹軒), observed the production of royal porcelain while staying near the Bunwon (分院) official kilns in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province, and he left an impression in poetry of what he witnessed. He wrote favorably of a toad-shaped water dropper and of the shape of a Chinese-style octagonal white porcelain jar. He also referred to white porcelain ware decorated with Chinese characters in underglaze cobalt-blue (Dutacho, fasc. 3). What is interesting is that Yi was among the most prominent bibliophiles of the late Joseon period. After refusing an offer of a government position, he built Wanwigak House (宛委閣) in Jincheon, Chungcheongbuk-do Province, and kept a library there that came to be referred to as Mangwollu Pavilion (萬卷樓, literally “pavilion with ten thousand books”) in reference to the more than ten thousand books in the collection (Fig. 5). Numerous renowned Joseon scholars visited Yi’s library to access its rare texts. Unlike other libraries, which mainly housed classical Confucian texts, historical records, and collected works of the literati, Yi’s collection at Wanwigak House featured a variety of ancient books, paintings, and calligraphy. This may indicate that painting and calligraphy had been accepted by the scholar-bureaucrats of the second half of the eighteenth century as a cultural product rather than a simple hobby for dilettantes (Park Yongman 2008, 71–72). Although information on collections of specific objects has yet to be uncovered, if Yi’s library was large enough to have an intellectual impact, there is reason to believe he would have also possessed an array of scholar’s accoutrements and antique items. Fig. 5. Ruins of Wanwigak House built by Yi Hagon in his summer mansion in Chopyeong-myeon, Jincheon-gun, Chungcheongbuk-do Province (Image from http://kansawi.egloos.com/5750605) Meanwhile, Yu Manju (兪晩柱, 1755–1788) reveals a love for scholar’s accoutrements in his diary Heumyeong (欽英, Admiration of excellence), particularly in the section about contemplations and readings. He kept the diary for 13 years until his death. One of his texts mentions that ostentatious homes, attire, and luxury goods were frowned upon, but that when it came to scholar’s accoutrements, extravagance was seen as a form of elegance capable of bringing peace and purity to the body, and that even the spirits would be forgiving such extravagance and turn a blind eye (Ahn Dae-hoe 2007, 27–28). This passage from the Heumyeong hints at the reason why details on the history and provenance of ceramic collections are not available prior to the late Joseon period, while different activities and trends related to the appreciation of books, paintings, and calligraphic works, such as collecting and cataloguing, have been recorded well before the late Joseon period. The reason behind this was the concept of wanmul sangji, which, as mentioned previously, purported that a preoccupation with trivialities would weaken a person’s spirit. The common perception was that extravagance involving vessels or clothes was degrading and antithetical to refinement. In contrast, luxury expressed in scholar’s accoutrements was permissible, which evinces the sharp increase of scholar’s accoutrements made from ceramics and other materials starting in the eighteenth century (Fig. 6). Fig. 6. White porcelain scholar’s accoutrements. Late Joseon. Height: 24.5 cm; 6.2 cm; 4.8 cm; 8.4 cm; 19.8 cm (by the order of Figs. 6-1 through 6-5). Ehwa Womans University Museum In his Imwon simnyukji (林園十六誌, Sixteen treaties on rural life and economy), Seo Yugu (徐有榘, 1764–1845) categorized Chinese scholar’s accoutrements by referencing numerous Chinese books about collections from the Song dynasty onward. He recorded the way prized objects were displayed on top of a chest reserved for scholar’s accoutrements and placed particular emphasis on inkstones and water droppers among the displayed utensils, which also included paper and brushes, among other items. He is believed to have had considerable knowledge of and experience with such treasured objects (Seo Yugu 1966, 329–330). In A Portrait of a Literatus Seeking Delight in the Arts (布衣風流圖, Pouipungnyudo), the artist Gim Hongdo (金弘道, 1745–1806) conveys the protagonist’s cultural tastes by depicting a bookcase; rolls of paper; a crackled ceramic bottle in the style of Ge ware (哥窑, Ch. geyao); a wine vessel in the ancient go (觚, Ch. gu) bronzeware style with coral, a ruyi (如意, scepter), and rolls of paper inside; a three-legged caldron in the ancient jeong (鼎, Ch. ding) bronzeware style; an inkstone and an inkstick; a brush; plantain leaves; a saenghwang (笙簧, free-reed musical instrument); a bipa (琵琶, lute); a gourd-shaped bottle; and a sword. Gim wrote on the left side of the painting, “I seek to spend all the days of my life in a house with clay walls and paper windows, never obtaining high office, simply reciting poetry.” These words speak to a desire for an unworldly life, yet the objects in the painting are patently the belongings of a prosperous member of the literati class (Fig. 7). This motif is a repetition of the Taoist theme seen in his painting Taoist Immortals (群仙圖, Gunseondo), and the illustrations of antiques, paintings, and calligraphy reflect those featured in Sandalwood Garden (檀園圖, Danwondo) and Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden (西園雅集圖, Seowonajipdo) (Fig. 8). At first glance, possession of such fine objects may seem to contradict the painting’s theme of unworldliness. However, for those who owned and enjoyed them, such objects may already have become ingrained as intimate everyday goods and thus no longer viewed as luxuries or dilettantish collectibles. There is also a good chance that the painting depicts treasured personal belongings that the artist used and appreciated in his daily life. This conjecture is based on the fact that despite dying in poverty, Gim earned a significant fortune from commissions in his prime years and was able to enjoy luxurious hobbies (Chang Chin-sung 2007, 263). It also takes into account Gim’s identity as a literati painter surrounded by poetry, calligraphy, painting, and music (Hong Sunpyo 2012, 134–135). Fig. 7. Portrait of a Literatus Seeking Delight in the Arts by Gim Hongdo. Joseon, late 18th century. 27.9 x 37.0 cm. Ink and slight color on paper. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Fig. 8. Sandalwood Garden by Gim Hongdo. Joseon, 1784. Ink and slight color on paper. 135.5 x 78.5 cm. Private collection One specific example of the display of a treasured ceramic collection comes from Yi Yuwon. In addition to serving as the chief state councilor during the reign of King Gojong, Yi visited China in the mid- to late nineteenth century as a document officer of the Dongjisa (冬至使, winter solstice mission to the Qing court) and again on the occasion of King Sunjong (純宗, r. 1907–1910)’s investiture as crown prince. In 1859, at the age of 46, he began preparing for his retirement by building an estate in Gaogok near what is now Hwado-eup, Namyangju, Gyeonggi-do Province. The estate included a library, teahouse, and two pavilions named Sasihyanggwan (四時香館) and Obaekganjeong (五百間亭). Inside Sasihyanggwan were displayed incense burners and various scholar’s accoutrements, paintings, and ceramic wares. This pavilion was a kind of teahouse, and presumably a very important space for Yi as a connoisseur of traditional tea-making. An essay titled “Sasihyanggwan so jeo gogi” (四時香館所貯古器, Ancient wares stacked in Sasilhyanggwan) in volume 34 of the Imha pilgi (林下筆記), collected writings of Yi Yuwon, describes the display of treasured objects in the pavilion as follows: “There are a painting of farming and weaving (耕織圖, gyeongjik-do) and an old inkstick made during the time of Emperor Kangxi (康熙帝, r. 1661–1722). There is one original goat-hair brush that could be used for calligraphy in large or small letters. A bamboo-shaped agate brush container has an inkstick rest, and a small celadon brush washer has two handles. There are also a white porcelain inkstone, a pair of Goryeo jade-green wares, Joseon ceramic wares, and more.” It is likely that the celadon brush washer was made in either China or Joseon and that the jade-green wares from Goryeo were identified separately because they were antique ceramic vessels passed down from this period. The passage offers a glimpse into a wealthy nineteenth-century Joseon citizen’s prized collection. Recognition of Ceramics as Valuable Goods In order to own ceramic wares, it is highly likely that ceramics aficionados and collectors had no alternative but to purchase them. Examples of purchases of ceramics are seen in the course of the production and supply of official court wares manufactured at the Bunwon official kilns in the first half of the eighteenth century, as recorded by Yi Hagon: “There are approximately 30 different kinds of vessels for royal offerings and 400 horse loads to be offered as bribes to the Saongwon (司饔院, Office of Royal Cuisine). Do not bother to argue about the clarity, smoothness, color, or shape of the vessels. The only sin is to not possess money.” (Dutacho, fasc. 3) This signifies that it was possible to obtain ceramics in diverse shapes and colors if sufficient funds were available. For those who desired premium-quality royal ceramics, the ceramic products from the Bunwon must have been objects of taste and appreciation, regardless of whether they were used or resold after being offered as bribes. This can be surmised because blue-and-white vessels as well as ceramics in the form of scholar’s accoutrements, such as the toad-shaped water dropper mentioned earlier, were highly esteemed at the time and therefore would have been subject to profit-making undertakings (Fig. 9). In sum, the various white porcelains that were produced at the official kilns were also sold to the general public, and Saongwon officials acted as intermediaries in the circulation and profit-making transactions of official wares. Fig. 9. White Porcelain Turtle-shaped Water Dropper. Joseon, 18th–19th century. Height: 8.2 cm. Ehwa Womans University Museum In another record by Yi Yuwon, we learn that antique celadon wares were traded in the market. The record testifies that the Japanese paid significant sums of money to purchase celadon tableware decorated with crane and cloud designs that had been unearthed from Goryeo tombs in Kaesong, which were already being looted by the nineteenth century (Jang Namwon 2009a, 202). Yi Yuwon is believed to have had extensive knowledge of the valuable nature of ceramics since he himself had furnished his hyanggak and teahouse with displays of ceramic wares. His being a collector and knowledgeable on market prices lead to the conclusion that his co and their environs, including burning incense, drinking tea, writing poetry, and appreciating calligraphy and music in the house, garden, library, hyanggak, or tea room. Along with the increasing enjoyment of and longing for a simple, unworldly life concentrating on the collection and appreciation of antique scholar’s accoutrements, books, potted plants, and scholar’s rocks, there was a growing appetite for intellectual pleasures and idealistic liberation from worldly existence, which testifies to the likely importance of flowerpots as a treasured type of ceramics (Fig. 11). Fig. 10. Resting after Reading Books (讀書餘暇) by Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676–1759). Joseon, 18th century. Slight color on silk. 24.1 x 17.1 cm. Kansong Art Museum (Gyeonggi Provincial Museum 2012, Fig. 1) Fig. 11. White Porcelain Flowerpot. Joseon, 19th century. Height: 11.0 cm, Diameter: 15.0 cm (mouth). Ehwa Womans University Museum Displacement of Ceramics into Images In literati-style ink paintings, such as those by Gim Hongdo and Gang Sehwang (姜世晃, 1713–1791), scholar’s accoutrements appear as symbols of pure enjoyment. However, in decorative paintings, such as chaekgado or gimyeongdo, these objects were depicted in a variety of colors and often in exaggerated forms to maximize their significance (Fig. 12). That is, in the late Joseon period, when the trend of appreciation for treasured objects permeated society, ceramics diversified from tableware to stationery, ornaments, reproductions of ancient bronzeware, and flowerpots, and painters practicing different styles portrayed these objects in accordance with the purposes of the paintings and the preferences of their patrons. Fig. 12. Painting of Books and Scholar’s Accoutrements (淸供圖) by Gang Sehwang. Joseon, 18th century. Slight color on silk. 39.5 x 23.3 cm. Sun Moon University Museum Chaekgado and munbangdo (冊架文房圖, paintings of books and scholar’s accoutrements) are among the most representative paintings that illustrate collections of different kinds of treasured objects (Kang Kwanshik 2001, 496–510; Chung Byeongmo 2012, 172–173). There are also folk-style gimyeongdo paintings that feature various ceramic vessels. It is interesting to note that most ceramics depicted in ornamental folding screen paintings of the late Joseon period are of Chinese origin, such as Song celadon, imitations of the Ge ware, or famille-rose porcelain of the Qing period. The objects depicted in these paintings differ from the ceramics that were popular in the imperial household of the Qing dynasty (Fig. 13). Therefore, it is believed that the painters were referring to examples that were introduced to the Joseon royal court or were referencing paintings that were popular in China at the time (Bang Byungsun 2007, 211; Kim Eunkyoung 2012, 188–189). Fig. 13. Painting of Books and Scholar’s Accoutrements. Attributed to Giuseppe Castiglione. Qing, 18th century. Color on paper. 237.6 x 123.4 cm. Hopes and Aspirations Collection (Kim Kumja Paik 1998, p. 25) Being knowledgeable, discerning, and appreciative of ancient things became de rigueur during the Song dynasty as an appreciation for ancient bronzeware swept the country. At the heart of Song culture were scholar-officials who emerged as a new ruling class through the civil service examination. As both civil officials and men of letters and culture, it was essential for them to demonstrate an interest in and knowledge of antiquities as well as poetry and calligraphy. After the Song and throughout the Yuan and Ming dynasties, interest in treasured objects among scholar-bureaucrats and the wealthy expanded from bronzewares to ceramics, rarities, and oddly formed rocks and stones. During the Ming dynasty, their interests also turned to selecting vases for flower arrangements. Books on flower arrangement from this period indicate that vases were chosen by season and placement, such as copperware for spring and winter, ceramics for summer and fall, sizable vases for large households, and small wares for studies (Fig. 14). The situation would have been similar in Joseon in the eighteenth century, when a fever for collecting painting, calligraphy, and antiquities established itself as part of mainstream culture. Fig. 14. Ge-type Ware Bottle. Qing, Yongzheng era (1723–1735). Baur Collection, Geneva In the late eighteenth century, King Jeongjo ordered a chaekgado painting to be installed behind the king’s chair in an effort to reverse a perceived decline in learning and to promote a studious ambiance. However, an entry from 1789 in the Hongje jeonseo (弘齎全書, Collected writings of King Jeongjo) notes, “In recent days, the ruling class strays from Joseon’s rules and formalities in trying to emulate strange customs from faraway China. . . . For example, they arrange odd items such as screens for inkstones (墨屛, mukbyeong), brush racks, chairs, stands, three-legged bronze caldrons, wine cups, and wine jars alongside them while drinking tea and burning incense. Their affected elegance and attempts to rise above the world are beyond description.” This text from the chapter “Huneo” (訓語, Admonishment) in the collection of King Jeongjo’s essays, Ildeungnok (日得錄), compiled in vol. 175 of the Hongje jeonseo, demonstrates that the trend of owning and arranging precious objects spread to scholars’ studies and the general public (Fig. 15). Starting in the second half of the eighteenth century, gimyeongdo paintings were produced in large numbers. The paintings portray the objects as more than focal points of hobbies such as the collecting of ancient bronzeware and the appreciation of books and stationary. This suggests that the painters were attempting to recreate an idealized space that was imbued with reality. In other words, with the passage of time, new elements like Joseon inksticks and ceramics were introduced to these paintings, adding reality to the composition (Fig. 16). Fig. 15. Folding Screen with Image of a Bookcase and Scholar’s Accoutrements (冊架文房圖) by Jang Hanjong (張漢宗, 1768–1815). Joseon, 19th century. Color on paper. 361.0 x 195.0 cm. Gyeonggi Provincial Museum Fig. 16. Folding Screen with Image of Tiger-skin Curtains by unknown artist (detail). Joseon, 19th century. Color on paper. 355.0 x 128.0 cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art By simply owning a painting or folding screen, the owner was able to possess many books and treasured ceramics, albeit figuratively. Whether at the court or in a private household, the owner would have been able to create an idealized space anywhere and at any time, simply by placing such a painting in his home. At the 40th celebration of the ascension of King Gojong in 1902, a folding screen with paintings of scholar’s accoutrements was installed behind the crown prince’s seat, showing that folding screens with these images were even used at royal banquets. It is interesting to note that treasured ceramic scholar’s accoutrements and counterfeit bronzeware were depicted even in Buddhist paintings of the late Joseon dynasty, showing the widespread practice of this cultural phenomenon (Figs. 17–1 and 17–2). Fig. 17-1. Ten Underworld Kings. Joseon, 1828. Color on cotton. 145.2 x 106.3 cm. Mok-a Museum (Seokdang Museum of Dong-A University 2013, Fig. 15) Fig. 17-2. Blue-and-White Porcelain Peach-shaped Water Dropper. Joseon, 19th century. Height: 10.0 cm. Ehwa Womans University Museum Conclusion This paper examined ceramics of the Joseon period in terms of their characteristics, distribution, status as treasured objects, sales, collection, appreciation, and transition into imagery. People create material culture, but they in turn can become bound to a new frame by the very objects they create. For example, to a bibliophile a book is not only a means to cultivate knowledge and character, but also a beautiful and beloved object composed of paper and string with letters and illustrations. The material culture perspective views the possession of a book as separate from the possession of the knowledge, information, or tools for moral cultivation contained within. The author or nature of the book may not even matter. The production and aesthetics of ceramics during the Joseon period was centered on the official court kilns. The items produced there adhered to an existing system of rites and were made to complement the authority of the royal court. In order to produce ceramics that served such functions, all possible financial and technical efforts were expended. Over time, however, these ceramics came to be used in more diverse ways, being not only functional tableware, but also scholar’s accoutrements, ornaments, and subjects of appreciation. The trend clearly manifested itself during the late Joseon period. The boundaries that determined the status of certain items, their original purpose, and the classes of people who used them all broke down. As ordinary people developed secular tastes and became more possessive about objects, they came to desire ceramics from the official court kilns, which were not previously available to them. Although hobbies, such as the collecting and appreciation of antiquities and scholar’s accoutrements, were claimed to be a component of the pursuit of unworldliness, in actuality they became a new form of worldly desire and ushered in changes in the use, production, and distribution of ceramics. The increase in popularity and production of ceramic scholar’s accoutrements stemmed from the change in perception of such objects. Apart from paintings and calligraphy, objects and attire were considered luxuries and thus subject to concern, especially among the literati, regarding the moral pitfalls of a fixation on material objects. Only scholar’s accoutrements were permitted as subjects of extravagance and luxury, which explains why such objects, whether ceramics or made from other materials, proliferated so rapidly from the eighteenth century and onward. Within Korea, it is presumed that the recognition of ceramics as treasured objects and the social phenomenon of collecting, appreciating, acquiring, and appraising ceramics, including Chinese ceramics, emerged in earnest in the eighteenth century. Frequently mentioned types of ceramics included white porcelain scholar’s accoutrements, white porcelain flowerpots, Chinese ceramics, and Goryeo celadon. To date, studies on Joseon ceramics have focused on the official court kilns or on style and dating. However, extant ceramic collections from the late Joseon period contain items such as scholar’s accoutrements and flowerpots that were used for decoration or enjoyment. The diverse motifs expressed in their ornamentation suggest the possibility that from the time of their production a distinction was made between ceramics intended for use in the court at official rites and ceramics created purely for appreciation. If we consider that there is a high probability that the Bunwon kilns produced high-quality ceramics that from the start were intended to be treasured objects, then it will be necessary to single out such wares from tableware and ceremonial wares used at the royal court and to study them as treasured ceramics, which reflect personal tastes. Through this process, an objective understanding can be gained of the broader historical issues that affected perception of ceramics in the late Joseon period.

Types of Sixteenth-century Joseon White Porcelain with Hangeul Inscriptions Related to the Royal Court and Their Significance

Kim Yunjeong(Professor, Korea University)

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2017.v11_03

Over the past few years, a large quantity of white porcelain vessels bearing either stippled or ink-written inscriptions in Hangeul (Korean native script) have been excavated from sites of government offices and palaces in the area situated within the city wall of Seoul, known as Hanyangdoseong (漢陽都城). These sites include the Eoyeongcheong (御營廳, Royal Guards Command), the Gungisi (軍器寺, Government Arsenal), and the royal palaces of Changdeokgung, Gyeonghuigung, and Gyeongbokgung, as well as other sites related to the royal court, such as Jongmyo royal shrine and the Hoeamsa Temple site (Map 1). Map 1. Sites within Hanyangdoseong that yielded white porcelain with Hangeul inscriptions. Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (Image edited by the author; HRICH 2011, Fig. 1) Hangeul inscriptions were generally added after the vessels had been manufactured and transported to their eventual place of use. The inscriptions can be largely divided into two categories according to the quality of the vessel and the method used to create the inscription. The first category includes stippled inscriptions made by engraving with a sharp pointed device near the foot of the vessel to indicate a name or place of use. The vessels bearing such inscriptions are generally pure white in color, with thin walls and a foot with a cross-section forming an inverted triangle. They are glazed on the base1 and were fired on a bed of fine sand. It is notable that many of the stippled Hangeul inscriptions are accompanied by Chinese characters, such as 天 (cheon, heaven), 地 (ji, earth), 玄 (hyeon, black), 黃 (hwang, yellow), 左 (jwa, left), 右 (u, right), and 別 (byeol, divide), similar to those incised on early Joseon white porcelain produced at the government kilns. In the second category are ink inscriptions or marks left on the base of vessels of lesser quality. Some indicate a name or place of use, but in other cases it is unclear what they refer to. These vessels have a white color of lower purity, thick walls, and an unglazed bamboo-node-shaped foot, known as jukjeolgup. They were fired on clay or sand spurs and piled on top of each other in the kiln. This article examines the Hangeul inscriptions found on white porcelain vessels in order to identify the different types of inscriptions related to the royal family. It aims to refine the understanding of their significance, as well as to reveal where the vessels were used, thereby correcting errors in existing research on related topics. Also, by examining the content of the inscriptions, their placement on the vessel, and any accompanying Chinese characters such as those listed above, the objective is to determine when and why stippled inscriptions came to be made on white porcelain used in the royal court and how these inscriptions changed over time. Significance and Place of Use of Vessels with Hangeul Inscriptions Use in the Private Living Quarters within the Palaces The stippled Hangeul inscriptions on white porcelain often begin with the syllables ut (웃), dae (대), keun (큰), and dong (동), or end with the syllable syo (쇼) in combinations such as utsyo (웃쇼), daesyo (대쇼), keunsyo (큰쇼), and dongsyo (동쇼). The vessels bearing such inscriptions are of high quality and display the characteristics of white porcelain vessels used at the royal court that are incised with the Chinese characters 天, 地, 玄, and 黃. Previous research has presumed that white porcelain with stippled inscriptions was used somewhere inside the palace, but the specific locations for its use have not been identified. It is generally believed, however, that they were for use in the living quarters of the king and queen, concubines, princes, and (grand) queen dowager. The inscriptions starting with ut (웃) are varied, including utsyo (웃쇼), utgung (웃궁), utjyen (웃졘), and utjye (웃졔), and can be found on a large number of vessels (Tables 1 and 2). In Table 1, utjyen is seen to be a combination of the Hangeul rendering of the Chinese characters 上 (sang) meaning “upper,” and 殿 (jeon), meaning “palace hall.” In the Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon dynasty), the word sangjeon (上殿) first appears in 1479 in reference to the king’s grandmother (Entry for the 20th day of the fifth month of the tenth year, Seongjong sillok, vol. 104). Later, the same word was applied to both the grand royal queen dowager, or daewang daebi (大王大妃, king’s grandmother) and the royal queen dowager, or wang daebi (王大妃, king’s mother). Similarly, utgung, utjye, and other inscriptions starting with ut are also related to a queen dowager. In this respect, it is recorded that in 1516, King Jungjong (中宗, r. 1506–1544) held a sumptuous banquet for the queen dowager and on the occasion sent one hundred sacks of rice to the bongung (本宮) at the queen dowager’s residence. The same record further explains that bongung means sajang (私藏), the place where the private assets of the queen dowager were kept (Entry for the tenth day of the first month of the eleventh year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 23). Therefore, it is presumed that utgung refers to this storehouse, also known as bongung, in the living quarters of the royal queen dowager or grand royal queen dowager. Another record from 1511 refers to bongung as jajeon saje (慈殿私第), which means that the term bongung can also be applied to the maiden home, or saje (私第) of the queen dowager (Entry for the fourth day of the first month of the sixth year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 13). The word utjye also means the maiden home of the royal queen dowager and is, like utgung, presumed to indicate a place where private assets were kept. White porcelain vessels with stippled inscriptions of utgung or utjye are notably also marked with Chinese-character inscriptions such as 地, 黃, and 右, as commonly found on white porcelain used in the royal court during the sixteenth century (Figs. 1-2 and 1-3). Table 1. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to utjyen, utjye, or utgung Inscription Location of inscription Accompanying Chinese-character Inscription(s) Place of excavation Period 1 utgyen (웃졘) Base None Yeonggunjikso (營軍直所, regional soldier’s quaters) site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 16th century 2 utje (웃졔) Base 地 (stippled) 右 (incised) Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 3 utgeung (웃긍) Base None Eoyeongcheong site 4 utgung (웃궁) Interior base 地 (incised) 黃 (stippled) Gungisi site 5 utgung (웃궁) Base None Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 6 utgung (웃궁), ilgong (一공) Base 黃 (incised) Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 7 . . . t gung (. . . ㅅ궁) Base 黃 (incised) Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3 Fig. 1. White porcelain related to the queen dowager2 Vessels bearing the utsyo inscription can be divided into four groups according to the inscription content, location of the stippled inscription, shape of the foot, type of firing support, quality, and purity and chroma of white color. All of these are factors that differ according to period (Table 2). Existing research tends to interpret syo (쇼) as so (소), which means place (所), but the syo in these Hangeul inscriptions is actually so (燒) referring to the Sojubang (燒廚房), or royal kitchen. Therefore, utsyo is a contracted expression referring to the royal kitchen within the living quarters of the royal queen dowager or the grand royal queen dowager. In Table 2, Group I includes those vessels with a Chinese-character inscription, such as 地 and 左, as found on the white porcelain ware used in the royal palace during the sixteenth century. The cross-section of the foot takes the form of an inverted triangle, which is typical of white porcelain manufactured at the government kilns during the first half of the Joseon dyn asty. The foot and the wall of the base are also thin (Fig. 2-1). Vessels in Group II are characterized by a lesser degree of purity and chroma in white color and a foot with the outer edge leaning slightly inwards or shorter than previous examples and with a thicker wall, forming a trapezoid shape. Examples have been excavated from Cheongjin-dong, the Eoyeongcheong site, and the Sojubang site in Gyeongbokgung Palace (Fig. 2-2). Table 2. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to utsyo Group Inscription Location Accompanying Chinesecharacter inscription(s) Place of excavation Period Ⅰ 1 utsyo (웃쇼) pabal (파ᄇᆞᆯ) Base 地 (incised) Sojubang site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 16th century 2 utsyo (웃쇼) Base 左 (incised) Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 3 utsyo (웃쇼) Base None Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 Ⅱ 4 utsyo (웃쇼) Base None Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 17th century 5 utsyo (웃쇼) Base None Eoyeongcheong site 6 utsyoson (웃쇼손) Base None Sojubang site at Gyeongbokgung Palace Ⅲ 7 utbatsyo (웃밧쇼) Body, next to foot None Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 18th century(first half) 8 utbatsyo (웃밧쇼) Body, next to foot None Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 9 udansyo (웃안쇼) Body, next to foot None Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 10 utjyeonan(syo) (웃젼안[쇼]) Body, next to foot None Upper part of the stone wall at Hoedongcheon and Jesaengdongcheon Streams in front of Jongmyo Ⅳ 11 dyeongyu ut . . . (뎡유웃 . . .) Body, next to foot None Road in front of Oedaemun (main gate), Jongmyo 1777 12 muo utbat(syo) (무오 웃밧[쇼]) Body, next to foot None Road in front of Jongmyo, west ditch 1798 13 jeongmi-utdyeonansyo (정미 웃뎐안쇼) Body, next to foot None Heungbokjeon site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 1787 Vessels in Group III are those in which the inscription has developed from utsyo (웃쇼) to utbatsyo (웃밧쇼) or udansyo (웃안쇼), and with the location of the stippled inscription moved from the base to the body next to the foot. Batsyo (밧쇼) is an abbreviated Hangeul form of batso (밧소) or batsojubang (밧소주방, 밭소주방), all of which indicate the outer royal kitchen, the Oesojubang (外燒廚房). Ansyo (안쇼) is a Hangeul abbreviation of anso (안소) or ansojubang (안소주방), which indicate the inner royal kitchen, the Naesojubang (內燒廚房). From the eighteenth century on, the kitchen for the royal queen dowager or the grand royal queen dowager was divided into outer and inner sections, which led to a change in the stippled Hangeul inscriptions on the white porcelain used there. The foot bears a U-shaped cross-section and becomes shorter than those seen in vessels from earlier times (Fig. 2-3). Vessels in Group IV have a sexagenary cyclical year name added to the main inscription, for example jyeongmi utdyeonansyo (졍미웃뎐안쇼) or muo utbat(syo) (무오웃밧[쇼]). They were fired on coarse sand, rather than in saggars (Fig. 2-4). The addition of cyclical year names to the inscriptions on white porcelain ware used in the palace appeared in the latter half of the eighteenth century, as evidenced by a fragment of a dish bearing the inscription gabo hyebinggungsaeng (갑오 혜빙궁ᄉᆡᆼ) excavated from the Eoyeongcheong site (Fig. 10-3). Hyebingung (惠嬪宮) is the title used from 1763 to 1780 for Royal Princess Consort Hyebin of the Hong clan (惠嬪洪氏, 1735–1815), also known as Lady Hyegyeong (惠慶宮), mother of King Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1776–1800). This indicates that the year gabo here would correspond to 1774. Hyebinggung also refers to Yongdonggung Palace (龍洞宮), Lady Hyegyeong’s residence, which was the private property of the royal family. Fig. 2. White porcelain with utsyo-related inscriptions White porcelain vessels bearing the daesyo (대쇼) inscription began to appear around the time vessels incised with the Chinese characters 天, 地, 玄, and 黃 were produced (Table 3). Daesyo refers to the royal kitchen servicing the Daejeon (大殿), the king’s living quarters in a palace. The white porcelain bowl incised with 地 from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12 through 16 also shows the stippled inscription daesyo on one side of the base (Fig. 3-1). The shards of two white porcelain vessels excavated from cultural layers III and IV in Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3 are respectively incised with the Chinese characters 左乙八十 (jwa eulpalsip) and 別甲戌 (byeol gapsul), and also carry the stippled inscription daesyo on the body near the foot (Fig. 3-2). Vessels with inscriptions on the base of cyclical year names or of cyclical year names in combination with numbers have been found at kiln sites dating to the seventeenth century onwards. Therefore, it can be presumed that the inscription 別甲戌 refers either to the year 1634 or 1694, but the shape of the foot and the fact it was fired on fine sand make the year 1634 more likely. The vessel bearing the inscription 左乙八十 is also likely to have been produced in the first half of the seventeenth century rather than in the second half, considering the inverted triangular cross-section of the foot and the fact that it was fired on fine sand. Two other lower-quality white porcelain shards with the stippled daesyo inscription on the interior base, a bamboo-node-shaped foot, and traces of being fired on sand spurs have been found (Fig. 3-3). Such examples indicate that white porcelain vessels of varied quality were used in the royal kitchens. Table 3. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to daesyo Inscription Location Accompanying Chinesecharacter inscription(s) Place of excavation Period 1 daesyo (대쇼) Base 地 (incised) Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 16th century 2 daesyo (대쇼) Base None Sojubang site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 3 daesyo (대쇼) Base ? Sojubang site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 4 daesyo (대쇼) Body, next to foot 別甲戌 (incised) Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3 17th century 5 daesyo (대쇼) Body, next to foot 左乙八十 (incised) Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3 6 daesyo (대쇼) Interior base None Hamhwadang, Jipgyeongdang, and corridors in Gyeongbokgung Palace 16th century 7 daesyo (대쇼) Interior base None Sojubang site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 8 sindaesyo son (신대쇼 손) Base None Sojubang site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 17th century(first half) 9 Base 左 (incised) Sojubang site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 10 sindaesyo (신대쇼) Base 別 (incised) Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 One inscription related to daesyo is sindaesyo (신대쇼), which is believed to refer to the royal kitchen for the new (新, sin) Daejeon, or “new king’s quarters” (Fig. 3-4). If the older king’s quarters were in Gyeongbokgung Palace, the new quarters were likely to be found in a different place. The Joseon wangjo sillok and the Gyechuk ilgi (癸丑日記, Diary of the gyechuk year) refer to Changdeokgung Palace, to which the king moved in 1611, as the “new palace” (Entry for the 19th day of the second month of the third year, Gwanghaegun ilgi, vol. 38). Hence the “new king’s quarters” most likely describes his new living quarters in Cheongdeokgung Palace. White porcelain vessels bearing the incised Chinese characters 左 or 別 along with the inscription sindaesyo have been found in large quantities at kiln sites dating to the latter half of the sixteenth century, and it is presumed that sindaesyo began to be stippled on vessels soon after the king moved to Changdeokgung Palace in 1611. Fig. 3. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to daesyo White porcelain vessels with the inscription keunsyo (큰쇼) also began to appear in the sixteenth century when vessels incised with 天, 地, 玄, and 黃 were being produced. Keunsyo is a reference to the royal kitchen of the keunjeon, or “big palace hall,” which also refers to the Daejeon (the king’s quarters within a palace) (Table 4) (Figs. 4-1 and 4-2). Sixteenth-century white porcelain vessels were marked with the inscription keunsyo, or daesyo for the royal kitchen servicing the king’s quarters. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, most inscriptions in Hangeul read keunjeon (큰전) or keundyeon (큰뎐). In this regard, it can be argued that the shards of the five white porcelain vessels bearing the inscription keunsyo discovered at the Hoeamsa Temple site must in some way be related to Queen Munjeong (文定王后, 1501–1565), who was a patron of many Buddhist rites held at the temple. Queen Munjeong was named grand royal queen dowager upon the enthronement of King Myeongjong (明宗, r. 1545–1567), and in the 20th year of his reign (1565) she sponsored the mucha daehoe (無遮大會, Grand rite of non-distinction) at Hoeamsa Temple. This entailed the participation of thousands of monks, and was evidently a grand and magnificent ceremony. Records state that the resources of the royal warehouses were depleted by the rite, attesting to the generosity of the queen’s support for Buddhist ceremonies and projects (Entry for the fifth day of the fourth month of the 20th year, Myeongjong sillok, vol. 31). Table 4. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to keunsyo Inscription Location Accompanying Chinesecharacter inscription(s) Place of excavation Period 1 keun s (큰ᄉᆈ) Base 天 (incised) Cheongjin-dong District No. 5 16th century 2 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base 黃 (incised) Hoeamsa Temple site 3 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base None Hoeamsa Temple site 4 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base ? Hoeamsa Temple site 5 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base ? Hoeamsa Temple site 6 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base None Hoeamsa Temple site 7 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base None Sijeon haengnang site before Jongmyo 8 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base None Sojubang site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 9 keunbat(syo) (큰밧[쇼]) Body, next to foot None Jongmyojeongyo Bridge, riverbed sedimentary layer 17th century 10 gyemi keunbatsyo (계미 큰밧쇼) Body, next to foot ? Gyeonghuigung Palace site 1763 As in the case of utsyo inscriptions, when stippled keunsyo inscriptions were replaced with keunbatsyo, the location of the inscription shifted from the base to the body next to the foot (Fig. 4-3). As mentioned above, keunbatsyo refers to the outer kitchen affiliated with the king’s quarters, and in the nineteenth century the inscription keunbatsyo came to be replaced with keundyeon gogan (큰뎐고간) and a cyclical year name. A white porcelain shard discovered at the Gyeonghuigung Palace site bears the inscription gyemi keunbatsyo (계미 큰밧쇼). Gyemi (癸未) year is presumed to refer to 1763. The shard attests to the addition of cyclical year names to inscriptions on white porcelain (Fig. 4-4). Fig. 4. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to keunsyo The inscriptions utsyo, keunsyo, and daesyo have been found not only on white porcelain vessels of the highest quality, but also on lower-quality vessels with bamboo-node-shaped feet that were fired stacked on top of each other with clay or sand spurs on the foot. These coarser vessels have their place of use marked on the unglazed base with ink inscriptions, providing evidence that white porcelain vessels of varied quality were indeed used in the royal palace (Table 5) (Fig. 5). Table 5. White porcelain with ink Hangeul inscriptions related to utsyo, keunsyo, or daesyo Inscription Location Type of foot Type of firing supports Place of excavation/Source 1 eusyo (으쇼) Base Bamboo-node-shaped foot Clay spurs Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 2 utsyo (웃쇼) Base Bamboo-node-shapded foot Sand spurs Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 3 utsyo (ᅀᅮᆺ쇼) Base Bamboo-node-shaped foot Sand spurs Cheongjin-dong District No. 1 4 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base Bamboo-node-shaped foot Clay spurs Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 5 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base Bamboo-node-shaped foot Clay spurs Sejong-no 6 keunsyo (큰쇼) Base Bamboo-node-shaped foot Sand spurs Sojubang site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 7 daesyo (대쇼) Base Bamboo-node-shaped foot Clay spurs Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 8 daesyo (대쇼) Base Bamboo-node-shaped foot Clay spurs Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 Fig 5. White porcelain with utsyo, daesyo, and keunsyo-related inscriptions The Hangeul inscription dongsyo (동쇼) accompanied by Chinese characters such as 天, 地, 玄, 黃, 左, or 右 is also found on the base of white porcelain vessels produced at government kilns in the sixteenth century (Table 6) (Figs. 6-1 and 6-2). Rather than on the base, however, the inscription dongsyo on one white porcelain vessel excavated from the Eoyeongcheong site is located on the body next to the foot. It is presumed that this vessel is of a later date than the examples with dongsyo inscription from the Cheongjin-dong area, given that the center of its base bulges outwards and the cross-section of the foot takes on an inverted trapezoid shape (Fig. 6-3). There is also a white porcelain vessel which has a U-shaped cross-section and the inscription dongbyatsyo (동뱟쇼) on the body next to the foot (Fig. 6-4). The inscription dongsyo refers to the royal kitchen for the Donggungjeon (東宮展), the crown prince’s living quarters, and dongbyatsyo to the outer royal kitchen servicing the crown prince’s quarters. The shard of a white porcelain bowl carrying the inscription syesongung ansyo (셰손궁 안쇼), excavated at the site of the bridge at the entrance to Gyeonghuigung Palace, is believed to have been used in the inner royal kitchen of the crown prince’s quarters. Table 6. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to dongsyo Inscription Type of inscription Location Accompanying Chinsecharacter inscription(s) Place of excavation Period 1 dongsyo (동쇼) Stippled Base 天 (incised) Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3 16th century 2 dongsyo (동쇼) Stippled Base None Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 3 dongsyo (동쇼) Stippled Base 右 (incised) Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 4 dongsyo (동쇼) Stippled Base None Cheongjin-dong District No. 1 5 dongsyo (동쇼) Stippled Body, next to foot None Eoyeongcheong site 17th century 6 dongbyatsyo (동뱟쇼) Stippled Body, next to foot None Western wall site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 18th century 7 Syesongung ansyo (셰손궁 안쇼) Stippled Body, next to foot None Lower part of Geumcheongyo Bridge at the Gyeonghuigung Palace site Fig. 6. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to dongsyo Princes and Princesses Sons and daughters born to the king’s concubines were invested with the titles gun (君, prince) and ongju (翁主, princess), respectively. The names or titles of a number of these royal offspring have been found in Hangeul inscriptions stippled on white porcelain vessels, including four children of King Jungjong, two children of King Seonjo (宣祖, r. 1567–1608), one child of King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674–1720), and one child of King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776) (Table 7). White porcelain vessels bearing the names or titles of these princes and princesses have been excavated from Gyeongbokgung Palace, Changdeokgung Palace, and the Cheongjin-dong area. It is presumed that they were used in the living quarters of the princes and princesses within the palace before they moved out to their own private residences. Table 7. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to princes and princesses Inscription (year of birth and death) Location Accompanying Chinesecharacter inscription(s) Place of excavation Period 1 hyesyun (혜슌, 1512–1583) Base 天 (incised) Sangbang site in Changdeokgung Palace 1522 2 yeongyang (영양, 1521–1561) Base 玄 (incised) Hyeopsaengmun Gate site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 1532 3 Base ? Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 4 deokheung (덕흥, 1530–1559) Base None Gwanghwamun Gate site in Gyeongbokgung Palace c. 1538–1542 5 jyeongsin (졍신, 1526–1552) Base 上 (stippled) Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 c. 1526–1552 6 isyeong (이셩, 1576–1588) Base 大 (stippled), 上 (incised) Cheongjin-dong District No. 1 c. 1583 7 dyeongsin (뎡신, 1583–1653) Base ? Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 c. 1593 8 yeonnyeonggun gyeotjyubang (연령군 겻쥬방, 1699–1719) Body, next to foot None Private collection c. 1703–1708 9 hwasyuno (화슌오 . . . , 1720–1758) Body, next to foot ? Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 c. 1725–1732 The white porcelain shard bearing the inscription hyesyun (혜슌) that was excavated from the Sangbang (尙房, Bureau of Royal Attire) site in Changdeokgung Palace also has the character 天 incised on its base (Fig. 7-1). The inscription hyesyun refers to Princess Hyesun (惠順翁主, 1512–1583), a daughter of King Jungjong and Royal Noble Consort Gyeongbin of the Park clan (敬嬪朴氏, died 1533). The princess left the palace upon her marriage to an official named Kim Ingyeong (金仁慶, 1514–1583) in 1522, so the vessel inscribed with her name would have been used within the palace prior to 1522. Two white porcelain shards with the inscription yeongyang (영양) are remnants of high-quality pieces made at the official government kilns. They also show the Chinese character 玄 incised on the base, indicating that they are wares of the finest quality made for use in the royal palace (Fig. 7-2). The inscription yeongyang refers to Prince Yeongyang (永陽君, 1521–1561), a son of King Jungjong and Royal Consort Changbin of the An clan (昌嬪安氏, 1499–1549). Considering the record stating that construction work was continuing on the private residence of the prince, who was set to be married in 1532, it can be supposed that he did indeed get married and leave the palace around that time. The stippled inscription that starts with deokheung (덕흥ㄱ) on the base of a white porcelain vessel found at the site of Gwanghwamun Gate in Gyeongbokgung Palace refers to the second son of King Jungjeong and Royal Consort Changbin, although part of the inscription has been lost (Fig. 7-3). This second son, Prince Deokheung (德興君, 1530–1559), the younger brother of the abovementioned Prince Yeongyang, was the father of King Seonjo. He was invested with the title Prince Deokheung in 1538 and left the palace in 1542 upon his marriage to a member of the Hadong Jeong clan (河東鄭氏). A white porcelain shard excavated from Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 bears the stippled inscription jyeongsin (졍신) and the Chinese character 上. The former is presumed to be a reference to Princess Jeongsin (靜愼翁主, 1526–1552), the daughter of King Jungjeong and Royal Consort Changbin (Fig. 7-4). Fig. 7. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to princes and princesses A white porcelain shard with the stippled Hangeul inscription isyeong (이셩) on the exterior of the foot also has the Chinese characters 上 and 大 stippled on the base (Fig. 8-1). It is presumed that isyeong refers to Prince Uian, Yi Seong (義安君李珹, 1576–1588), son of King Seonjo and Royal Consort Inbin of the Kim clan (仁嬪金氏, 1555–1613). Yi Seong was greatly favored by King Seonjo, who refurbished a royal residence in the most luxurious manner and presented it to Yi Seong in 1583. This residence was later referred to as Nambyeolgung Palace (南別宮). The 上 and 大 marks on the base, which respectively mean “upper” and “big,” suggest that the dish was originally used in the king’s quarters, the Daejeon, and then offered as a gift to Yi Seong. The fact that Yi Seong’s birth name rather than his invested title is stippled on the dish likely indicates that the dish was presented to him before he was invested as a prince. It is not known when Yi Seong was named a prince, but since such an investiture generally takes place after the age of six, it can be presumed that the dish inscribed with his name was used before he left the palace to move into Nambyeolgung in 1583. The white porcelain shard discovered in Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 is only a portion of the lower body, but the stippled Hangeul inscription dyeongsin (뎡신) is visible on the outside of the foot (Fig. 8-2). This inscription is believed to refer to Princess Jeongsin (貞愼翁主, 1583–1653), a daughter of King Seonjo and Royal Consort Inbin, who left the palace in 1593 when she married Seo Gyeongju (徐景霌, 1579–1643). The white porcelain vessel inscribed with the name of the princess would have been used in the palace before she left it in 1593. Vessels produced later than the sixteenth century inscribed with the names of princes and princesses have also been found. A shard of a white porcelain jar in a private collection shows the stippled Hangeul inscription yeonnyeonggun gyeotjyubang (연령군 겻쥬방) on the body next to the foot (Fig. 8-3). Prince Yeonnyeong (延齡君, 1699–1719) was the son of King Sukjong and Royal Consort Myeongbin of the Park clan (䄙嬪朴氏, died 1703) and was invested as prince in 1703. King Sukjong greatly favored Prince Yeonnyeong over his other two sons who were later crowned as King Gyeongjong (景宗, r. 1720–1724) and King Yeongjo, respectively, and incited protests among his officials when he spent an inordinate amount of money on a private home for Prince Yeonnyeong upon his departure from the palace in 1708. It is thought that this white porcelain jar was made between 1703, the year of Yeonnyeong’s investiture, and 1708, when he left the palace. As for gyeotjyubang, which is inscribed alongside the prince’s name, gyeot means side, and jyubang appears to mean kitchen (廚房). The stippled Hangeul inscription hwasyuno (화슌오) located on the body next to the foot on a white porcelain shard refers to Princess Hwasun (和順翁主, 1720–1758), a daughter of King Yeongjo and Royal Consort Jeongbin of the Yi clan (靖嬪李氏, died 1721) (Fig. 8-4). Hwasun was invested as a princess in 1725 and left the palace in 1732 when she married Kim Hansin (金漢藎, 1720–1758), so the vessel would have been used in the palace at some point between those years. Fig. 8. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to princes and princesses Ceremonies and Ancestral Rites Hangeul inscriptions related to ceremonies and ancestral rites include jinjyeon (진젼), sadang (ᄉᆞ당), syogyeok (쇼격), jyegui (졔긔), and heoni (허니), as seen in Table 8. Jinjeon refers to Junwonjeon (璿源殿), the royal portrait hall where the kings’ portraits were enshrined (Fig. 9-1), while sadang or sadang banbitgan (ᄉᆞ당 반빗간) refers to a ritual facility either inside or outside of the palace where the royal ancestral tablets were enshrined. Jyegui (졔긔) and heoni are old Hangeul transcriptions of the Chinese characters 祭器 (jegi, ritual vessel) and 獻彛 (heoni, ritual liquor ewer). Considering the forms of the vessels and the accompanying incised Chinese characters, such as 天 and 地, these vessels can be assumed to have been made in the sixteenth century (Figs. 9-2 and 9-3). The white porcelain vessel inscribed with the word syogyeok (쇼격) would have been used at the Sogyeokseo (昭格署), a government organization from the early Joseon period that managed Taoist rites for praying for the welfare of the royal household and the nation (Fig. 9-4). The Sogeokseo was repeatedly shut down and reopened during the early Joseon period, but closed for good after the Japanese invasions of the sixteenth century. The fact that no Chinese character marks accompany the Hangeul inscription and that the foot is thicker than earlier examples indicate that the vessel bearing the inscription syogyeok was used between 1522 and the launch of the Japanese invasions in 1592. Table 8. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to rites and ceremonies Inscription Location Accompanying Chinese-character inscription(s) Place of excavation Period 1 jinjyeon (진젼) Foot; Base None Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 16th century 2 sadang banbitgan g (ᄾᆞ당 반빗ㄱ) Interior base 天 incised Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 3 sadang (ᄾᆞ당) Interior base None Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16 4 syogyeok (쇼격) Base None Yeonggunjikso site in Gyeongbokgung Palace 5 syogyeok dyung (쇼격 듕) Base None Cheongjin-dong District No. 8 6 jyegui (졔긔) Base 地 incised Eoyeongcheong site 7 天 incised Eoyeongcheong site 8 ? Cheongjin-dong District No. 1 9 heoni (허니) Base None Eoyeongcheong site 10 地 incised Eoyeongcheong site 11 地 incised Eoyeongcheong site 12 None Eoyeongcheong site Fig. 9. White porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to rites and ceremonies Changes in Royalty-related Hangeul Inscriptions over Time and Reasons for Their Inclusion The above examination of the stippled Hangeul inscriptions on Joseon white porcelain excavated from sites within the city wall of Seoul shows that the inscriptions from the first half of the Joseon period are closely related to the royal family. This section examines in detail aspects that have not been dealt with in the existing research: when the stippled Hangeul inscriptions were made, changes in the inscriptions over time, and the reasons behind their use. Among the white porcelain vessels used in the royal palace bearing inscriptions including utjyen (웃졘), utjye (웃졔), utgung (웃궁), utsyo (웃쇼), keunsyo (큰쇼), daesyo (대쇼), and dongsyo (동쇼) and the white porcelain vessels used for ceremonial or ritual purposes bearing inscriptions including jinjyeon (진젼), sadang banbitgan (ᄉᆞ당 반빗간), jyegui (졔긔), and heoni (허니), many have additional Chinese characters such as 天, 地, 玄, 黃, 左, and 右 inscribed on the base. As it is presumed that white porcelain vessels with such Chinese characters incised at the time of their production at the kilns date from around the sixteenth century, it can be concluded that stippled Hangeul inscriptions began to appear by at least the first half of the sixteenth century. In addition, it should be noted that examples of vessels with stippled inscriptions of the names of princes and princesses appeared mostly in the period spanning the reigns of King Jungjong and King Seonjo, and that the Sogyeokseo, the institute where vessels bearing the inscription syogyeok (쇼격) were used, was shut down after the Japanese invasions (1592–98). Considering the above points, it is likely that the majority of royal wares with the abovementioned Hangeul incriptions were manufactured during the reign of King Jungjong. Compared to their sixteenth-century counterparts, white porcelain examples from the seventeenth century bearing inscriptions such as utsyo, dongsyo, and daesyo generally have a lesser degree of white colour and are of lower quality, with thicker walls and a foot that tends to be shorter and thicker. Moreover, the addition of incised cyclical year names such as 別甲戌 and 左乙八十 on the base of vessels bearing the daesyo inscription aligns with the seventeenth-century practice of inscribing cyclical year names on vessels produced at the official government kilns. Another point concerning vessels marked with daesyo or dongsyo is that the inscription is placed on the body next to the foot, indicating that at some time around the first half of the seventeenth century the location for the inscription shifted from the base to the lower part of the body. Stippled Hangeul inscriptions including udansyo, utbatsyo, keunbatsyo, dongbatsyo, and syesongung ansyo have also been found on vessels from the first half of the eighteenth century. These inscriptions reveal that the royal kitchen consisted of two sections, an inner kitchen (ansyo) responsible for daily meals and an outer kitchen (batsyo) responsible for banquet food. They also evidence that the practice of locating the inscription on the body rather than the base had become firmly established by this time. The white porcelain vessels with stippled inscriptions from this period show a higher degree of pure white color than those of the previous century, along with a shorter foot with a U-shaped cross-section. In the latter half of the eighteenth century, cyclical year names were added to the stippled Hangeul inscriptions that referenced the royal kitchens, as seen in the shards of white porcelain with the inscriptions muo utbatsyo (무오 웃밧쇼, 1798), jeongmi utdyeonansyo (정미 웃뎐안쇼, 1787), gyemi keunbatsyo (계미 큰밧쇼, 1763), and gabo hyebinggungsaeng (갑오 혜빙궁ᄉᆡᆼ, 1774). Another category of stippled Hangeul inscriptions encompasses those that refer to both specific members of the royal family and their places of residence. These include utsyo for the royal kitchen of the (grand) royal queen dowager’s quarters, daesyo and keunsyo for the royal kitchen of the king’s quarters, dongsyo for the inner royal kitchen of the crown prince’s quarters, and other inscriptions indicating the royal kitchen of the royal grandson’s quarters, the quarters of princes and princesses, and the inner royal kitchen for smaller palaces and royal residences such as Sujingung (壽進宮), Suguigung (淑儀宮), and Hyebingung Palaces. Not all white porcelain vessels brought into a royal palace were marked with stippled Hangeul inscriptions. It seems that those vessels that were considered to be private possessions of members of the royal family were specially marked with stippled inscriptions indicating their place of use. The following record from 1663, the fourth year of the reign of King Hyeonjong (顯宗, 1659–1674) lends some support to this argument. “Following the old state conventions, kings and queens maintained their own private assets. The king had his own personal treasury called Naesusa (內需司), while the queen, the royal queen dowager, and the grand royal queen dowager each also kept her own private treasury. Examples include Sujingung Palace, Eouigung Palace (於義宮), and Myeongnyegung Palace (明禮宮). The private residence of a prince who had no offspring or the residence of a king before his ascension to the throne were also assigned a palace name. These palaces were given over to the private ownership of kings and queens and were managed by male court eunuchs. Any favors bestowed on royal relatives or any other demands outside the stipulated law had to be covered with money generated from those palaces. Over time, these palaces grew in scale, coming to include considerable farmland and leading to the exploitation of bonded servants and attracting all kinds of wicked people. However, local government offices could say nothing about the matter and legal officials could not place any prohibitions. Everyone cited this situation as an indictment of the times.” (Entry for the fifth day of the ninth month of the fourth year, Hyeonjong gaesu sillok, vol. 9) The above record indicates that during the reign of King Hyeonjong, the king, the grand royal queen dowager, the royal queen dowager, and the queen all maintained private property in the form of the Naesusa, Sujingung Palace, Eouigung Palace, and Myeongnyegung Palace, respectively. The profits from these palaces were used to purchase the goods required for the living quarters of each royal personage. As explained above, the inscriptions utgung and utjye respectively refer to the royal queen dowager’s private treasury and maiden home, which constitute her private property. These privately-held assets were used to bestow favors on relatives and meet needs falling outside of those prescribed by law. One case in point was money dedicated to the patronage of Buddhism, such as the abovementioned grand rite of non-distinction, or mucha daehoe held at Hoeamsa Temple in 1565 under the sponsorship of Queen Munjeong. The shards of white porcelain bearing the inscription keunsyo and the many other white porcelain vessels for royal use excavated from the Hoeamsa Temple site attest to royal patronage of Buddhism out of the queen’s private funds. The white porcelain shard with the inscription syujingung (슈진궁) excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3 was used at Sujingung Palace, the private property that belonged to the grand royal queen dowager or the royal queen dowager, while the shard bearing the inscription hyebinggung (혜빙궁) presumably refers to Yongdonggung Palace, a major private royal residence and treasury where Royal Princess Consort Hyebin of the Hong clan, or Lady Hyegyeong lived after the death of her husband, Crown Prince Sado (思悼世子, 1735–1762) (Figs. 10-1 through 10-3). Fig. 10. White porcelain with inscriptions related to Sujingung and Hyebingung The royal private property described above entailed assets that generated profits based on land and bonded servants belonging to the area bestowed to each royal residence (Entry for the fifth day of the ninth month of the fourth year, Hyeonjong gaesu sillok, vol. 9). In this regard, the stippled Chinese-character inscription 大處庄 (daecheojang) on the base of a celadon shard excavated from the royal kitchen site in Gyeongbokgung Palace is a notable artifact (Fig. 11-1). Daecheo (大處) pertains to the Daejeon (大殿), the king’s quarters at the royal palace, while jang (庄) means privately owned royal land. It is presumed that daecheojang is a reference to the king’s private assets managed by the royal treasury Naesusa. Along these lines, two white porcelain shards presumably from the sixteenth century and with the character 處 (cheo) on the base (one incised and the other painted in iron-brown pigment) are likely also associated with private royal property (Figs. 11-2 and 11-3). Fig. 11. Shards with inscriptions related to 處 Hangeul inscriptions are found not only on items used in the living quarters of members of the royal family, but also on ritual and ceremonial vessels, which are similarly considered to pertain to the private treasuries of the royal household. One of the responsibilities of the private royal treasuries was to procure all vessels and other sundry goods needed for the performance of royal ancestral rites. For example, Sujingung Palace functioned not only as a private treasury but also as the site for rites for princes who died before their investiture or princesses who died before they were married. Other private palaces also served as treasuries that procured and prepared the goods needed at rites. In sum, during the latter half of the Joseon dynasty, the major private property of the royal family was comprised of the so-called “one office and four palaces” (一司四宮, ilsa sagung), that is, the king’s royal treasury Naesusa along with Sujingung, Myeongnyegung, Yongdonggung, and Eouigung Palaces. Based on profits from land and tribute goods, these five institutions supplied goods needed within the official royal palace inhabited by the king and queens. These included the goods required by the palace halls (殿, jeon) that served as the living quarters of individual members of the royal family, each hall with its six attached departments (六處所, yukcheoso), including the inner and outer kitchens. White porcelain vessels that came into the palace as part of the royal household’s private property were inscribed in Hangeul with the name of their place of use stippled to mark them as the property of the royal family and to minimize the risk of loss. The production of white porcelain with stippled Hangeul inscriptions in the sixteenth century is similar to the production of buncheong ware (粉靑沙器, buncheong sagi) with inscriptions related to the Wangsilbu (王室府, Office of the Royal Household) during the first half of the fifteenth century. In the early Joseon period, the Wangsilbu oversaw the private property of the royal family and the supply of goods to the palace, addressing the needs of a selected number of people within the royal family, including any living former king, the crown prince, and the queen. The Wangsilbu possessed independent financial resources and held its own assets, allowing it to function as the palace supply organ with the exclusive right to commission the production of ceramics with pertinent inscriptions. Although the Wangsilbu was abolished in the latter half of the fifteenth century, its functions were assumed by the “one office and four palaces” system that constituted the private treasuries of the royal household. Conclusion One recent achievement of the excavation of the early Joseon layer in the old city center of Seoul, an area concentrated around the palace sites and their surroundings, is the discovery of a large number of white porcelain vessels bearing inscriptions in Hangeul. With a particular focus on vessels with inscriptions indicating a connection with the royal family, this paper has examined the meaning of these inscriptions, where the vessels were used, when the stippling technique was used, and the reason for making such inscriptions. Among the Hangeul inscriptions, those that read utsyo (웃쇼), keunsyo (큰쇼), daesyo (대쇼), and dongsyo (동쇼) are believed to refer to the Sojubang, the royal kitchen attached to the living quarters of the grand royal queen dowager, the royal queen dowager, the king, and the crown prince. Inscriptions such as utgung (웃궁) and utjye (웃졔) are seen as references to the private property of the grand royal queen dowager or the royal queen dowager, while inscriptions such as hyesun (혜순), yeongyang (영양), deokheung (덕흥), jyeongsin (졍신), isyeong (이셩), and dyeongsin (뎡신) are thought to be related to the invested titles of the princes and princesses born to King Jungjong or King Seonjo. Based on the content and meaning of the inscriptions, it is estimated that concentrated production of stippled Hangeul inscriptions on white porcelain began during the reign of King Jungjong in the first half of the sixteenth century. During the sixteenth century, inscriptions related to the royal family were executed using the stippling technique on the base of the vessel, but in the seventeenth century the inscription was shifted to the body next to the foot. Between the latter half of the seventeenth century and the early eighteenth century when the Sojubang, the royal kitchen in the palace, was divided into inner and outer kitchens, Hangeul inscriptions on white porcelain came to distinguish between these kitchens, as evidenced by the inscriptions of udansyo (웃안쇼), utbatsyo (웃밧쇼), keunbatsyo (큰밧쇼), and dongbatsyo (동밧쇼). In the latter half of the eighteenth century, cyclical year names were added to the inscriptions. The marking of white porcelain wares with stippled Hangeul inscriptions related to members of the royal family during the sixteenth century is presumed to have been connected to the supply of goods to the royal family via the private royal treasuries. The stippled inscriptions of syujingung (슈진궁), hyebinggung (혜빙궁), 大處庄 (daecheojang), and 處 (cheo) on white porcelain from the sixteenth century are identified to have relation to the one office and four palaces that managed private assets of the royal family members. It is assumed that such inscriptions were stippled on royal white porcelain wares to mark the place of use, thereby making it clear that the vessels belonged to the royal household’s private property and minimizing the risk of loss.

Formative Characteristics and Nature of Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-century Blue-and-white Porcelain Excavated from Sites within the City Wall of Seoul

Kim Hyejeong(Myongji University)

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2017.v11_04

In fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Joseon (朝鮮, 1392–1910), blue-and-white porcelain, known as cheonghwa baekja (靑華白磁), was used by a limited group of people—the royal court and ruling class. As a result, extant examples from this period, including findings from excavations, are scarce. Scholars have been relying mainly on historical records and the small number of heirlooms that have survived to this day (傳世品, jeonsepum).1 Around the turn of the new millennium, however, large quantities of Joseon ceramics were discovered during excavations carried out in connection with urban redevelopment projects in Seoul. In particular, sites in Cheongjin-dong in Jongno-gu yielded a large quantity of blue-and-white porcelain believed to date from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, providing concrete evidence of its use in the early Joseon dynasty. The excavations greatly facilitated research into consumption patterns and characteristics of blue-and-white porcelain of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that previously had been little known. This study seeks to explore the aesthetic characteristics and consumption patterns of the blue-and-white porcelain recovered from sites within the city wall of Seoul, known as Hanyangdoseong (漢陽都城), which protected the Joseon capital of Hanyang (漢陽, present-day Seoul). Particular focus will be placed on sites in Cheongjin-dong in Jongno-gu, Seoul. The study will first provide an overview of sites in Seoul where blue-and-white porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was discovered, and then examine the forms and designs of the blue-and-white porcelain wares recovered from sites in Cheongjin-dong through a comparison with other extant examples, including heirlooms and those excavated from kiln sites. It will further investigate the characteristics of the blue-and-white porcelain unearthed from Cheongjin-dong and analyze historical documents to determine how blue-and-white wares was used outside the royal court. Past studies on blue-and-white porcelain excavated from the Cheongjin-dong area have focused on individual sites. This paper is significant in that it provides a comprehensive survey of early Joseon blue-and-white porcelain discovered from several sites within the city wall of Seoul. Details of Excavations of Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-century Blue-and-white Porcelain from Sites within the City Wall of Seoul Historic sites within the city wall of Seoul that have confirmed the consumption of blue-and-white porcelain during the early Joseon period are located in the Cheongjin-dong and Seorin-dong areas, Jongmyo Shrine Square in Jongno-gu, and the ancient sites of Dongdaemun Stadium, Wongaksa Temple within Pagoda Park in Jongno 2-ga, and the Gungisi at Taepyeongno 1-ga in Jung-gu (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Blue-and-white porcelain consumption sites in the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Hanyang after Doseongdo (都城圖, Map of Capital City) (detail). Joseon, late 18th century. 67.0 × 92.0 cm. Treasure No. 1560. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies (Image edited by the author; Seoul Museum of History 2016, p. 64) Redevelopment projects in Cheongjin-dong, where the excavations were the largest in scale and produced the greatest yield, were carried out as part of the Seoul Urban Renewal and Revitalization Project in the area north of the Hangang River in Seoul (Research Institute of Korean Architectural Culture of Myongji University 2007; Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2011a, 2012, 2013a, 2013b, 2013c). Cheongjin-dong, located within the heart of the capital city of Hanyang, was an area partially encompassing Unjongga Street, a central commercial avenue lined with government-licensed shops known as sijeon (市廛). It was also near Yukjo Street, where the six ministries, or yukjo (六曹) were located. Moreover, in the northern part of Cheongjin-dong were situated royal residences, including Yongdonggung Palace (龍洞宮) and Sujingung Palace (壽進宮). A wide variety of artifacts ranging from earthenware and porcelain to metalwares were excavated in Cheongjin-dong. A total of 62 blue-and-white porcelain wares from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were discovered—most of which are high-quality porcelain with a cross-section for the foot in the shape of an inverted triangle or trapezoid and fired on a support of fine sand, similarly to other surviving blue-and-white heirlooms of this date. In the area where Cheongjin-dong meets the main street (Jongno-daero) in front of Jongmyo Shrine Square, structural remains of licensed shops were discovered. It is believed that a marketplace of licensed shops, known as sijeon haengnang (市廛行廊), was established around the present-day Jongno intersection (Hoh Young-Rok 1995, 70–76). Large quantities of both domestic and imported ceramics were recovered from this commercial area, just as from other excavation sites within Cheongjin-dong. Each of the shops in the commercial area specialized in the sale of a specific type of goods, and therefore not all of the ceramics recovered would have been intended for sale. From this perspective, there is a high probability that the pieces discovered were personal possessions of the licensed merchants. Among the ceramics excavated from the sites of licensed shops, only thirteen examples of blue-and-white porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were discovered, which is minimal in terms of the total number of ceramics found. Most of them are high-quality white porcelain, and similar types of rimmed dishes and jars were found in large amounts concentrated in small areas. Small numbers of blue-and-white porcelain wares were also discovered from other sites within the city wall, such as Dongdaemun Stadium, Jongmyo Shrine Square, the Gungisi, and Wongaksa Temple sites. At the Dongdaemun Stadium site, structural remains from the Joseon period had been damaged and most of the related findings had been disturbed, making it difficult to date the excavated ceramics and other remains (Seoul Metropolitan Government and Jungwon Cultural Properties Institute 2011, 424). As for official porcelain from the early Joseon period, seven blue-and-white porcelain shards of various sizes were recovered together with porcelain wares bearing inscriptions incised on the glazed surface. The Gungisi site was the location of the Gungisi (軍器寺, Government Arsenal), which was responsible for the production of gunpowder and weapons during the Joseon period. From this site, four pieces of early Joseon blue-and-white porcelain were recovered—most of which were excavated from the interior space of architectural structures (Hangang Institute of Cultural Heritage 2011b, 652). Notable among these findings is White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Inscription of “Dohwaseo” in Underglaze Cobalt-blue, which bears an inscription of “Dohwaseo” (圖畵署), the government-run bureau of painting where court painters worked (Fig. 2). Fig. 2. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Inscription of “Dohwaseo” in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Excavated from the Gungisi site. Diameter: 20.0 cm (mouth). Seoul Museum of History (Hangang Institute of Cultural Heritage 2011b, p. 105) Excavation of the Wongaksa Temple site was conducted by the Seoul Museum of History in 2001. The temple was ordered closed in the early Joseon period and was continuously vandalized thereafter. In consequence, the current findings are weighted more towards their relevance to the government offices or private homes that were later built on the site (Seoul Museum of History 2002, 109–111). Two shards from blue-and-white rimmed dishes were discovered here. They were excavated from different locations, but they are similar in terms of appearance and craftsmanship. Also found at this site were high-quality bowls and dishes with inscriptions engraved into the glazed surface of the exterior base and fired on a support dusted with fine sand. The site of the square at the entrance to Jongmyo Shrine yielded different kinds of porcelain shards dated from the early Joseon period to the early twentieth century (Seoul Museum of History 2012, 429). Findings from the site include a large amount of premium-quality royal porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries with inscriptions on the glazed base. Also unearthed from the site was a blue-and-white porcelain shard from a jar simply decorated with a plum and bamboo design and a shard from a rimmed dish with a bosanghwa (寶相華, Ch. baoxianghua)scroll design. The sites of the Jongchinbu (宗親府, Office of the Royal Genealogy) and Eoyeongcheong (御營廳, Royal Guards Command), also in the Jongno area, each yielded a shard from a decorated rimmed dish inscribed with a poem. In the Seorin-dong area in Jongno-gu, where structural remains of buildings from the Joseon period were found, White Porcelain Lid Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue was discovered together with Ming Chinese blue-and-white porcelain. The shard is described in the excavation report as being from Ming China, but it appears to be a product of the official court kiln of Joseon (Hangang Institute of Cultural Heritage 2012, 87). This paper has thus far examined blue-and-white porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries discovered at sites within the city wall of Seoul. The characteristics of the sites and the quantity of blue-and-white porcelain excavated are outlined in Table 1. It is important to note that the Cheongjin-dong area, where government bureaus and upper-class residences were situated, yielded the largest amount of blue-and-white porcelain. However, in the future, more blue-and-white porcelain is likely to be excavated from the sites of the central commercial area of licensed shops (sijeon haengnang), the Gungisi office, Jongmyojeongyo Bridge in Jongmyo Shrine, and Wongaksa Temple where the Jangagwon (掌樂院, Royal Bureau of Music) was established during the reign of King Yeonsangun (燕山君, r. 1494–1506). As for the sites in Seorin-dong and Dongdaemun Stadium, only structural remains of buildings lacking sufficient corresponding written records have been identified, which makes it difficult to verify the functions of the remains. Only a small quantity of blue-and-white porcelain was discovered in Seorin-dong. Table 1. Sites that yielded fifteenth- and sixteenth-century blue-and-white porcelain and the amount of porcelain excavated Excavation Site Discovered Remains Function or location of Excavated Site Number of excavated finds Cheongjin-dong Sijeon haengnang Licensed shops Commercial area 13 Miscellaneous Buildings Adjacent to administrative offices and royal residences 62 Dongdaemun Stadium Buildings Adjacent to military facilities and city wall 7 Gungisi Site Government Arsenal Administrative office 3 Wongaksa Temple Site Buildings Administrative office (Jangagwon) and residences 2 Jongmyo Shrine Square Jongmyojeongyo Bridge Remains of royal palace 2 Eoyeongcheong Site Royal Guards Command Administrative office 1 Jongchinbu Site Office of the Royal Genealogy Adjacent to Jongmyo Shrine 1 Seorin-dong Buildings Unidentified 1 Blue-and-white porcelain from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was excavated from layers dating to the early to mid-Joseon dynasty. At most sites, blue-and-white porcelain from private local kilns in China was discovered in large quantity along with high-quality Joseon official porcelain incised on the glazed exterior base with Chinese characters, including 天 (cheon, heaven), 地 (ji, earth), 玄 (hyeon, black), 黃 (hwang, yellow), 左 (jwa, left), and 右 (u, right). However, porcelain with decorations of inlaid designs, underglaze cobalt-blue designs, and underglaze iron-brown designs were discovered in small numbers and only at certain building sites, demonstrating that the ownership of decorated porcelain produced in the official court kilns of Joseon was highly restricted. Among the decorated porcelain discovered, those with underglaze cobalt-blue motifs were the rarest. Formative Characteristics of Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-century Blue-and-white Porcelain Excavated within the City Wall of Seoul Over 100 items (shards and/or intact vessels) from a total of 88 blue-and-white porcelain wares from the early Joseon period were unearthed within the city wall of Seoul. Overall, they are similar in terms of form and design to heirlooms and those excavated from kiln sites. However, there are also items that are of a unique type and design, as indicated in Table 2. Table 2. Type and design of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century blue-and-white porcelain excavated from sites within the city wall of Seoul Type Rimmed dish Dish Jar Lid Cup with two lugs Bowl with lid Cup Water dropper Stem cup Memorial tablet Incense burner Flower-pot Game Figurative vessel Unidentified Total(number of tems) Design base body Floral scroll 1 3 1 4 9 Grass and flower 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 14 Plum and bamboo 3 1 5 9 Plum blossom 1 1 2 2 1 1 3 3 14 Fish and water plant 6 1 7 Poetry 7 7 Chinese character 1 1 2 1 5 Pine tree 4 4 Dragon and cloud 1 1 1 4 Bamboo 1 1 1 3 Landscape 1 1 Grape 1 1 Bird and flower 1 1 Crab 1 1 Wave 1 1 Others 3 1 1 1 1 7 Total 22 1 9 8 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 9 21 88 The excavated blue-and-white porcelain is diverse in type. However, the majority is comprised of rimmed dishes and jars, and there is a concentration of special ware compared to daily tableware. In terms of design, plum blossoms and floral scrolls are most prevalent. Many of the porcelain designs are highly sophisticated and correspond to accounts in the Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam (新增東國輿地勝覽, Revised augmented survey of the geography of Korea) and Yi Ro (李魯, 1544–1598)’s Songamjip (松岩集, Complete works of Yi Ro), which state that court painters painted designs such as fish and water plant, crab, and bird and flower motifs on blue-and-white porcelain. This paper focuses on jars and rimmed dishes since they were excavated in the greatest number and appear to be the most diverse in style. Characteristics of their forms and featured designs will be investigated in the following. Jars High-quality porcelain jars—both plain and decorated—were excavated from sites within the city wall of Seoul. These mid-to large-sized jars were intended as special vessels for storage or decorative purposes rather than for everyday use. Blue-and-white porcelain jars are highly sophisticated vessels with exquisite designs, and many heirlooms are testimonies of their outstanding quality. The shapes of blue-and-white porcelain jars from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries can be largely grouped into three types: jars with an upright neck, slightly inverted rim, and S-shaped body; jars with a high foot and slender body; and jars with an everted mouth and body tapering sharply toward the base (Kim Hyejeong 2017, 115–116). Comparisons with heirlooms confirm that the shards discovered from sites within the wall of Seoul—particularly those from the mouth and lower body—match these three categories. The only differences among the shards are the thickness of the walls and the apparent quality of the original jar. Among the blue-and-white porcelain found at sites within the Seoul city wall, over 30 shards from 23 porcelain wares feature plum blossom designs, amounting to 20 percent of the total number of shards found. Among the blue-and-white porcelain jars recovered within the ancient city walls, those decorated with plum and bamboo design were found in the greatest numbers. In District No. 5 of the Cheongjin-dong area, seven shards of blue-and-white porcelain were discovered that are similar in form to White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Figs. 3-1 and 3-2). The colors of the glaze and the decorative motifs on the seven shards identify them as originating from at least two different vessels. Shards similar to the abovementioned seven were discovered in Districts Nos. 1 and 8 and 12 through 16 of the Cheongjin-dong area. Furthermore, an example of the same shape and design as these shards was discovered in Gwancheol-dong in Jongno-gu in the 1970s (Fig. 3-3). Additionally, a lid shard decorated with a plum and bamboo design in underglaze cobalt-blue was discovered from the Beoncheon-ri kiln site No. 9, which is presumed to have operated in the 1550s. Given this, it is probable that blue-and-white porcelain jars featuring this type of plum and bamboo design were continuously produced in the early Joseon era. All of these plum and bamboo designs feature rather schematized and conventional expressions and compositions, suggesting that the jars were used for ceremonial purposes where such stylistic uniformity was required. Fig. 3-1. White Porcelain Jar Shards with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 5.0 cm (lower part). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong District No. 5. Seoul Museum of History (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2012, Fig. 552) Fig. 3-2. White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 41.0 cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 5) Fig. 3-3. White Porcelain Jar Shard with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Diameter: 17.2 cm (mouth). Excavated from Gwancheol-dong. National Museum of Korea (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 22) Most of the plum and bamboo designs on the abovementioned jars and shards are painted ornately yet harmoniously with twisted and curved plum branches and upright bamboo stems. They are rendered using the gureuk (鉤勒, Ch. goule) technique in which a pattern is outlined and then filled in with color (in this case, cobalt-blue). The bamboo stems are delicately rendered with attention to details such as the veins of the leaves, and the plum branches are crafted in short, repetitive brushstrokes to accentuate their three-dimensionality. The latter technique is thought to have been devised to remedy the difficulty of creating a natural effect of light and shade using cobalt-blue pigment. The plum trees are characterized by a composition of a gnarled curving trunk that accentuates the jar’s curved surface, and the bamboo is defined by bold outlines that emphasize its decorative features. Blue-and-white porcelain with less elaborate designs of plum and bamboo have also been discovered, as evidenced by White Porcelain Shards with Plum and Bamboo Design in Cobalt-blue excavated from Cheongjin-dong (Fig. 4-1). Missing its rim and lower body, its overall shape is not identifiable, but the depiction and composition of the design is comparable to White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue housed in the Museum of Oriental Ceramics in Osaka, Japan (Fig. 4-2). On both jars, the plum and bamboo motif is rendered in a simple manner using the molgol (沒骨, Ch. mogu), or boneless, technique that uses washes of ink and color. The plum blossoms on the branches are noticeably fewer compared to the aforementioned jar in the Leeum collection (Fig. 3-2). The lotus petal bands on the shoulders and lower body have disappeared, which suggests that they were produced in the sixteenth century when Joseon blue-and-white porcelain deviated from the influence of Chinese models. Fig. 4-1. White Porcelain Shards with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (body). Joseon, 15th–16th century. Length: 11.8 cm (max). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16. Seoul Baekje Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013c, Fig. 2131) Fig. 4-2. White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 35.0 cm. Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 62) White Porcelain Jar Shard with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue and White Porcelain Jar Shard with Plum Blossom Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue excavated from Cheongjin-dong resemble White Porcelain Jar with Plum, Bird, and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in the National Museum of Korea and White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bird Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in the Ewha Womans University Museum (Figs. 5-1 through 5-3). The jar shard illustrated in Fig. 5-1 was unearthed with the rim section missing, but the shape of its lower portion and the curves of the body present a striking likeness to that of the two intact examples in the National Museum of Korea and Ewha Womans University Museum. The height of the shard is 24.2 centimeters, while the vessels in the National Museum of Korea and the Ewha Womans University Museum measure 24.5 centimeters and 27.0 centimeters in height, respectively. Compared to the abovementioned jar in the Leeum collection, the shoulders of the shards excavated from Cheongjin-dong and the two intact examples are lower and they feature simpler designs with more empty space left in the background. These traits can be attributed to the sixteenth century. Fig. 5-1. White Porcelain Jar Shard with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 24.2 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16. Seoul Baekje Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013c, Fig. 850) Fig. 5-2. White Porcelain Jar Shards with Plum Blossom Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 11.9 cm (top right). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong District No. 5. Seoul Museum of History (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2012, Fig. 930) Fig. 5-3. White Porcelain Jar with Plum, Bird, and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 24.5 cm. National Museum of Korea (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 64) Floral scrolls, which are a typical motif of blue-and-white porcelain from the early Joseon period, strongly reflect influences of blue-and-white porcelain of Ming China. Many examples adorned with floral scrolls were excavated from sites in Seorin-dong and Cheongjin-dong in Jongno-gu. Floral scrolls are also the most common design on Ming Chinese blue-andwhite porcelain excavated from sites within the city wall of Seoul, which indicates a preference for floral scrolls at this time (Park Jungmin 2013, 38–39). Because the floral scrolls are found mostly on body shards, it is difficult to extrapolate the complete forms of the original vessels bearing this design. However, considering that the walls are thick and the motifs relatively large, the shards are presumed to have been from jars. The flowers of the four seasons, featuring scrolls with different kinds of flowers, represent a motif that demonstrates a heavy influence from Ming Chinese blue-and-white porcelain. A shard from the body of a jar featuring the flowers of the four seasons was discovered at a Cheongjin-dong site (Fig. 6-1). Only a few intact blue-and-white porcelain wares decorated with these four-season flowers have survived today, including White Porcelain Jar with Flowers of the Four Seasons Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue housed in Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art and White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Floral Scroll of the Four Seasons Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue housed in the Dewazakura Art Museum in Japan (Fig. 6-2). The shard excavated from Cheongjin-dong features two different large floral designs, which are presumed to be part of a four-season floral scroll design. The design is executed in relatively delicate detail, and the elaborate flowers add to its splendor. Fig. 6-1. White Porcelain Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (body). Joseon, 15th–16th century. Length: 8.2 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p. 52) Fig. 6-2. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Floral Scroll of the Four Seasons Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Diameter: 20.0 cm (mouth). Dewazakura Museum of Art (Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka 1991, Fig. 1) White Porcelain Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue excavated from Cheongjin-dong is 16 centimeters wide, 2.3 centimeters thick, and relatively crude in form (Fig. 7). This body shard features fairly large bosanghwa flowers and scroll motifs elaborately painted in cobalt-blue pigment, yet its glazed surface is cracked and the pigment is smudged. The bosanghwa motifs is rendered as if being viewed from the side rather than from above, which is common to blue-and-white porcelain of Ming China. Fig. 7. White Porcelain Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (body). Joseon, 15th-16th century. Length: 12.0 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p. 54) White Porcelain Lid Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue excavated from Seorin-dong is remarkably similar in design to two dishes bearing the identical title of White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue respectively housed in the Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka and Nezu Museum in Japan (Figs. 8-1 and 8-2). The flowers surrounded by scrollwork are painted using the gureuk technique in which the flowers are outlined and filled with color. A shard featuring the same scroll design was discovered in Cheongjin-dong. In terms of composition, the design reflects influences Ming Chinese blue-and-white porcelain, yet it differs in that unlike the stylized scroll designs of Ming China, the scrolls are rendered in an irregular manner across an empty background and the floral motif is reminiscent of a sunflower viewed from above. Fig. 8-1. White Porcelain Lid Shard with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 5.2 cm. Excavated from Seorin-dong. Seoul History Museum (Hangang Institute of Cultural Heritage 2012, p. 198) Fig. 8-2. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Bosanghwa Scroll Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Diameter: 22.7 cm (mouth). Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 60) Two shards bearing the same title, White Porcelain Jar Shard with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue were also discovered at a Cheongjin-dong site. One of the shards has an upright mouth with a slightly inverted rim and broad shoulders, suggesting that it comprised large, tall jar of high-quality porcelain delicately decorated with clear and bright cobalt-blue pigment (Fig. 9-1). The shape of the mouth and shoulder and the composition of the design recalls a dragon jar illustrated in the Gukjo oryeui (國朝五禮儀, Book on the Five Rites of State, 1474) (Fig. 9-2). Fig. 9-1. White Porcelain Jar Shard with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 13.1 cm (eft). Length: 8.6 cm (right). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12-16. Seoul Baekje Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, Fig. 838) Fig. 9-2. Illustration of a dragon jar in the Gukjo oryeui. Joseon, 1474 (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 35) There are two representative examples of blue-and-white porcelain decorated with dragons and clouds in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art; both carry the same title of White Porcelain Bottle with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (Fig. 9-3). The vigorous dragons and clouds on the bottles are similar to the dragons on the shards from Cheongjin-dong. Therefore, it can be assumed that the designs rendered on the Cheongjin-dong jar shards depict the propitious vapors surrounding the head and body of a dragon. A similar shard of a blue-and-white porcelain jar with dragon and cloud design was excavated from the Usan-ri kiln site No. 9 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province (Fig. 9-4). The shard has horizontal lines across the upper and lower parts of the mouth which is decorated with large cloud patterns. The body features a dragon executed in dynamic brushwork, and the detailed depiction of the scales of the dragon resembles its counterparts on shards from Cheongjin-dong. Moreover, White Porcelain Lid Shard with Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue excavated from Cheongjin-dong is similar to an example recovered from the Beoncheon-ri kiln site No. 9. Considering its flaring rim and the composition of the design, this lid shard is thought to have formed a pair with a jar with a dragon and cloud design. Fig. 9-3. White Porcelain Bottle with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 25.0 cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 55) Fig. 9-4. White Porcelain Jar Shard with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Excavated from the Usan-ri kiln site No. 9. Height: 22.0 cm. Ewha Womans University Museum (National Museum of Korea 2015, Fig. 17) Rimmed Dishes Rimmed dishes, characterized by a form strongly influenced by metalware, were used as rests for cups (Jeon Seungchang 1997, 101–110). They are unique in that, unlike conventional dishes, the interior base is plane and they have a raised flat rim. The inner base usually features highly pictorial designs or poetic verses written in a variety of scripts. There are a number of rimmed dishes among the ceramics unearthed from the sites of official court kilns in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province, and several well-preserved heirlooms of this type have survived to this day. Thus, it can be presumed that rimmed dishes were produced and used as one of the major forms of blue-and-white ceramics in the early Joseon period. This is also indicated by finds from sites within the city wall of Seoul, where 21 rimmed dishes were discovered, thus outnumbering other types of blue-and-white porcelain. Moreover, a considerable number of lower-body shards retrieved from these sites are believed to be the feet of rimmed dishes. Rimmed dishes were produced in a wide range of sizes, but regardless of size they were fired in the same kilns. By the late sixteenth century, rimmed dishes had been reduced in size and the concavity had been increased to form a taller dish (Song Hojin 2013, 34). Rimmed dishes excavated within the Seoul city wall range from 18 to 22 centimeters in diameter and span 1.5 to 2.8 centimeters in height. This is within the parameters of the examples excavated from kiln sites from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, as well as of other surviving examples from this period. The rimmed dishes discovered in Cheongjin-dong are predominantly decorated with fish and water plant designs. A total of six rimmed dishes depicting fish or water plants were excavated from Cheongjin-dong. Among heirlooms, there are three definitive examples of blue-and-white porcelain adorned with fish and water plant designs. These are White Porcelain Jar with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue housed in Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art; White Porcelain Flat Bottle with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in the Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka; and White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in a private collection in Japan (Fig. 10-1). In addition, a shard from a rimmed dish was found at the Beoncheon-ri kiln site No. 9 that features a water plant that appears to be part of a fish design. Among the intact surviving blue-and-white porcelain embellished with fish designs, the iconography of the Chinese porverb tiaolongman (登龍門, the carp leaping over the dragon’s gate) in which a fish leaps over water plants is an often-used decoration. Fig . 10-1. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Diameter: 22.7 cm (mouth). Private collection in Japan (Ebine Toshio 1999, p. 255) Shards of rimmed dishes with fish designs excavated from Cheongjin-dong feature not only depictions of fish dynamically twisting and leaping, but also of them peacefully swimming amid water plants (Figs. 10-2 and 10-3). The latter motif is not found among heirlooms. The depiction of water plants and fish is executed in minute detail, and three-dimensionality is suggested through the use of light and shade. No features of the shards of such rimmed dishes are alike, and each displays distinctive brushwork and composition, demonstrating the pictorial quality of fish painting in the early Joseon period. Fig. 10-2. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th-16th century. Height: 1.8 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p. 96) Fig. 10-3. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Fish and Water Plant Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Height: 2.1 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p.84) The Cheongjin-dong area also yielded White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Crab Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue, whose flat inner base is decorated with a crab motif in cobalt-blue pigment (Fig. 11). Although the coloring is rather somber, the crab is rendered in a highly sophisticated manner. The claws and even the hairs on the legs of the crab are meticulously depicted against a background of sparsely arranged reeds. Fish and crabs are both iconographic representations of a fruitful career, and using rimmed dishes with these designs as saucers could be understood as an expression of the desire for such success in life. Therefore, rimmed dishes with fish or crab designs befitted scholar-officials more so than the royal household, and could have possibly been used as royal gifts or at royal banquets attended by officials (Kim Hyejeong 2017, 149–150). Also found at the same site is White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Bird and Flower Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue (Fig. 12). This dish shows two concentric circles in the center of the inner base, while birds and trees densely fill the rest of the base in the register between the circles and the rim. This decorative arrangement finds no parallel among heirlooms. Fig. 11. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Crab Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Diameter: 19.6 cm (mouth, restored). Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 2 and 3. Seoul History Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013a, p.51) Fig. 12. White Porcelain Rimmed Dish Shard with Bird and Flower Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th–16th century. Diameter (mouth): 22.0 cm. Excavated from Cheongjin-dong Districts Nos. 12–16. Seoul Baekje Museum (Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2013c, Fig. 1716) The abovementioned examples correspond with records indicating that blue-and-white porcelain wares of the early-Joseon period were decorated by court painters and therefore provide material for studies of Joseon painting. There are only a small number of extant bird-and-flower paintings from the early Joseon period, but studies have revealed that bird-and-flower paintings were produced at the royal court in the late sixteenth century. This suggests that blue-and-white porcelain wares with bird and flower designs reflect the culture and penchants of the royal court of the late sixteenth century. In addition to jars and rimmed dishes, there are other types of unearthed blue-and-white wares, though small in number, that match the types of surviving examples, including lidded bowls, cups with two ears (兩耳盞, yangijan), water droppers, and epitaph plaques. Cups with two ears are assumed to have comprised a set with a rimmed dish. Previously unseen types of blue-and-white porcelain include stem cups, flower pots, legs of an incense burner, dice, a game piece for janggi (將棋, Korean chess), and figurines. Among these findings, there are flower pots and water droppers adorned with plum branches executed with crude yet distinguishing brushstrokes. A piece for janggi with the inscription of the Chinese character 兵 (byeong, soldier) was discovered at the Gungisi site, and white porcelain dice featuring different Chinese characters written in cobalt-blue were found at a Cheongjin-dong site, making clear that game pieces were also produced in blue-and-white porcelain. As examined above, a number of blue-and-white porcelain wares of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were excavated from sites within the city wall of Seoul. In terms of type, rimmed dishes and jars were the most common, and plum and bamboo and floral scroll designs were the most frequently found motifs on the wares, thus indicating the characteristics of blue-and-white porcelain of this time. In addition, unprecedented types and designs were observed, demonstrating the emergence of new styles in the early Joseon period. Characteristics of Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Blue-and-white Porcelain Excavated within the City Wall of Seoul What is noteworthy about the blue-and-white porcelain found within the city wall of Seoul is that it was unearthed in the heart of the ancient capital city, an important area for the consumption of blue-and-white porcelain. Since the establishment of the Bunwon (分院), the official court kilns administered by the Saongwon (司饔院, Office of Royal Cuisine), in the years around 1467 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province, raw materials for producing white porcelain were regulated by the government (Entry for the seventh day of the sixth month of the 12th year, Sejo sillok, vol. 39). Moreover, according to the Daejeon songnok (大典續錄, Supplementary records to the Great Code) and the Gyeongguk daejeon (經國大典, Great Code of the State administration), ceramics produced in official court kilns in the early Joseon period were used by the royal court and government offices. They also state that others were forbidden from using them except with permission. The Yongjae chonghwa (慵齋叢話, Assorted writings of Yongjae) written by Seong Hyeon (成俔, 1439–1504) records the difficulties faced in the production of blue-and-white porcelain due to problems linked to the supply of cobalt-blue pigment. Nevertheless, various sites inside the Seoul city wall, including Cheongjin-dong, have yielded high-quality white porcelain as well as blue-and-white porcelain from official kilns. Although these exclusive pieces were excavated in the central region of the capital in the vicinity of the royal court and government offices, it is believed that official white porcelain and blue-and-white porcelain wares were also disseminated among the general public (Kim Youngwon 2003, 180–183). Historical accounts have revealed that blue-and-white porcelain produced in official court kilns was indeed transmitted to places other than the royal court and government offices. The Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon dynasty) recounts that from the beginning of the dynasty kings bestowed white porcelain and blue-and-white porcelain wares. Such royal gifts were the official means by which blue-and-white porcelain could be disseminated. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, they were bestowed on several occasions, as seen in Table 3. Table 3. Royal bestowal of porcelain in the fifteen and sixteenth centuries (Based on records in the Joseon wangjo sillok) Period Date Recipient (Person or Institution) Type of object Number of objects Prior to the establishment of the official court kilns King Sejo (r. 1455–1468) 28th day of the seventh month of the second year Third State Councilor Yi Sacheol (李思哲, 1405–1456) Large cup with blue-and-white decoration 1 Fourth day of sixth month of the seventh year Second State Councilor Sin Sukju (申叔舟, 1417–1475) Cup(s) with painted decoration (hwajong) unknown Seventh day of the 11th month of the eighth year Grand Prince Imyeong (臨瀛大君, 1420– 1469), Yang Jeong (楊汀, died 1466), Chief State Councilor Sin Sukju, and others Cup with painted decoration (hwajong) 1 each After the establishment of official court kilns King Seongjong (r. 1469–1494) 21st day of the eighth month of the second year Seonggyungwan White porcelain jar 2 Fourth day of the second month of the ninth year Seonggyungwan Blue-and-white porcelain jar, Large cup with painted decoration 2 each 22nd day of the seventh month of the 20th year Seonggyungwan Blue-and-white porcelain jar(s) unknown Seventh day of the 12th month of the 22nd year Seungjeongwon (承政院, Royal Secretariat) White porcelain cup(s) unknown King Yeonsangun (r. 1494–1506) 29th day of the tenth month of the eighth year of the eighth year Princess Hwisun (徽順公主, born 1495) Jar with painted dragon design Presumed During the reigns of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) and King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469–1494), white porcelain and blue-and-white wares were bestowed seven times on the kindred of the king, court officials, and to the Seonggyungwan (成均館), the national Confucian academy. These royal gifts are recorded as including white porcelain jars and cups, blue-and-white jars, and hwajong (畵鍾), which means “painted cup” and is assumed to refer to blue-and-white porcelain cups. During the reign of King Sejo the official court kilns were yet to be established, so it is uncertain where the blue-and-white items he bestowed were produced. However, according to records from 1461, a poem composed by the king was written on the interior wall of a vessel, which suggests that the gifts were highly likely to have been manufactured in Joseon (Entry for the fourth day of the sixth month of the seventh year, Sejo sillok, vol. 24). Some of the building sites in Cheongjin-dong may have been sites of government offices or residences of royal clansmen or high-level officials, and therefore official porcelain found at the sites would probably have been transmitted through the official means of royal gifting. However, rather than royal bestowal, the main reasons why porcelain from official kilns were disseminated among the public were due to embezzlement, theft, and private commissions. A record in the Jungjong sillok indicates that in 1524, Yi Chim (李忱, 1489–1526), also known as Prince Gyeongmyeong (景明君), who had supervised the Saongwon, misdirected for his personal use official wares such as porcelain jars (Entry for the 27th day of sixth month of the 19th year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 51). It is unknown whether the official porcelain wares referred to in the above record were blue-and-white porcelain. However, it is evident that royal porcelain was pilfered from the court, government offices, and official kilns, and that demand existed for it outside the court. Such abuse of authority could occur relatively easily because production in the Saongwon was mainly managed by high-ranking government officials of the royal family like Prince Gyeongmyeong. Evidence of such irregularities appears regularly in records after the sixteenth century. The outflow of royal porcelain included not only theft of blue-and-white porcelain, but also stemmed from the production of ceramics for personal use at the official kilns in Gwangju (Kim Youngwon 2003, 180–183). It is recorded that in 1540, Han Semyeong (韓世鳴), a junior eighth-ranking bongsa (奉事) official at the Saongwon, ordered potters to manufacture porcelain for his personal use. Although the precise extent of private production is unknown, it would seem that it was not a small amount because the record says that Han collected equal amount of porcelain from each potter (Entry for the 11th day of the fifth month of 35th year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 93). Moreover, the Jungjong sillok recounts that even people in Hamgyeong-do Province and military border districts purchased and used porcelain from Gwangju (Entries for the sixth day of the second month of the 23th year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 60; 18th day of the eighth month of the 33rd year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 88). This suggests that porcelain wares produced for private ends were being sold by government officials. In addition, the Gyeonhan jamnok (遣閑雜錄), an assortment of writings by Sim Sugyeong (沈守慶, 1516–1599), records that Sim Ilseung (沈日昇), a junior ninth-ranking chambong (參奉) official who was a superintendent and at the same time an overseer (監造官, gamjogwan) of the Saongwon, requested that his uncle Sim Sugyeong compose a poem so he could have a saucer produced with the poem inscribed on it. A shard of a rimmed dish featuring this poem in iron underglaze was recovered from Cheongjin-dong, thereby demonstrating that official court kilns did produce porcelain for private use, and that these wares were distributed among the general populace. The official court wares discovered from sites within the city wall of Seoul therefore include not only royal gifts, but possibly also wares that were pilfered from the court, government offices, and official kilns. A point worthy of note is that a far greater quantity of blue-and-white wares were excavated from the Cheongjin-dong area, where licensed shops were located, than from other areas. Based on historical records, it is assumed that the buildings in Cheongjin-dong once housed the annexes of government offices, residences of government officials and licensed merchants, as well as the palace estates of royal family members. Since such places were part of the official circulation routes of blue-and-white porcelain, the chances of discovering blue-and-white wares here are higher. Moreover, the licensed merchants who resided near centers of licensed shops had close ties with the political elite of the time, and thus it was likely possible for them to obtain blue-and-white porcelain through unofficial means such as private production or embezzlement (Park Pyeongsik 2009, 137). Blue-and-white porcelain excavated from Cheongjin-dong appears to have been circulated outside of the court through such routes. Moreover, in Cheongjin-dong, metalware, stationary goods made of stone, and Chinese ceramics were discovered together with blue-andwhite porcelain, a fact which further supports the notion that people residing in this area had the wealth and drive to pursue higher culture. Conclusion Excavations carried out inside the city wall of Seoul have provided an opportunity to examine the characteristics and consumption patterns of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century blue-and-white porcelain. Excavations have been conducted in various areas of the city. However, the discovery of blue-and-white porcelain from the early Joseon period has been restricted to areas housing former government offices or portions of their surroundings. It is notable that a greater amount of blue-and-white porcelain has been excavated from the Cheongjin-dong area, which encompassed a marketplace of licensed shops. Most of the blue-and-white porcelain wares recovered from Cheongjin-dong comprised jars and rimmed dishes, and this is in accordance with surviving examples of blue-and-white porcelain. This paper examined jar shards with dragon and cloud design by making a comparison between heirlooms and their excavated counterparts and suggested that the shards could be the actual models for the illustration of a dragon jar featured in the Gukjo oryeui. Moreover, the sophisticated decorations on the shards, including plum and bamboo, fish, bird and flower, and crab motifs, conform to records stating that these designs were executed by court painters. Thus they can be expected to serve as resources for further studies on early Joseon paintings. The use of blue-and-white porcelain was, at least officially, limited to the royal court and ruling class. Nevertheless, blue-and-white porcelain wares were misdirected due to systematic irregularities at the Saongwon and corruption among related officials, as well as private commissions. By investigating the rimmed dish with an inscription of a poem featured in Sim Sugyeong’s book among other cases, it is proposed that the blue-and-white porcelain wares found in the Cheongjin-dong area were products of the official court kilns and that they may have been manufactured and used for private purposes.

Changes in the Characteristics of White Porcelain Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown Produced in Joseon Official Kilns

Woo Minah(Lecturer, Hongik University)

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2017.v11_05

White porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown (鐵畵白磁, cheolhwa baekja) is painted using an iron pigment the main component of which is ferric oxide (Fe2O3). This pigment, which was called seokganju (石間朱, red ocher) during the Joseon period (朝鮮, 1392–1910), is created by refining the pigment after combining it with certain components of clay and glaze, including feldspar, quartz, and limestone. Iron has long been used as a pigment in a variety of ways, as it is one of the decorative colorants most available in nature and readily usable. The official kilns in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province that produced Joseon court wares continuously used iron oxide to decorate white porcelain. White porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown from the official court kilns have been much studied. Most investigations of this type of white porcelain have focused on the stylistic changes apparent among extant examples, particularly those from the seventeenth century. However, since white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was made throughout the entire period when the official kilns were in operation, limiting studies to seventeenth-century porcelain wares restricts a more comprehensive understanding of the characteristics of this type of ware. Moreover, recent discoveries of numerous porcelain wares, including white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown, from excavations and archeological field surveys of Joseon white porcelain kilns have created a need for research into these newly discovered ceramics. This paper covers the period from 1466, when the Joseon royal court established a cluster of official court kilns in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province as a branch office, known as the Bunwon (分院) of the Saongwon (司饔院, Office of Royal Cuisine), through 1883 when the official kilns were privatized. This timeframe is divided here into three periods based on changes in the characteristics of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown as identified through a study of historical sources as well as comparative analysis of porcelain excavated from kilns and surviving heirlooms (傳世品, jeonsepum). Phase I spans from the latter half of the fifteenth century to the sixteenth century; phase II runs from the seventeenth century to the first half of the eighteenth century; and phase III begins in the latter half of the eighteenth century and lasts into the nineteenth century. Referencing this timeframe, this study explains how the characteristics of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown from official kilns changed over time. This study also reexamines discussions on when white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown began to be produced by analyzing historical records that describe factors which stimulated its production, such as the supply and demand of iron oxide pigment and the visual impact of foreign polychrome wares. Furthermore, it draws upon the outcomes of recent excavations and archeological field surveys to scrutinize Joseon people’s perception of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown by analyzing the types of wares unearthed and the distribution of their manufacturing locations. In so doing, this research will show how the nature of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown from official kilns developed and changed over time. The Manufacture of White Porcelain Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown at Official Kilns and the Initiation of Its Production Background of the Manufacture of White Porcelain Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown 1. Relationship between Iron and Cobalt Pigments The use of iron pigment for decorating white porcelain at the official kilns is closely connected to the procurement of cobalt pigment. From the early stages of their operation, the official court kilns produced white porcelain with underglaze cobalt-blue decoration (鐵畵白磁, cheonghwa baekja) as the finest ceramics available to the Joseon court. Records from the reigns of King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469–1494) and King Jungjong (中宗, r. 1506–1544) in the Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon dynasty) repeatedly mention that the Joseon court imported cobalt from China to produce blue-and-white porcelain (Entries for the 11th day of the eighth month of the ninth year, Seongjong sillok, vol. 95; 23th day of the first month of the 19th year, Seongjong sillok, vol. 211; 28th day of the 12th month of the 36th year, Jungjong sillok, vol. 97). Yet, according to the Yongjae chonghwa (鐵畵白磁, Assorted writings of Yongjae), vol. 10, written by Seong Hyeon (成俔, 1439–1504) in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, “as cobalt (回靑, hoecheong) is rare and precious, it has become difficult to obtain the pigment even in China. . . . For this reason, Joseon has very few porcelain wares with paintings.” These records indicate that the procurement of Chinese cobalt became a challenge. During the first half of the seventeenth century, Joseon suffered financial difficulties stemming from constant warfare and recurring natural disasters, which led to the temporary closure of the official kilns. In China, during the same period, a Jurchen invasion and a peasant rebellion led by Li Zicheng (李自成, 1606–1645) disrupted porcelain production at the Jingdezhen (景德鎭) kilns in Jiangxi Province. The wars in both Joseon and China, not to mention Joseon’s foreign policy toward Ming and Qing China had an adverse impact on official trade. Accordingly, the procurement of Chinese ceramics and cobalt pigment became even more difficult in the seventeenth century, as shown in a record from the reign of King Gwanghaegun (光海君, r. 1608–1623): “The Saongwon reported that since none of the painted wine jars (畵樽, hwajun) used for court banquets for foreign envoys survived the wars, they attempted to make some by purchasing cobalt-blue pigment. However, there was no way to obtain the pigment. Thus, whenever court banquets were held, the office had no choice but to use faked versions. It seemed rather pitiful.” (Entry for the third day of the fourth month of the tenth year, Gwanghaegun ilgi, vol. 27) As indicated in this record, Joseon became unable to produce painted jars for holding wine or flowers at court banquets due to the difficulty of procuring cobalt, and had no choice but to use white porcelain adorned with fake blue-and-white decoration, known as gahwa (假畵, literally “fake painting”). Moreover, another record from 1634, the 12th year of the reign of King Injo (仁祖, r. 1623–1649) from the Seungjeongwon ilgi (承政院日記, Daily records of the royal secretariat) noted the following: “In the past, dragon jars used at the banquets for foreign envoys bore imitations of underglaze blue-and-white decoration [gahwa], and so when they were transported, the paints often flaked off. Thus, we [Saongwon] frequently entrusted money to official interpreters who went to Beijing and ordered them to purchase cobalt pigment; however, the interpreters failed to bring it back. As a last resort, we painted dragon jars with seokganju and fired them, which were then used when welcoming Chinese envoys. We would like to reuse them at future receptions for the Chinese envoys.” (Entry for the 18th day of the fifth month of the 12th year of King Injo’s reign, Seungjeongwon ilgi, fasc. 43) As shown in the above entry, when it became impossible to procure cobalt pigment to decorate dragon jars for use at the welcoming receptions for envoys, dragon jars began to be manufactured using seokganju, iron oxide pigment. This information, which is the earliest documentation of the use of seokganju in decorating white porcelain, indicates that the difficulties in producing blue-and-white porcelain resulted in a switch to white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. The scarcity of cobalt pigment continued to be mentioned until the early eighteenth century. 2. Supply and Demand of Iron Oxide Pigment and the Visual Effects of Decoration 1) Efficient Procurement of Iron Oxide Pigment Next, let us examine the ease of procuring iron oxide pigment as another context for the production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. Shards of white porcelain ware decorated with underglaze iron-brown from the Goryeo dynasty have been excavated at kiln sites in Gyeonggi-do Province, such as the klin sites in Bangsan-dong, Siheung, and the white porcelain kiln sites in Seo-ri, Yongin, which operated during the early Goryeo period. Moreover, celadon decorated with underglaze iron-brown were produced at the kilns in Jinsan-ri, Haenam, Jeollanam-do Province, which demonstrates the widespread use of underglaze iron-brown designs on both white porcelain and celadon wares. It is well known that iron oxide pigment was used to decorate buncheong ware (粉靑沙器, buncheong sagi) at the early Joseon kilns in Hakbong-ri on Mt. Gyeryongsan in the Gongju area. The continuous use of iron oxide to decorate ceramics from the Goryeo era onward may in part have been due to the pigment being easily obtainable. The Sejong sillok jiriji (世宗實錄地理志, Geographical appendix to the annals of King Sejong, 1432), the definitive record reflecting Joseon in the first half of the fifteenth century, mentions the regions that produced iron oxide pigment, also known as juto (朱土, literally “red clay”). As juto was extracted in Gyeonggi-do, Chungcheong-do, Gyeongsang-do, Hwanghae-do, and Gangwon-do Provinces, the pigment was essentially available nationwide. The ease of obtaining iron oxide pigment naturally led to the use of iron to decorate white porcelain, and iron oxide replaced cobalt when the latter became unavailable. 2) Inspiration from Foreign Polychrome Wares The production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown in the early and mid-Joseon period was closely related to the insufficient supply of cobalt pigment and the widespread availability of iron oxide pigment. In the late Joseon period, however, iron oxide pigment was deliberately used to maximize the visual effect of porcelain wares. Lavishly decorated polychrome wares were imported from China and Japan during the late Joseon period and transformed the tastes of the consumers. Writings by late Joseon scholars from the Bukhak school (北學派, School of Northern Learning) testify to the changes in the perception of porcelain among prospective consumers. In his book titled Seolsuoesa (雪岫外史, Seolsu’s miscellaneous notes), Yi Huigyeong (李喜經, 1764–1845) praised Chinese ceramics while criticizing the deficiencies in the manufacturing techniques used for producing their Joseon counterparts. He further criticized the policy of King Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1776–1800) that emphasized diligence and frugality, and asserted a need for systemic reform to promote consumption and develop commerce and industry. In a similar vein, the Imwon simnyukji (林園經濟志, Sixteen treaties on rural life and economy) by Seo Yugu (徐有榘, 1764–1845) describes the outstanding qualities of Chinese ceramics, as well as of three-tiered Japanese containers with a crackled glaze in the style of the Ge ware (哥窯, Ch. geyao), with gold cloisonné, or painted in gold and blue. Yi Gyugyeong (李圭景, 1788–1860) also wrote that Joseon porcelain was inferior to its Chinese and Japanese counterparts in his book Oju yeonmun jangjeon sango (五洲衍文長箋散稿, Random expatiations of Oju) and its appendix Oju seojong (五洲書種, Books on military technology). Several extant documents, including the aforementioned examples, reveal that some high-quality Chinese and Japanese porcelain wares were used in Joseon, and that these imported polychrome wares inspired a need for refining the production system of Joseon ceramics. Such changes in the aesthetic tastes of the consumers affected porcelain production at official court kilns, and porcelain began to be decorated using a variety of new styles and techniques. In the late Joseon period, iron oxide pigment was used to enhance the visual effects of porcelain in accordance with the trends that prevailed at that time. Beginning Phase of the Production of White Porcelain Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown White porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was created throughout the Joseon period; however, precisely when its production at official court kilns began has not yet been determined. Since no remaining early Joseon documents feature records on the production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown and only a few examples with reliable dates have survived, it is not easy to ascertain the actual initiation of its production. The earliest dated example is White Porcelain Epitaph Plaque with Inscription of “Jeong Seon, Grand Supervisor at the Directorate for Palace Delicacies” in Underglaze Iron-brown, which was produced around 1468 and currently housed in the Haegang Ceramics Museum.1 Jeong Seon (鄭善, died 1468) was a Korean official who held the title of grand supervisor (太監, Ch. taijian) at the Directorate for Palace Delicacies (尙膳監, Ch. shangshanjian) in the Ming Chinese court. Although this is an example with a clear date, it cannot be concluded that white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was common at this time because this is an epitaph plaque. Nevertheless, some surviving documents indicate that the Joseon court made an effort to seek out a local cobalt pigment called tocheong (土靑, literally “local blue”) around the time when this epitaph plaque was made. For example, the Joseon wangjo sillok noted such efforts during the reigns of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) and King Yejong (睿宗, r. 1468–1469) (Entries for the 24th day of the fifth month of the ninth year, Sejo sillok, vol. 30; third day of the seventh month of the ninth year, Sejo sillok, vol. 34; 13th day of the ninth month of the tenth year, Sejo sillok, vol. 34; fifth day of the tenth month of the first year, Yejong sillok, vol. 8). However, the production of blue-and-white porcelain using local blue pigment failed. Due to the failure to procure suitable local blue pigment, iron oxide pigment appears to have been used as a substitute for cobalt from the time when the official court kilns came into operation. The production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown at official kilns is thought to be attributable to the influence of inlaid white porcelain, buncheong ware with underglaze iron-brown decoration, and Chinese porcelain. However, inlaid white porcelain and buncheong ware with painted iron decoration both present striking contrasts to white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown in terms of manufacturing technique as well as the compositions and subject matters of the decoration. Moreover, white porcelain shards with underglaze black decoration in the style of Cizhou ware (磁州窯, Ch. cizhouyao) have been excavated at the Doma-ri kiln site No. 1 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province, which began operations around 1505 (Fig. 1). Recently similar types of shards have also been found in Cheongjin-dong, Jongno-gu, Seoul (Fig. 2). It may be argued that white porcelain with underglaze black decoration in the style of Cizhou ware influenced the emergence of underglaze iron-brown decoration in Joseon, but since the decorations on Joseon wares greatly differ from those on Chinese wares in terms of subject matter and composition, it seems that the Cizhou-type wares bore no direct influence on Joseon white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. Fig. 1. White Porcelain Jar Shards with Black and White Slip-painted Decoration. Late Yuan and early Ming, China. Excavated at the Doma-ri kiln site No. 1 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province. National Museum of Korea Fig. 2. White Porcelain Jar Shards with Black and White Slip-painted Dragon Design. Late Yuan and early Ming, China. Length: 19.6 cm (max). Excavated in Cheongjin-dong, Jongno-gu, Seoul. Hanul Research Institute of Cultural Heritage Rather, it is more likely that it was the blue-and-white porcelain produced at the official court kilns that prompted the widespread production and use of iron-painted designs on early Joseon porcelain wares. Both White Porcelain Jar with Plum Blossom Design in Underglaze Iron-brown and White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue from the early Joseon period in the collection of the National Museum of Korea show a thick, everted rim and a wide shoulder tapering to a narrow foot (Figs. 3 and 4). In addition they both bear similar designs of plum blossoms rendered in the “boneless” (沒骨, K. molgol; Ch. mogu) technique of ink and wash painting. Thus, white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown seems to manifest a closer relation to contemporaneous official blue-and-white porcelain than to inlaid white porcelain, buncheong ware with underglaze iron-brown decoration, and Chinese Cizhou-type wares. Fig. 3. White Porcelain Jar with Plum Blossom Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, 16th century. Height: 7.1 cm, Diameter: 3.9 cm (mouth); 5.6 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Fig. 4. White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 16th century. Height: 12.4 cm, Diameter: 7.3 cm (mouth). National Museum of Korea As discussed above, the production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown at the official kilns was closely related to that of official blue-and-white porcelain. Since cobalt pigment was not produced domestically in the early and mid-Joseon periods, Joseon had no choice but to rely upon imports from China. Consequently, when Joseon’s diplomatic relations with China were strained and the country’s internal affairs disrupted trade, blue-and-white porcelain production suffered and cobalt had to be replaced with iron oxide, which was easily obtainable within Joseon. In the late Joseon period, imported polychrome wares sparked in consumers a penchant for more decorative wares. In response to this trend, official court kilns began to use iron oxide pigment as decoration to enhance the visual impact of their products and the kilns continued to do so until the end of the Joseon period. Excavation of White Porcelain Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown from Official Kilns Official Kilns for White Porcelain Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown and Relevant Findings Thus far, there is no known example of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown excavated from the sites of official court kilns that operated from the second half of the fifteenth to the first half of the sixteenth century. The earliest example unearthed was from the Beoncheon-ri kiln site No. 9, which is known to have been in operation around 1552, and a few examples have been found at early Joseon kiln sites from the second half of the sixteenth century, including Beoncheon-ri kiln sites Nos. 5 and 8, Hakdong-ri kiln site No. 2, and Mugap-ri kiln site No. 10 (Woo Minah 2011, 250). In terms of type, epitaph plaques have been the most commonly found, followed by foliated cups, jars, and animal-shaped ritual vessels, implying that white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was produced for special uses and occasions rather than for daily use. In general, underglaze iron decoration was applied to fine-quality white wares, and decorative motifs were limited to plum blossoms and Chinese characters. Approximately 180 official kiln sites from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries have been investigated, and twelve of them (6.7 percent) have yielded white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown (Map 1 ). Considering the small amount of this type of excavated porcelain, there must have been relatively few kilns producing white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown during this time. Map 1. Distribution of the official kiln sites that yielded white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province (Image edited by the author; Ewha Womans University 1993, P. 5) As for seventeenth-century kilns, a considerable number have yielded ceramics with underglaze iron-brown decoration, including those in Wangsan-ri in Yongin (1626–1627). Such kiln sites in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province include Sangnim-ri (1618–1636), Seondong-ri (1640–1648), Songjeong-dong (1649–1654), Yusa-ri (1655–1664), Sindae-ri (1665–1676), Jiwol-ri (1677–1680), and Yujeong-ri (late seventeenth to early eighteenth century) (Woo Minah 2011, 251). Although the ancient sites of the Tanbeol-ri (1606–1612) and Hakdong-ri (1613–1617) kilns which operated prior to the Sangnim-ri kilns have yielded no white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown, it can be assumed that white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was manufactured consistently from the latter half of the sixteenth century, and that its production increased around the time when the Sangnim-ri kilns were in operation. Seventeenth-century white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown not only took the form of specialized vessels, such as jars, bottles, water droppers, lidded bowls, epitaph plaques, and ritual vessels, but also wares for daily use, including bowls, dishes, and cups. Moreover, compared to examples from the early Joseon period, those of the seventeenth century were embellished with more diverse designs, including dragon and cloud, plum blossom, bamboo, grape, chrysanthemum, orchid, and poetry motifs. In the latter half of the seventeenth century, wares for daily use were increasingly decorated in underglaze iron-brown, and simple designs such as flowers and plants became more frequently used. Among the 90 official court kilns from the seventeenth century that have so far been investigated, 46 have yielded white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown, manufactured in both saggar- and stack-fired kilns. These comprise 51 percent of all seventeenth-century kilns that have been investigated to date. This reflects the increase in the production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown during the seventeenth century. A small quantity of shards with iron-brown decoration were discovered at the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century kiln sites in Geumsa-ri (1721–1752) and Bunwon-ri (1752–1883). They have been identified as fragments of jars and bottles decorated with dragon and cloud, bamboo, or grass and flower designs. A shard of white porcelain with dragon and cloud design was unearthed at the Geumsa-ri kiln site, which suggests that products of the first half of the eighteenth century still exhibited characteristics of seventeenth-century royal porcelain. Excavations have thus far revealed a total of 20 kilns that operated in and after the eighteenth century, and white porcelain shards with underglaze iron-brown decoration have been found at five of them. This suggests that the production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown declined compared to the seventeenth century. Even though a large number of kilns were in operation during the early Joseon period, only a few of them have been revealed to have manufactured white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. On the other hand, the discovery of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown at seventeenth-century official kiln sites indicates that its production expanded considerably at this time, although the quality of white porcelain decreased because of management problems at the official court kilns due to internal and external factors. This clearly confirms that iron oxide was the most widely used pigment for ornamenting official ceramics during this period. However, the production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown declined once again in the eighteenth century as an amicable trade relationship with Qing China facilitated the procurement of cobalt pigment, and the production of blue-and-white porcelain accordingly increased. Characteristics of White Porcelain Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown Excavated from Official and Regional Kiln Sites Ceramics unearthed from the Songjeong-dong kiln site No. 5 (1649–1659) mainly consist of bowls (20.54 percent), dishes (55.6 percent), and cups (6.02 percent). In other words, porcelain wares for daily use comprise 82.16 percent of the excavated items, while wares for special occasions, such as jars, bottles, and lidded bowls comprise only 17.84 percent of the total (Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum 2008, 75). Most of the Joseon kiln sites investigated present a similar configuration of ceramic types. Due to the difficulty of their manufacture, large-scale vessels seem to have been produced only in small quantities as an offering to the king. A total of 33 shards with underglaze iron-brown decoration were discovered at the Songjeong-dong kiln site. Most of these were remnants of jars and bottles, which were produced in small quantities, rather than bowls and dishes. Sindae-ri kiln site No. 18 yielded a greater number of daily wares decorated with iron oxide pigment, but as in the case of the Songjeong-dong kiln site No. 5 underglaze iron-brown decorations were found more frequently on jars and bottles than on wares for daily use (Fig. 5). These findings indicate that at the official court kilns, underglaze iron-brown decoration was predominantly used on special types of ware. Fig. 5. White Porcelain Shards Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, second half of the 17th century. Height: 26.7 cm (bottle). Excavated at the Sindae-ri kiln site No. 18 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province. Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum (Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum 2008c, p. 10) Regional kilns, on the other hand, show different results compared to the official court kilns. The production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown increased at regional kilns in the mid-seventeenth century. Excavations of regional kilns have revealed that white wares decorated with underglaze iron-brown were created in a number of regions. In contrast to the official court kilns, the regional kilns employed underglaze iron-brown decoration more frequently on wares for daily use, including bowls, dishes, and cups, rather than on special wares, such as jars and bottles (Central Institute of Cultural Heritage 2003 and 2004; Chungbuk National University Museum 1995; Chungcheong Research Institute of Archaeological Heritage 2002; Ewha Womans University Museum 2000; Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum 2009; Honam Cultural Property Research Center 2006; Korea Cultural Heritage Institute 2010). Moreover, decorations on official white porcelain wares differ from those on local kiln products. While the former was ornamented primarily with motifs reserved for the royal court, such as dragon and cloud, in addition to bamboo, plum blossom, and chrysanthemum, the latter were decorated chiefly with grass and flowers or simple dot designs (Fig. 6). Recently, shards of a jar with a dragon and cloud design were unearthed for the first time at a local kiln site in Hapan-ri, Gapyeong, Gyeonggi-do Province (Fig. 7). These jar shards exhibit crude strokes and a simple, carelessly depicted design compared to jars with dragon and cloud designs from the official court kilns. The ease of procurement of iron oxide pigment prompted the production of local iron-painted white porcelain ware, but the underglaze iron-brown decoration was applied in a different manner and style on royal and on local wares. Fig. 6. White Porcelain Bowl Shard and Cup with Grass Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, second half of the 17th century. Bowl-Height: 11.2 cm, Diameter: 18.0 cm (mouth); 6.8 cm (foot). Cup-Height: 3.6 cm, Diameter: 14.4 cm (mouth); 6.5 cm (foot). Excavated at the Hapan-ri kiln site in Gapyeong, Gyeonggi-do Province. Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum (Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum 2008a, p. 30) Fig. 7. White Porcelain Jar Shards with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, second half of the 17th century. Left–Height: 33.7 cm (max), Diameter: 13.7 cm (foot). Right–Height: 21.2 cm (max), Diameter: 15.8 cm (mouth). Excavated at the Hapan-ri kiln site in Gapyeong, Gyeonggi-do Province. Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum (Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum 2008a, p. 32) This section scrutinized aspects of the production of iron-painted white porcelain by briefly investigating the results of excavations of white porcelain ware decorated with underglaze iron-brown at both official court and regional kilns. While only a handful of kilns produced white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown in the early Joseon period, the manufacture of iron-painted wares increased notably during the seventeenth century. In the eighteenth century, the resumption of ready imports of cobalt pigment led to a decline in the production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. In comparison with regional kilns, official court kilns issued relatively greater quantities of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown intended for special use, such as jars and bottles, and employed more varied motifs for decoration, including dragon and cloud, bamboo, plum blossom, grape, and chrysanthemum designs. Accordingly, official kilns produced fine quality wares with underglaze iron-brown decoration for court use on special occasions, such as banquets and ritual ceremonies. Types and Ornamentation of Official White Porcelain Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown From the Late Fifteenth Century to the Sixteenth Century Only a small quantity of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was manufactured during this period. In form, it was limited to jars, bottles, water droppers, funerary objects, epitaph plaques, ritual vessels, and dishes, and in decoration to plum blossom, bamboo, and simple linear designs. A case in point is White Porcelain Jar with Mountains and Fret Design in Underglaze Iron-brown and Cobalt-blue housed in Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Fig. 8). It takes its form after ancient ritual bronzeware. Excluding the rings on the shoulder, its form resembles that of White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue, also in the Leeum collection, which dates it to the second half of the fifteenth century (Fig. 9). Since no contemporaneous examples of iron-painted white porcelain in a similar style have been found, it is likely that iron oxide pigment was only temporarily used for making white porcelain ritual vessels. White Porcelain Bottle with Rope Design in Underglaze Iron-brown in the collection of the National Museum of Korea resembles White Porcelain Bottle with Plum, Bird, and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue in a private collection, which is presumed to have been produced between the early to mid-sixteenth century (Fig. 10).2 Both bottles have an everted rim, narrow neck, and voluminous lower body that widens from the neck. A comparison between these two bottles proves that white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown from the early Joseon period was created in similar shapes as blue-and-white porcelain from the same period. Fig. 8. White Porcelain Jar with Mountains and Fret Design in Underglaze Iron-brown and Cobalt-blue. Joseon, second half of the 15th century. Height: 27.8 cm. Diameter: 9.5cm (mouth); 11.8 cm (foot). Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Fig. 9. White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, second half of the 15th century. Height: 41 cm, Diameter: 15.7 (mouth); 18.2 cm (foot). Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Fig. 10. White Porcelain Bottle with Rope Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, 16th century. Height: 31.4 cm, Diameter: 7.0 cm (mouth); 10.6 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea In addition to their forms, the decorations on blue-and-white porcelain impacted contemporaneous white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. As mentioned previously, White Porcelain Jar with Plum Blossom Design in Underglaze Iron-brown and White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue, both in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, share similarities in the placement of their plum designs that spread across the entire surface of the body, the use of “boneless” brushstrokes, and the painting style which depicts only the plum blossoms and branches without trunks (Figs. 3 and 4). Both jars have thick, everted mouths and wide shoulders that gradually taper to the foot. Such similarities indicate that during the early Joseon period, white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown and white porcelain decorated with underglaze cobalt-blue were produced simultaneously in official court kilns and were used concurrently. Furthermore, extant examples of early Joseon white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown are of a similar premium quality as the blue-and-white porcelain of the era, as evidenced by the quality of the clay, glaze, carved foot, and decoration. Seventeenth Century During the seventeenth century, white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was produced in the official court kilns in nearly all the then-current forms, including jars, bottles, lidded boxes, bowls, dishes, cups, water droppers, burial objects, ritual vessels, epitaph plaques, and barrel-shaped jars (janggun). They were also decorated in a range of motifs, such as dragon and cloud, bamboo, plum blossom, grape, chrysanthemum, flower, and Chinese characters. The traditions of the early Joseon period continued well into the first half of the seventeenth century, yet changes took place as well. For example, White Porcelain Jar with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Iron-brown in the collection of the National Museum of Korea follows the form of the early Joseon White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue discussed earlier (Figs. 9 and 11). Both jars have inverted mouths and broad shoulders that taper sharply toward a flaring foot. The traditions of the preceding period can also be seen in the decorations as well as in the forms. Plum and bamboo designs, common in the early Joseon period, continued to appear on white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown from the first half of the seventeenth century. The only difference in the designs is found in their compositions. For instance, on White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue from the late fifteenth century plum and bamboo are painted together, whereas plum and bamboo are painted separately on different sides of the seventeenth-century White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Iron-brown (Figs. 9 and 12). Fig. 11. White Porcelain Jar with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, first half of the 17th century. Height: 36.2 cm, Diameter: 14.0 cm (mouth); 14.1 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Fig. 12. White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, first half of the 17th century. Height: 36.9 cm, Diameter: 14.0 cm (mouth); 14.1 cm (foot). Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art In the latter half of the seventeenth century, the forms of white porcelain jars decorated with underglaze iron-brown changed once again. White Porcelain Jar with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Iron-brown in the National Museum of Korea represents a new shape with an upright mouth slightly inverted at the rim and voluminous shoulders that gradually taper to a somewhat flaring foot (Fig. 13). There are several surviving examples of this type of jar, suggesting that official white porcelain wares were made in a schematized style during the latter half of the seventeenth century. Fig. 13. White Porcelain Jar with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, first half of the 17th century. Height: 35.7 cm. National Museum of Korea The second half of the seventeenth century witnessed an increase in the production of iron-painted white porcelain wares for daily use, such as bowls and dishes. Furthermore, their motifs expanded from plum and bamboo, dragon and cloud, to chrysanthemum, grape, and grass and flower designs. Despite this expansion of vessel types and designs, later productions repeat the same shapes and have simplified and schematized designs, which may be a result of the increased production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown at the official kilns in the latter half of the seventeenth century. Such stylization of motifs can be observed in dragon and cloud designs (Table 1). The scales of the dragon on a jar from the first half of the seventeenth century are fan-shaped and carefully painted. On the other hand, those on a jar from the latter half of the seventeenth century are roughly depicted and the fan-shaped scales are finished with simple dots. Moreover, the clouds on the former jar are outlined and colored in, whereas only the contours of the clouds on the latter jar are drawn up. Considering that the design resembles that on a shard uncovered from the Sindae-ri kiln site No. 18, the latter jar seems to have been made around the time when the Sindae-ri kilns were in operation (Fig. 14). In the case of the plum and bamboo design, in the first half of the seventeenth century it was elaborately rendered in a realistic manner, whereas examples from the latter half of the seventeenth century show a simple composition of bamboo leaves and less complicated brushstrokes (Fig. 12). Such a simplified composition is well represented in a white porcelain bottle shard with iron-painted bamboo leaves excavated from the Sindae-ri kiln site No. 18 (Fig. 15). This site also yielded other iron-painted white porcelain shards decorated with simple grass and flower designs using only dots and lines. These wares seem to have been fired without saggars at the official kilns and were used at the royal court and government offices Table 1. Comparison of jars with dragon and cloud designs in underglaze iron-brown from the early and late seventeenth century Fig. 14. White Porcelain Jar Shard with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Excavated at the Sindae-ri kiln site No. 18 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province. Joseon, second half of the 17th century. Height: 7.6 cm (max). Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum (Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum 2008c, p. 117) Fig. 15. White Porcelain Bottle Shards with Bamboo Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, second half of the 17th century. Height: 26.7 cm (max). Excavated at the Sindae-ri kiln site No. 18 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province. Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum (Gyeonggi Ceramic Museum 2008c, p. 121) From the Eighteenth through the Nineteenth Century There is very little white porcelain with iron decoration from the eighteenth century that has survived till today. What remains is mainly jars, bottles, water droppers, paper-roll holders, and brush holders. A representative example from the first half of the eighteenth century is White Porcelain Bottle with Inscription of “Tea Bottle for the King” in Underglaze Iron-brown, probably made between 1710 and 1720.3 According to the Seungjeongwon ilgi, while King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776) held the title of chief superintendent (都提調, dojejo) of the Bunwon official court kilns, during his term as crown prince, he commanded that an inscription of “tea bottle for the king” (進上茶甁) be written in seokganju on royal wares in order to prevent Bunwon officials from misappropriating official wares (Entry for the 21th day of the tenth month of the third year of King Yeongjo’s reign, Seungjeongwon ilgi, fasc. 648). Therefore, this bottle was possibly created either in the 1710s when King Yeongjo held the position of dojejo, or in the 1720s during the early years of his reign. It attests to the ongoing use of iron oxide pigment on royal white porcelain during the eighteenth century. There are a few examples of white porcelain jars with grape designs in underglaze iron-brown which may date to the first half of the eighteenth century. Formerly, grape designs had mainly been used to decorate dishes and flat bottles (扁甁, pyeonbyeong), but only rarely jars. It is noteworthy that in this period, the grape design began to be used as a chief motif for decorating ceramics and that iron oxide pigment was used to execute the design. White Porcelain Jar with Grape Design in Underglaze Iron-brown in the collection of the Ewha Womans University Museum is decorated with grapes on the upper half of the front and rear sides of the body, while the lower half is left blank (Fig. 16). The diagonally arranged composition of grapes is elegant, and the grape leaves, stems, and vines are painted in a delicate and elaborate manner. White porcelain jars with dragon and cloud designs were still being decorated using underglaze iron-brown during the eighteenth century, as evidenced by a small number of jar shards bearing dragon and cloud designs excavated from the Geumsa-ri kiln site. White Porcelain Jar with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Iron-brown, a tall jar in the National Museum of Korea, was probably made in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century, considering that its shape and overall design reflect those of blue-and-white porcelain jars with dragon and cloud designs from the same period (Fig. 17). Fig. 16. White Porcelain Jar with Grape Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, first half of the 18th century. Height: 53.3 cm, Diameter: 19.0 cm (mouth); 18.6 cm (foot). Ewha Womans University Museum Fig. 17. White Porcelain Jar with Dragon and Cloud Design in Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, 18th century. Height: 57.5 cm, Diameter: 21.3 cm (mouth). National Museum of Korea In the latter half of the eighteenth to the nineteenth century, white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was produced in various novel types and shapes, including cylindrical bottles, paper-roll holders, coins, and saucers. Most examples from this period were not decorated with iron oxide pigment alone, but in combination with cobalt and copper pigments. Furthermore, decorative techniques diversified and came to incorporate relief and openwork. New motifs such as potted plants or grass and insects began to be employed, and the technique of covering the entire body with iron oxide pigment, known as the cheolchae (鐵彩) technique, was more frequently used. This phenomenon could be linked to the aforementioned polychrome wares of China and Japan. White Porcelain Mold-impressed Bottle with Orchid, Chrysanthemum, Grass, and Insect Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue, Iron-brown, and Copper-red (Fig. 18) in the Gansong Art Museum exhibits the contemporaneous trend of including several different decorative methods within a single piece, such as a relief technique with various colorants, including cobalt, copper, and iron. Another example from this period is White Porcelain Bottle Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown (Fig. 19). Its unprecedented cylindrical body is entirely covered with iron oxide pigment. Thus, white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown changed following the trend of the time of enhancing visual effects by incorporating multiple pigments and techniques within a single piece or by painting the entire body of the vessel with iron pigment. Fig. 18. White Porcelain Mold-impressed Bottle with Orchid, Chrysanthemum, Grass, and Insect Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue, Iron-brown, and Copper-red. Joseon, late 18th century. Height: 42.3 cm, Diameter: 4.1 cm (mouth); 13.3 cm (foot). Gansong Art Museum Fig. 19. White Porcelain Bottle Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown. Joseon, 19th century. Height: 27.0 cm, Diameter: 3.3 cm (mouth); 13.9 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Periodic Division Based on the Variations of White Porcelain Decorated with Underglaze Iron-brown and Changes in Its Characteristics Phase I: From the Latter Half of the Fifteenth through the Sixteenth Century During this phase, official court kilns were established in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province and iron oxide pigment was used only sparingly as a recourse to the instability of the supply of cobalt pigment. Since iron oxide pigment was easily obtainable in Joseon, it began to be employed temporarily as a substitute for cobalt pigment. Examinations of extant dated examples verify that iron oxide pigment was being used to decorate white porcelain around the time when official court kilns were established in Gwangju. As this period coincides with the attempts to locate a domestic source of cobalt pigment, known as tocheong, we can confirm that iron oxide pigment was used when the supply of cobalt pigment was problematic. The proportion of white porcelain wares with underglaze iron-brown designs uncovered at the kilns that yielded such wares suggests only a limited production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. The types of wares unearthed were also restricted to those made for special purposes, such as jars, bottles, epitaph plaques, ritual vessels, and funerary objects, and the motifs of their designs were limited to plum blossoms and Chinese characters. Produced in relatively small quantities, early Joseon white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown shares similarities with contemporaneous blue-and-white porcelain in terms of form and design (i.e., motifs, composition, and techniques), which indicates that both types were produced at the official kilns. From these results, it can be concluded that in the early Joseon period, white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was produced on a limited scale as a substitute for blue-and-white ware for the royal court at times when the supply of cobalt pigment was unstable. Phase II: From the Seventeenth to the First Half of the Eighteenth Century Phase II ranges from the seventeenth century after the invasions by China and Japan to the first half of the eighteenth century when the Geumsa-ri kilns (1721–1752) were in operation. During this period, iron oxide functioned as the main decorative pigment at the official kilns. Although iron oxide was a replacement for cobalt, which could not be imported due to internal and external difficulties, it was principally used to decorate vessels for the royal court. In the seventeenth century, white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was used at major functions at the court and was therefore decorated with dragon and cloud designs symbolizing the royal household. The percentage of kiln sites where white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown have been excavated and the types and designs of the ceramics unearthed reveal that the official kilns of the seventeenth century produced white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown as their chief form of decorated ceramics. While white porcelain wares decorated with underglaze iron-brown from the first half of the seventeenth century still showed features of their early Joseon precedents, those from the latter half of the seventeenth century introduced innovations. Furthermore, in the latter half of the seventeenth century, painting in underglaze iron-brown gradually became the dominant decorative technique for vessels made for daily use such as bowls, dishes, and cups, and they incorporated a wide range of motifs such as grapes, chrysanthemums, and grass and flowers. Despite such diversification, however, underglaze iron-brown designs became simplified, cruder, and more stylized: grass and flower designs were rendered with merely one or two dots and lines, and supplementary patterns were omitted to highlight only the main motifs. This trend might have arisen out of changes in quality that came in conjunction with the more extensive production of ceramics using both saggar- and stack-firing and the expanded demand for porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown. When official kilns actively resumed the production of blue-and-white porcelain in the first half of the eighteenth century, the production of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown plunged. Nevertheless, since royal ceramics were still decorated with underglaze iron-brown, examples from the first half of the eighteenth century continued to retain features of their seventeenth-century precedents. Phase III: From the Latter Half of the Eighteenth through the Nineteenth Century During phase III, the kilns in Bunwon-ri were still in operation. A tendency toward extravagance and a preference for colorful porcelains from China and Japan inspired the production of a new type of decorative white porcelain. Starting in the late eighteenth century, landscapes, human figures, and supplementary motifs elaborately embellished the entire bodies with no background left undecorated. Moreover, several techniques were employed to adorn a single piece. For example, cobalt, copper, and iron pigments were used simultaneously, or the entire surface of a vessel was covered with one of these pigments. Diverse decorative techniques, such as relief and openwork, were also used. When iron and cobalt pigments were used together, the former generally supplemented the latter. Furthermore, the cheolchae technique emerged wherein iron oxide pigment covered the entire surface of ceramics. In the late Joseon dynasty, iron oxide pigment was used as a supplement to cobalt for enhancing visual effects, which in turn prompted the employment of new decorative techniques. Conclusion The production of white porcelain decorated with iron oxide continued uninterrupted from the time when the official kilns were established in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province until the privatization of the official kilns toward the end of the nineteenth century. The characteristics and status of white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown changed over the course of its history. Above all, the ease of procuring iron oxide pigment encouraged official kilns to produce white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown, and along with blue-and-white porcelain it was crafted as the finest ware destined for use in the royal court since the early stages of the operation of the official kilns. A comparison between porcelain excavated from official kiln sites and examples unearthed at regional kiln sites reveals that official white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown functioned not as daily tableware, but as specialized pieces used for ceremonies at the royal court and government offices. From the latter half of the fifteenth to the sixteenth century, due to the unreliable supply of cobalt pigment white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was produced on a limited scale as a substitute for blue-and-white porcelain used at the royal court. During the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth centuries, white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown became the dominant form of premium-quality royal porcelain. However, due to changes in consumer preferences in the latter half of the eighteenth century, iron oxide was used alongside cobalt as a means to achieve a heightened visual effect, or it was used to coat the entire surface of a vessel. The use of iron oxide pigment continued from the early through the late Joseon period, presenting different characteristics and meanings in each phase. Since iron oxide pigment was readily available on the Korean Peninsula, white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown was produced not only for the royal court, but also in different styles meeting the tastes of ordinary customers. Therefore, vessels for the royal court exhibit a refined appearance, while those destined for commoners reflect a more exuberant beauty. Such characteristics make Joseon white porcelain decorated with underglaze iron-brown unique and distinguishable from other Korean ceramics.

Feature

Geumgwanchong Tomb and Royal Tomb Traditions of the Silla Maripgan Period

Kim Daehwan(Associate Curator, Cultural Heritage Administration)

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2017.v11_06

Research on tombs of the Silla kingdom (新羅, 57 BCE–935) began when excavations of them were carried out by Japanese archaeologists during the colonial period (1910–45), beginning with the unearthening of Geumgwanchong Tomb (金冠塚, Gold Crown Tomb).1 It was discovered by chance in 1921 during construction work on a housing site in Noseo-ri in modern-day Gyeongju (Figs. 1 and 2). It was given the name Geumgwanchong Tomb after the gold crown which was unearthed from it (geumgwan and chong respectively mean “gold crown” and “tomb” in Korean) (Fig. 3). This chance discovery of Geumgwanchong Tomb sparked the full-fledged excavation of Silla tombs by Japanese archaeologists, and it led to the establishment of a preliminary understanding of the structure and grave goods of these tombs. In this sense, the discovery of Geumgwanchong Tomb marks a key point in the research of Silla tombs (Kim Daehwan 2014, 25–26). Fig. 1. Earthen mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb before it was demolished to pursue construction projects. 1912 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 22) Fig. 2. Geumgwanchong Tomb after it was destroyed during construction process. 1921 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 22) Fig. 3. Gold crown unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb. Silla, Three Kingdoms period. Gold. Height: 27.5 cm. National Museum of Korea Given that the tomb was discovered when construction work was taking place and since the grave goods had already been recovered by non-specialists before the archaeologists began excavations, there were subsequent difficulties in conducting scholarly research on the tomb materials (Fig. 4). The academic value of the archaeological material retrieved from this tomb was consequently underrated by both contemporary and later scholars. In 2013, conservation specialists from the National Museum of Korea successfully identified an inscription 尒斯智王 (isajiwang, King Isaji) on a large sword that derived from Geumgwanchong Tomb (Fig. 5). However, the figure buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb could not be confidently identified as King Isaji due to the abovementioned issues associated with the recovery of the tomb artifacts. As a means to restore its academic value, a re-excavation of the tomb was therefore proposed. Jointly led by the National Museum of Korea and Gyeongju National Museum, the re-excavation commenced in February 2015 and was completed in July of the same year. New elements of the tomb structure as well as grave goods overlooked during the initial excavation came to be identified as a result of this further investigation. In addition, the re-excavation of the tomb shed new light on the nature of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds from the Silla Maripgan period (麻立干時期, 356–514). It also led to a more in-depth understanding of the royal burial rituals that were conducted during this time. Fig. 4. Geumgwanchong Tomb after the grave goods were recovered. 1921 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 8) Fig. 5. Inscription of 尒斯智王 on a large sword unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb, identified in 2013. Silla, Three Kingdoms Period. Gilt-bronze. Length: 86.0 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 4) The Purpose of Re-excavating Geumgwanchong Tomb In 1921 the Japanese Government-general of Korea, which was responsible for the management of ancient sites on the peninsula during the colonial period belatedly sent an investigative team to Geumgwanchong Tomb after the grave goods had already been unearthed. The team included the Japanese archaeologists Hamada Kosaku (濱田耕作) and Umehara Sueji (梅原末治) from Kyoto Imperial University. Upon arriving at Gyeongju, they investigated Geumgwanchong Tomb and dispatched to Gyeongseong (present-day Seoul) the grave goods that had already been unearthed by non-specialists. In 1924 a three-volume excavation report was published (Fig. 6). Hamada and Umehara established that Geumgwanchong Tomb had been a stone mound tomb and argued that the structure of the burial chamber consisted of an outer wooden chamber with an inner wooden coffin (Hamada and Umehara 1924a; 1924b; 1928). In other words, Geumgwanchong Tomb was identified as a wooden chamber tomb surrounded by a stone mound structure that was covered by an earthen mound. The perception that this type of tomb consisted of three elements (a wooden chamber, an inner stone mound structure, and an outer earthen mound) coalesced into the fundamental understanding of Silla “wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds.” In other words, the basic concept of a wooden chamber tomb with a stone mound that concept into the present day can be traced back to these Japanese archaeologists and their study of Geumgwanchong Tomb. Fig. 6. The Geumgwanchong Tomb Site of Gyeongju: Text I by Hamada Kosaku and Umehara Sueji (cover). 1924 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 19) After the liberation from the Japanese colonial rule, excavations were carried out on Cheonmachong Tomb (天馬塚, Tomb of the Heavenly Horse) and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb (皇南大塚, Great Tomb of Hwangnam), leading to the accumulation of new data on wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds (Cultural Heritage Management Bureau 1974; National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 1985; 1993; 1994). Based on evidence drawn from this new data, Korean archaeologists began to reevaluate the findings of excavations conducted during the Japanese colonial period, and critically questioned the research perspective and interpretations of the Japanese researchers. For example, Hwangnamdaechong Tomb was found to feature several wooden chambers rather than a single one. In addition, it was discovered that a wooden frame had been used in the construction of its stone mound structure. These discoveries led to archaeologists specializing in the study of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds to reanalyze the wooden chamber and stone mound structure of Geumgwanchong Tomb. This proved difficult, however, due to the limited nature of the data available in the original excavation report produced by the Japanese archaeologists. Plans were made by the Geumgwanchong Tomb investigation team to carry out a detailed excavation of the tomb so that these challenges could be overcome. First, it was agreed to rebuild the original structure of Geumgwanchong Tomb. Both the archaeological community and local residents had long supported the need to restore Geumgwanchong Tomb to its original form, nearly half of which had been damaged (Fig. 7). However, lack of basic information on its size, among other issues, made reconstruction impossible. In order to retrieve such essential information, it was agreed to excavate the tomb mound. Second, the structure of the wooden chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb had been the subject of considerable debate within archaeological circles in the decades since liberation. Plans were hence laid to investigate the precise nature of the wooden chamber structure. Third, the position within the tomb of the grave goods recovered during the Japanese colonial period and the association between the artifacts were unclear, making it difficult to determine whether the sword bearing the 尒斯智王 inscription had in fact been worn by the deceased or if it was a grave good offered by another individual. As this greatly hindered the understanding of the identity of the Geumgwanchong Tomb occupant (i.e., whether or not the deceased was King Isaji), the investigation team aimed to address this by further exploring and identifying the context of the grave goods that had already been recovered. Fourth, although it was believed that the bulk of the interred grave goods had been unearthed during the period of Japanese colonization, the investigation team made plans to recover any additional grave goods that might previously have been overlooked. Fifth, the present methods of research as well as the understanding of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, including their origins and genealogy, derive from work undertaken by Japanese archaeologists. As such, a key objective of the re-excavation was to judge the validity of the initial Japanese researchers’ understanding of the Geumgwanchong Tomb structure. Ultimately, the re-excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb identified new structural elements as well as grave goods, as presented in detail below, which had gone undiscovered by the Japanese team (Figs. 8 through 11). Fig. 7. View of Geumgwanchong Tomb prior to the re-excavation. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 23) Fig. 8. Re-excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 59) Fig. 9. A pair of thin gold earrings unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb in 2015. Silla, Three Kingdoms period. Gold. Length: 7.5 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 31) Fig. 10. Thick gold earring unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb in 2015. Silla, Three Kingdoms period. Gold. Length: 6.4 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 31) Fig. 11. Thin gold earring unearthed from Geumgwanchong Tomb in 2015. Silla, Three Kingdoms period. Gold. Length: 3.6 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 31) The Structure and Burial Process of Geumgwanchong Tomb Burial mound size and shape The size of a burial mound can be determined from the ring of protective stones or the ditch that surrounds the mound. These features, however, could not be identified when re-excavating Geumgwanchong Tomb; it is likely that they were destroyed during the Japanese colonial period. The excavators therefore had no means of measuring the size of the burial mound. Given this, they had to rely upon indirect methods by examining the size of the stone mound that had been covered by the earthen mound and reexamining the records left by the Japanese archaeologists. The size of the earthen mound can be estimated indirectly based on the size of the stone mound structure. The stone mound structure of Geumgwanchong Tomb is 22.2 meters along its east-west axis and 20.4 meters along its north-south axis (Fig. 12). Comparisons were made with Cheonmachong Tomb, which was constructed around the same time and is similarly sized. In the case of Cheonmachong Tomb, the ratio between the length of the stone mound structure (23.6 meters) and the earthen mound (47 meters) was found to be approximately 1:2. Applying this ratio to Geumgwanchong Tomb, the earthen mound can be estimated to have reached 44.4 meters along its east-west axis and 40.8 meters north-south. This estimate is based on the assumption that Cheonmachong Tomb and Geumgwanchong Tomb shared a similar ratio for the stone mound structure to the earthen mound. Fig. 12. View of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 31) Another means for obtaining information on the size of the mound was to reexamine the records left by the team dispatched to Geumgwanchong Tomb by the Japanese Government-general of Korea. The archive of the National Museum of Korea contains a number of documents from the time of the initial excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb, including a plan of the tomb made on-site by Ogawa Keikichi (小川敬吉), an architect who worked for the Japanese authorities. He left a detailed record of the removal of the tomb mound and projected that it originally measured 140 cheok (尺) along its east-west axis, which translates to 42.42 meters, broadly similar to the estimate mentioned above (Fig. 13). This figure can be compared with previously recorded measurements in Table 1. The shortest of the extents of the east-west axis was the one calculated by Ogawa Keikichi in 1921, and the longest appears in the Geumgwanchong Tomb excavation report published in 1924. These measurements were determined using different methods and none were based on the ring of protective stones or the ditch that would have surrounded the mound, and this limits their reliability. It is meaningful, however, that two of the four measurements fall between 42 and 45 meters. The size of the mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb can therefore be estimated as having measured approximately 42–45 meters along its east-west axis. As for its shape, the fact that both the chamber pit and stone mound structure are longer along their east-west axis compared to their north-south axis leads to the assumption that the mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb was similarly extended slightly more along its east-west axis. In other words, the mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb was not perfectly round but somewhat elongated towards the east and west, and therefore its greatest diameter would have been along this east-west axis. Fig. 13. Plan of the earthen mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb, produced by Ogawa Keikichi. 1921 (National Museum of Korea 2016, p. 114) Table 1. Estimated size of the mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb Investigation date Diameter (east-west/m) Diameter (north-south/m) Height (m) Notes 1921 42.42 12.12 Measured by Ogawa Keikichi 1924 45.45 12.12 Geumgwanchong Tomb excavation report 2007 44.2 48.2 13 Investigated by the Gyeongju National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2015 44.4 40.8 ? Investigated by the National Museum of Korea Structure of the stone mound Geumgwanchong Tomb is defined as an “above-ground wooden chamber tomb with stone mound” (地上積石式積石木槨墓, jisangjeokseoksik jeokseokmokgwakmyo), in which both the wooden chamber and stone mound were constructed above ground (Lee Heejoon 1996, 295). Cheonmachong Tomb and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb are excavated examples of this type of tomb. Seobongchong Tomb (瑞鳳塚)2 and Geumgwanchong Tomb were also believed to have been above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, but this cannot be confirmed due to the poor quality of the investigations of the tombs that were undertaken during the Japanese colonial period. The re-excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb, however, made it possible to confirm that it was indeed an example of this above-ground type; it was also revealed that a wooden frame had been built prior to the construction of the stone mound. The use of wooden frames in constructing the stone mound came to light during the excavation of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. According to the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb excavation report, its wooden frame consisted of vertical planks, horizontal planks, and supporting planks. These three elements also constituted the wooden frame of Geumgwanchong Tomb: findings of empty post-shaped spaces amidst the stone mound confirmed the use of vertical planks; remains of wood and remnants of postholes evidenced the use of horizontal and supporting planks. It is clear that the stone mound for Geumgwanchong Tomb was constructed by filling the inner space of the wooden frame with stones (Fig. 14). One point in question is how a wooden frame consisting only of posts could have sustained the pressure of the great stone mound that it supported. During the excavation of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb it was discovered that the side walls of the stone mound (側壁部積石, cheukbyeokbu jeokseok; hereafter shortened as “stone side walls”) formed a neat straight line at their base. Drawing upon this fact, the excavators established that walls had been formed by erecting wooden panels between the wooden posts and that the space inside these walls was filled with stones. Although there is no clear evidence, many researchers have noted that it would have been impossible to construct the stone mound to such a height using only a wooden frame. While the excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb clearly revealed traces of a wooden frame, the precise composition or structure of this frame could not be reconstructed and remains a task left for future investigations. Fig. 14. Side walls of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb and traces of the wooden frame. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 48) The stone mound built within the wooden frame can be further sub-divided into several parts. The excavators of Cheonmachong Tomb distinguished between the side walls of the stone mound and its top layer of stone (蓋部積石, gaebu jeokseok; hereafter shortened as “top stone layer”). The excavators of the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb also recognized such a distinction. In the case of the north mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, only the stone side walls could be identified. As such, it is possible to establish that the stone mound of the above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds consisted of stone side walls that were stacked up along the side walls of the wooden chamber. A further component was recently proposed by Kim Doochul, namely a surrounding stone layer (Kim Doochul 2009, 79). This element consists of the stones that were used to fill in the space in between the wooden chamber and the stone side walls. The presence of such a surrounding layer was identified during the excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb (National Museum Korea 2016, 118). In the case of the north mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, in addition to the stone side walls, top stone layer, and surrounding stone layer, another stone layer was identified above the ceiling of the wooden burial. In order to distinguish it from the top layer of stone, I called it the upper-section stone layer and determined that the stone mound of above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds consisted of stone side walls, surrounding stone layer, upper-section stone layer, and top stone layer, and these features were constructed in this order of presentation (Fig. 15). This analysis of the stone mound structure is meaningful in that it is based upon an understanding of the burial process involving the stone mound and wooden burial chamber as discussed in the last part of this chapter (Kim Daehwan 2016, 103) (Table 2). Fig. 15. Stone mound structure (Image edited by the author) Table 2. Components of the stone mound of an above-ground wooden burial chamber with stone mound Stone mound components (in order of construction, from left to right) National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (1994) stone side walls top stone layer Choi Byunghyun (2016) surrounding stone layer upper-section stone layer Kim Doochul (2009) stone side walls surrounding stone layer top stone layer Kim Daehwan (2016) stone side walls surrounding stone layer upper-section stone layer top stone layer The stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb was severely damaged during the housing construction, but fortunately the stone side walls could still be identified (Fig. 16). However, damage to the upper portion of the stone side walls made it difficult to obtain information on the existence, size, and shape of the top stone layer of the stone mound. The stone mounds for the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb and for Cheonmachong Tomb both featured stone side walls and a top stone layer, but the stone mound for the north mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb had only stone side walls and the top stone layer was absent. Applying the abovementioned method for calculating the estimated size of the earthen mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb, the height of the stone side walls of the Geumgwanchong Tomb would have reached approximately 4.7 meters. As the heights of the stone and earthen mounds of Cheonmachong Tomb were, respectively, 6.0 and 12.7 meters, it is likely that the top stone layer would have been placed on top of the stone side walls in the case of Geumgwanchong Tomb as well. It was also possible to determine that a surrounding stone layer had been present in the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb. A considerable volume of stones was found packed into the space between the stone side walls of the stone mound and the outer walls of the wooden burial chamber—these stones once formed the surrounding stone layer, as discussed above. The western section of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb, which was relatively well preserved, demonstrates that this surrounding stone layer completely filled the space in between the wooden chamber walls and the stone side walls. It is impossible, however, to identify the height of the surrounding stone layer, given the absence of any information on the height of the wooden chamber or the stone side walls. However, it was possible to measure the distance between the wooden chamber walls and the stone side walls, which reaches approximately 2.46 meters. The nature of the upper-section stone layer and top stone layer can only be presumed based on examples from Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. Fig. 16. Layout of the side walls of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 64) Structure of the wooden burial chamber The wooden coffin and wooden burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb were partially identified by the investigation undertaken during the colonial period, and it was believed that a single wooden coffin had been placed within a single wooden burial chamber. However, since the more recent excavations of Cheonmachong Tomb and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb demonstrated the use of multiple wooden chambers, the structure of the wooden burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb came to be more critically scrutinized. The excavation team succeeded in revealing the structure of the floor of the wooden chamber (Fig. 17). However, as the soil layers of the floor were disturbed in the colonial period during the process of recovering the grave goods, it was impossible to reconstruct the wooden chamber. As a result, the investigation team decided to compare the information provided in the Japanese excavation report with the re-excavated floor structure of the wooden chamber. Fig. 17. Floor of the wooden burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 8) The wooden chamber was measured by the Japanese archaeologists as 515 by 236 centimeters (Fig. 18). However, during the re-excavation of the tomb, traces of wood located over an area measuring 640 by 420 centimeters were found. These traces were identified as being derived from a wooden structure that sat upon a stone platform. At Cheonmachong Tomb and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb such stone platforms were used to support the outermost wall of the wooden chamber. With this evidence, it became clear that the wooden structure measuring 640 by 420 centimeters represents an outer chamber. This indicates that Geumgwanchong Tomb was furnished with two wooden chambers: an inner chamber (515 x 236 cm) as identified previously and an outer chamber (640 x 420 cm). In other words, Geumgwanchong Tomb had a dual wooden chamber structure (Table 3). Fig. 18. Description of the wooden coffin, wooden chamber, and grave goods included in the Japanese archaeologists’ excavation report of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 1924 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 10) Table 3. Dimensions of the burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb Burial pit Outer burial chamber Inner burial chamber Coffin Notes Dimension/cm (E-W axis x N-S axis) 720 × 620 640 × 420 515 × 236 251 × 100 Greatest possible measurement applied to the inner burial chamber; figures for the wooden coffin obtained from the excavation report published during the Japanese colonial period The re-excavation of the chamber floor revealed that the inner wooden chamber was shaped like the Korean letter “ㅍ.” A wooden coffin was placed within the inner wooden chamber, and to the east of the coffin was a wooden casket for grave goods. Accordingly, it can be said that Geumgwanchong Tomb is characterized by a double chamber and single coffin structure (Table 4). Table 4. Height of the stone mound of an above-ground wooden chamber tomb with a stone mound Hwangnamdaechong Tomb: south mound Hwangnamdaechong Tomb: north mound Cheonmachong Tomb Geumgwanchong Tomb Height of the stone side wall (m) 4.1 5.7 3.3 4.7 Full height of the stone mound (m) 5.4 5.7 6.0 ? Height of the wooden burial chamber (outer chamber) (m) 3.7 4.0 2.1 ? Reconstructing the burial process at Geumgwanchong Tomb The successful reconstruction of the stone mound and wooden burial chamber of Geumgwanchong Tomb allows for a discussion of the burial process. However, as the majority of the earthen mound had already been destroyed and only portions of the side walls of the stone mound were investigated, the latter stages of the burial process can only be presumed. Before proceeding with an analysis of how the burial was carried out, the order of the construction of the tomb structures has to be determined. As discussed above, the surrounding stone layer consists of stones that were used to fill the gap between the stone side walls of the stone mound and the wooden burial chamber. This layer would have been created either in conjunction with the simultaneous construction of the stone side walls and the wooden chamber or laid after raising the stone side walls and then the wooden chamber. In the latter case, the surrounding stone layer would have been built either after or concurrently with the construction of the wooden chamber. The latter appears to have taken place at Geumgwanchong Tomb considering its surrounding stone layer. In other words, the stone side walls were completed before the wooden chamber was built. In the case of above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, in which the wooden burial chamber sat upon a stone platform, the surrounding stone layer was necessary as a means of stabilizing the wooden chamber structure. As such, the side walls of the stone mound would have been erected prior to the construction of the wooden chamber. Therefore, at Geumgwanchong Tomb the wooden frame should have been built first, followed by the stone side walls and then the inner wooden chamber. Another issue concerns the state of the stone side walls at the time of burial. Previous studies have suggested that the earthen mound was constructed in conjunction with the stone mound, and that burial practices were performed within a wooden chamber that was built afterwards. This means that the stone side walls would have been obscured by the earthen mound at the time of the burial. In the case of Geumgwanchong Tomb, however, it was revealed that the stone side walls were sealed with a layer of earth before the earthen mound was constructed. This sealing layer was not laid horizontally, but at an angle parallel to the surface of the stone side walls (Fig. 19). The presence and state of this earthen sealing layer indicates that the construction of the earthen mound took place only after a period of time had passed following the construction of the stone side walls. As such, it is likely that burial rituals occurred after the stone side walls and wooden chamber had been completed, followed by the sealing of the stone side walls and then the construction of the earthen mound. Fig. 19. Earthen layer sealing the side walls of the stone mound of Geumgwanchong Tomb. 2015 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 32) Based on the above, the burial process at Geumgwanchong Tomb can be summarized as follows. Firstly, the site of the tomb was prepared, a wooden frame was constructed, and the side walls of the stone mound were constructed. The outer wooden chamber was then built within these walls and the space in between the stone side walls and the wooden chamber was filled in with stones to form a surrounding stone layer. Finally, an inner wooden chamber was built, a wooden coffin was set in place, and grave goods were deposited. Evidence of the subsequent stages of the burial process could not be directly observed at Geumgwanchong Tomb, but they can be assumed based on examples from Cheonmachong Tomb and Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. It is highly likely that at the next stage the upper-section stone layer of the stone mound was laid down on top of the surrounding stone layer and wooden chamber, the earthen mound was constructed adjacent to the stone side walls, and the top layer of the stone mound was put in place. Royal Burial Practices of the Maripgan Period Above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds were used exclusively by royalty and nobles of the highest rank during the Silla Maripgan period (Fig. 20). The most notable feature of this tomb type is the fact that the wooden burial chamber and the side walls of the stone mound were installed above ground. Most researchers have tended to regard the stone mound as a component of the earthen mound—it has been believed that its purpose was to facilitate the construction of the enormous earthen mound. However, the assumed burial process at Geumgwanchong Tomb indicates that the function of the stone mound was divorced from the construction of the earthen mound. As described above, the side walls of the stone mound were built prior to the construction of the wooden chamber, and the space created within the stone structure was where burial rituals, such as the placement of the coffin, took place. The side walls of the stone mound, which were visible from the outside at the time when the burial rituals would have taken place, had a trapezoid-like form reminiscent of an altar. The structure created by the side walls of the stone mound can therefore be considered as a grand altar of sorts where burial rituals were held. Fig. 20. Geumgwanchong Tomb and other wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds from the Silla Maripgan period. 2013 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 1) The funerals of Silla royalty and the highest elite would have been attended by a large number of mourners from the neighboring polities. At the time, the site of a funeral was not only a place where mourners paid respect to the dead, but also an important stage where the authority and legitimacy of the royal family could be displayed to members of the surrounding polities. The procession from the place where the deceased had been temporarily laid to rest to the place of burial, as well as the lowering of the coffin and the placement of burial goods would have marked the high point of the burial. As such, the stone mound cannot be regarded as simply a component of the earthen mound. The meaning of the wooden chamber and the stone mound must also be considered. As the final stage of the burial process, the ceiling of the wooden burial chamber was covered with the upper-section stone layer, which was then topped with a stone layer. Although a top stone layer could not be identified at Geumgwanchong Tomb, given the examples of Cheonmachong Tomb and the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, it is highly likely that one had originally been used. The initial excavators of Cheonmachong Tomb suggested an intriguing possibility concerning the final shape of the stone mound with the top stone layer in place: it may have resembled the roof of a thatched-roof house. In recently published reconstructions of Cheonmachong Tomb and the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, the top part of the stone mound does indeed look like a roof (Choi Byunghyun 2016, 180). The east-west cross-section of the stone mound of Cheonmachong Tomb and the north-south cross-section of the main burial chamber of the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb indicate the appearance of a building. It is therefore possible that the final shape of the stone mound with its top stone layer in place was intended to mimic an architectural form such as the house in which the deceased resided prior to his or her death. To summarize, it can be proposed that in the case of above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds which were used by Silla royalty and the highest elite during the Maripgan period, the stone side walls of the stone mound took on the appearance and function of an altar. It also appears that the wooden chamber and stone mound should not be regarded as separate entities, since together as a single structure they may have comprised a type of architecture. In addition, the stone mound structure was not constructed merely to support the building of the earthen mound; the final form of the wooden chamber and stone mound may have reflected the actual residence of the deceased. Above-ground wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds continued to be built and used by the Silla royal family and the aristocracy throughout the Maripgan period, thus confirming their ritual significance. The Identity of the Deceased Buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb and King Isaji The identity of the deceased buried within Geumgwanchong Tomb is another issue that should be addressed. Hamada Kosaku, the author of Geumgwanchong Tomb of Gyeongju (慶州の金冠塚), which was published following the investigation of Geumgwanchong Tomb during the colonial period, believed that the tomb had been constructed in the early sixth century (Fig. 20). He therefore proposed that the identity of its occupant was either King Jabi (慈悲王, r. 458–479) or King Jijeung (智證王, r. 500–514). Following the liberation from the Japanese occupation, many researchers of Silla tombs argued that the construction date of Geumgwanchong Tomb was sometime between 475 and 500. If so, the individual buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb would be either King Jabi or King Soji (炤知王, r. 479–500). Some believed that even though Geumgwanchong Tomb yielded a golden crown, the size and location of the tomb made it unlikely to be a royal tomb. Given the fact that the queen consort and other members of the royal family may have also worn golden crowns, the argument that the presence of a gold crown should not automatically be taken as indication that the deceased was a Silla ruler has begun to gain support (Yoon Sangdeok 2016, 13). In 2013, a conservation team from the National Museum of Korea discovered the inscription 尒斯智王 on a sword that was removed from Geumgwanchong Tomb. As a result, the debate has shifted to a focus on whether or not the deceased buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb was King Isaji, as well as whom this name could refer to since it is not mentioned in any extant historical records (Kim Jaehong 2014, 84). Regarding the first issue, although the general opinion has been to regard the deceased as having in fact been King Isaji, the problem remains that the sword was not worn by the deceased at the time of burial. This has led some to suggest that the two were different individuals, with the sword potentially having been a personal item belonging to a mourner that was placed as a grave good. Regarding the second issue, there is no way of knowing the true identity of King Isaji, since the name appears in neither the Samguk Yusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) nor the Samguk Sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms), or on any other inscriptions. These two issues have yet to be resolved, although several research articles have been published on the topic. One of the aims of re-excavating Geumgwanchong Tomb was to address this question, but no information that could assist in reconstructing the precise location of the sword with the King Isaji inscription could be obtained. However, the re-excavation was successful in providing additional clues concerning King Isaji. Following the identification of the inscription 尒斯智王 on the sheath of a large sword (K618) in 2013, the inscription 尒 (i) on another large sword (Gyeongju352) which was excavated together with the above sword (K618) was argued to be associated with King Isaji. During the re-excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb, another inscription related to King Isaji was identified, this time “尒斯智王刀” (isajiwangdo, sword of King Isaji) inscribed on a pommel-end ornament which matched a sword (M366) that had previously been recovered by the Japanese team (Fig. 21). The sword was mentioned in the original excavation report along with two other large swords with an inscription related to King Isaji (K618 and Gyeongju352). With the discovery of this artifact, a total of three swords from Geumgwangchong Tomb have thus far been identified to have relation to King Isaji (Kwon Yoonmi 2016, 46). In addition, another 尒斯智王 inscription came to light when Gyeongju National Museum published a new report on the grave goods recovered from Geumgwanchong Tomb (Gyeongju National Museum 2016, 196), and further artifacts bearing inscriptions associated with King Isaji, including the sheath of a small sword, were identified among the grave goods (Table 5). If all of these grave goods were in fact owned by King Isaji and he was not the deceased buried in the tomb, then it is difficult to imagine a scenario in which so many of his belongings would be offered as grave goods, although it can of course not be ruled out. The most logical interpretation may be to regard King Isaji as the figure buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb. Of course, this interpretation may face challenges going forward, but at present it can be rationally suggested that the deceased buried in Geumgwanchong Tomb is highly likely to have been King Isaji. On the other hand, the identity of King Isaji among historically known individuals is an issue that can only be addressed in the future after new discoveries are made and further research findings come to light. Additional inscriptions related to King Isaji may be found as conservation work on the grave goods from Geumgwanchong Tomb continues. Fig. 21. Geumgwanchong Tomb of Gyeongju by Hamada Kosak u (cover). 1932 (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 19) Fig. 22. Inscription of 尒斯智王刀 on a pommel-end ornament, unearthed in 2015. Silla, Three Kingdoms Period. Gold. Length: 6.2 cm (National Museum of Korea 2016, Fig. 63) Table 5. Inscriptions associated with King Isaji found on the grave goods from Geumgwanchong Tomb No. Grave goods (National Museum of Korea 2016b) Collection (Collection no) Inscription 1 Belt component National Museum of Korea 十 2 Sword with “尒斯智王刀” inscription National Museum of Korea (M366) 尒斯智王刀/ 八/ 十 3 Sword with “尒斯智王” inscription National Museum of Korea (K618) 尒斯智王/ 十/ 尒 4 Sword with “尒” inscription Gyeongju National Museum (Gyeongju352) 尒/ 八/ 十 5 Gold dagger-sheath decoration National Museum of Korea 八 6 Silver dagger-sheath decoration National Museum of Korea 八 7 Silver dagger-sheath end decoration National Museum of Korea 十 8 Dagger-sheath end decoration National Museum of Korea 十 9 Gilt bronze piece (presumed to have been part of a dagger-sheath decoration) National Museum of Korea 尒

Changes in the Internal Structure of Buddhist Temple Halls and Characteristics of Buddhist Sculpture in the Late Joseon Period

Song Unsok(Professor, Dongguk University)

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2017.v11_07

Most works of art are produced for a specific purpose. Buddhist artworks, and indeed all religious artworks, are created with the very clear objective of propagating the religion or aiding the enlightenment and conversion of believers. Buddhist artworks can be largely divided into two groups: sculptures and paintings designed as objects of worship, and ornamental craft objects (Buddhist implements). Buddhist sculptures created as objects of worship are enshrined on a particular altar within a specific temple hall, and as such the size of the temple hall places fundamental limitations on the scale and arrangement of the images. Moreover, the position from which worshipers behold an image during the Buddhist rites, assemblies, and general services held in the temple hall was predetermined to a certain extent, so sculptors sought out the most suitable physical forms for images while taking into account the level and position from which the images would be viewed. In other words, the sculptor produced the image based on a careful consideration of the interaction between the object of worship and the worshiper. If the purpose of enshrining a sculpture was to convey the holy teachings of Buddhism to worshipers and enable a sacred religious interaction between the object of worship and the worshiper, the images produced in the latter half of the Joseon period, which are still found enshrined in most temples today, can be cited as representative sculptures that superbly fulfill this purpose. Such an evaluation, however, is very much counter to the prevailing opinion that regards Buddhist sculptures made after the Japanese invasions of the Korean Peninsula (1592–1598) as inferior to those from previous eras in terms of artistry and sanctity. Many researchers consider these images to lack the artistic polish required of three-dimensional sculptures, stating that the head, large in comparison to the body, results in unsuitable proportions and the diminished mass of the body weakens the sense of volume. It is even argued that characteristics such as the lowered head and hunched back and neck are connected to the state policy of suppressing Buddhism in favor of Confucianism (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Wooden Seated Medicine Buddha by Monk Hyehui (惠熙). Joseon, 1677. Height: 107.5 cm, Width: 72.5 cm (across knees). Ilchuram Hermitage, Jeonju (Photograph by the author) These features of Buddhist sculptures from the later Joseon period (朝鮮, 1392–1910) reflect very different tastes compared to those manifested in Buddhist sculptures from the Goryeo (高麗, 918–1392) and early Joseon periods up to the fifteenth century. Although a tendency toward a diminished sense of volume may have continued from late Goryeo through the first half of the Joseon period, the lowered head and hunched shoulders are features that emerged only after the Japanese invasions. This means that new sculptural characteristics began to appear in Buddhist images in the fifteenth century, and that they became more pronounced during the seventeenth century after the wars with Japan. It can be presumed that such changes in the characteristics of Buddhist sculptures were an extension of various religious elements inside and outside of the temple halls, including the altar, the pedestal (for the sculpture), the wall behind the sculpture, the wooden floor, and the rites held in the hall. Temple Halls: Their Promotion of Buddhist Services and Their Interior Structure Changes in the interior structure of temple halls 1. Spread of Buddhist altars and their expanded proportions within the temple hall Buddhist altars (佛壇, buldan), a fixture serving both as a pedestal for enshrining a sculpture and a table upon which to place offerings to the Buddha, came to be widely established in temple halls starting in the latter half of the Joseon period. During the preceding Unified Silla (統一新羅, 668–935) and Goryeo periods, most temple halls had no altars. Images were generally enshrined on a pedestal alone, as seen in the eighth-century Seokguram Grotto from the Silla (新羅) period in Gyeongju and the Hall of Infinite Life (無量壽殿, Muryangsujeon) at Buseoksa Temple (浮石寺) in Yeongju. It is presumed that an early form of altar incorporating a pedestal for an image first appeared in the late Goryeo period. One such example is the altar in the Hall of Paradise (極樂殿, Geungnakjeon) at Bongjeongsa Temple (鳳停寺) in Andong, which is one of the oldest surviving wooden buildings in Korea (Fig. 2). As this early type of altar included no space for the arrangement of ritual implements used for offerings and services and was consequently used only for placing a pedestal to enshrine the image, it is considered to be the prototypical version of the rectangular altar with a flat upper surface that came to be widely used in the Joseon period (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 40–41; Her Sangho 2004, 131–135). Fig. 2. Buddhist altar. Late Goryeo. Wood and colored paintwork. 414.5 x 192.5 x 142.8 cm. Hall of Paradise (Geungnakjeon) at Bongjeongsa Temple, Andong (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 1992, p. 220) However, Buddhist altars were uncommon during the Goryeo period and the altar in the Hall of Paradise at Bongjeongsa Temple was an exception rather than the rule. It was not until the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries that temple halls with enshrined Goryeo Buddhist sculptures, such as the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Gaesimsa Temple (開心寺) in Seosan and the Hall of Silence and Light (寂光殿, Jeokgwangjeon) at Bogyeongsa Temple (寶鏡寺) in Pohang, came to include a partition-style altar installed around the original pedestal (Her Sangho 2004, 135–139). Even after the foundation of the Joseon dynasty, altars were not universally found in all temple halls, as evidenced by the Hall of Great Light (大光殿, Daegwangjeon) at Gosansa Temple (高山寺) in Hongseong, which features a pedestal but no altar (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Pedestal. Joseon, 15th century. Stone. Height: 91.0 cm. Hall of Great Light (Daegwangjeon) at Gosansa Temple, Hongseong (Cultural Heritage Administration and Cultural Heritage Survey Team of the Foundation for Preservation of Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism 2004, Fig. 1825) The earliest intact Buddhist altar is found in the Hall of Paradise (極樂殿, Geungnakjeon) at Muwisa Temple (無爲寺) in Gangjin (Fig. 4). It is likely that the altar was made when the hall was constructed in 1430. At the latest, it would have already been completed by the time the altar painting behind the image was produced in 1476. The Muwisa Temple altar is similar to the one in Bongjeongsa Temple, but has a larger top plate for the arrangement of offerings and an additional space at the back that is used for storage. Hence, the Muwisa altar from the fifteenth century is the first of its kind that demonstrates all the characteristics common to altars installed in the latter half of the dynasty; that is, it was the first to accommodate the functions of enshrining an image on a pedestal, the arrangement of offerings, and storage. Fig. 4. Buddhist altar. Joseon, c. 1430. Wood and colored paintwork. 318.0 x 201.0 x 111.0 cm. Hall of Paradise (Geungnakjeon) at Muwisa Temple, Gangjin (Photograph by the author) Apart from the Muwisa altar, no fifteenth-century altar in its original form and with an inscription has yet been discovered. Hence, it is not known how many altars of this kind were created between the time of the Muwisa altar and the Japanese invasions of the late sixteenth century. Considering the partition-type altar made in 1569 in the Hall of Silence and Light at Bogyeongsa Temple, which was constructed prior to the fourteenth century, as well as other examples, all that can be confirmed is that altars were probably installed in other temple halls constructed in the sixteenth century (Figs. 5 and 6). That all temple halls rebuilt in the seventeenth century after the Japanese invasions included a Buddhist altar that could accommodate the three abovementioned functions makes it highly likely that the altar had already been established as a conventional feature of temple halls by the sixteenth century, prior to the invasions. Fig. 5. Buddhist altar. Joseon, 1569. Wood and colored paintwork. 358.0 x 159.7 x 92.0 cm. Hall of Silence and Light (Jeokgwangjeon) at Bogyeongsa Temple, Pohang (Photograph by the author) Fig. 6. Pedestal. Early Goryeo. Stone and colored paintwork. Height: 97.0 cm, Width: 139.0 cm (Upper section). Hall of Silence and Light (Jeokgwangjeon) at Bogyeongsa Temple, Pohang (Photograph by the author) The major difference between Buddhist altars from after the Japanese invasions and the fifteenth century altar in the Hall of Paradise at Muwisa is the proportion of the space within the hall occupied by the altar (Her Sangho 2004, 147). The Muwisa altar takes up only 7 percent of the hall, but in other temples this proportion gradually grew over time. This is demonstrated by the altar in the Hall of Paradise (極樂殿, Geungnakjeon) at Hwaamsa Temple (華巖寺) in Wanju from the early seventeenth century (1605), which occupies 13 percent of the hall; the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Cheonggoksa Temple (靑谷寺) in Jinju, made in 1612, which occupies 9 percent; the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Jeondeungsa Temple (傳燈寺) in Ganghwa, made in 1621, which takes up 17 percent; and the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Hwaeomsa Temple (華嚴寺) in Gurye, which fills 21 percent. Over time, the average proportion rose to 11 percent. In the latter half of the seventeenth century, the altar came to take up even more space, as exemplified by the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Gaeamsa Temple (開巖寺) in Buan occupying 18 percent of the interior and the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Beomasa Temple (梵魚寺) in Busan occupying 24 percent. The average is 16 percent (Her Sangho 2004, 147). The reason behind this rapid enlargement during the early seventeenth century is the increase in the width of the top plate of the altar so as to accommodate all of the implements required for offerings and rites, a move apparently necessitated by the increased frequency of rites and services being held and the expansion of their scale (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 143). 2. Use of wooden floors and relocation of pillars Wooden floors were installed in the Buddha halls at most of the temples reconstructed in the seventeenth century. Though some temple halls from that time laid bricks for the floor, as seen in the Hall of the Enlightened Emperor (覺皇殿, Gakhwangjeon) at Hwaeomsa Temple in Gurye and the Hall of Eight Aspects of the Buddha’s Life (八相殿, Palsangjeon) at Beopjusa Temple (法住寺) in Boeun, a portable wooden floor was laid down for Buddhist services as needed (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 28–30). Brick floors are evident in all extant Buddha halls from the Goryeo to the early Joseon period, including the Hall of Paradise at Bongjeongsa Temple in Andong, the Hall of Infinite Life at Buseoksa Temple in Yeongju, the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Sudeoksa Temple (修德寺) in Yesan, and the Upper Hall of the Great Hero (上大雄殿, Sangdaeungjeon) at Janggoksa Temple (長谷寺) in Cheongyang (Fig. 7). Excavations of the sites of the lecture hall and the Hall of Vairocana Buddha (毘盧殿, Birojeon) at Bulguksa Temple (佛國寺) in Gyeongju have confirmed that Silla-period temple halls also had brick floors, indicating that a wooden floor is a characteristic of temple halls built from the seventeenth century onwards (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 29). Fig. 7. Flooring bricks. Goryeo. Upper Hall of the Great Hero (Sangdaeungjeon) at Janggoksa Temple, Cheongyang (Photograph by the author) It is unclear precisely when wooden floors were first laid in temple halls. Judging from a record stating that when the Hall of Vairocana Buddha at Seonwonsa Temple was expanded sometime between 1325 and 1326, at the end of the Goryeo dynasty, the floor was laid with boards, it can be confirmed that at the very least one temple hall in the fourteenth century had a wooden floor.1 Despite this example, it is assumed that wooden floors were not common in fourteenth-century temple halls. As mentioned above, all extant temple halls from the Goryeo period feature brick floors, which is also true of the Hall of Paradise at Muwisa Temple from early Joseon. This indicates that brick floors were the norm until the fifteenth century, and while wooden floors became conventional during the seventeenth century, they first appeared prior to the Japanese invasions of the late sixteenth century. This assumption is notable since it aligns with the fact that altars first appeared in temple halls in the fifteenth century and had become common by the seventeenth century, as examined above. Another important change in the internal structure of the temple hall is the gradual shift of the altar toward the back wall that resulted from a rearrangement of the internal pillars. Generally, a method of arrangement known as jeongchibeop (正置法), or “common placement method,” was applied in which high pillars were placed inside and aligned with the side wall pillars of the second row from the back. The altar was attached to the front of these high pillars (Fig. 8). Alternatively, when the high pillars were installed farther back than the second row and the altar and wall behind the Buddha were placed accordingly toward the rear, the method of arrangement was known as ijubeop (移柱法), literally the “pillar relocation method” (Fig. 9) (Bae Byeongseon 1993, 121–124). Research by architectural historians has revealed that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the use of ijubeop inside temple halls gradually took precedence over jeongchibeop until it accounted for 50 percent of major temple halls built in the seventeenth century. It grew even more widespread in the eighteenth century, eventually accounting for the arrangement in some 60 percent of major temple halls (Kim Hongjoo 2001, 13). Fig. 8. Floor plan showing altar aligned with side-wall pillars according to the jeongchibeop method. 1658. Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Beomeosa Temple, Busan (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 1994, p. 57) Fig. 9. Floor plan showing altar shifted toward the back according to the ijubeop method. 1621. Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Jeondeungsa Temple, Ganghwa (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 1986, p. 9) Promotion of Buddhist Services Why did this form of altar, larger in size and placed deeper inside a hall laid with wooden floorboards, appear in the seventeenth century? As Buddhism was suppressed by the Joseon state, its social and political influence waned and the foundations of the temple economy gradually eroded. Starting in the Three Kingdoms period (三國時代), Buddhism played a central role in the management of the state for over a thousand years. With the foundation of the Joseon dynasty, however, its influence not only in governance but across society in general largely diminished. Under these conditions, the Buddhist community actively sought avenues for survival. In response to public demand, popular participation in Buddhist events was encouraged. As the people were physically and mentally exhausted after the Japanese invasions, the Buddhist community took charge of consoling them by holding rites for the souls of the dead, such as the suryukjae (水陸齋, Rite for Deliverance of Creatures of Water and Land) and cheondojae (薦度齋, Rite for the Deceased and the Afterlife). To some extent, it was thus able to restore its position as a central force in society. Active participation by the general public in Buddhist affairs during the latter half of the Joseon period can be observed in various fields. Esoteric Buddhist texts, such as dharani, collected mantras, and ritual proceedings, were translated into Korean and published. Most of these projects were undertaken in order to pray for good fortune (Hong Yunsik 1986, 451; Nam Heesook 2004, 51–112). They were carried out for the benefit of the general populace, who had newly emerged as important patrons of Buddhism, as well as to encourage people to become closer to Buddhism. Attesting to this rising importance of ordinary believers is the fact that from the seventeenth century onwards names of people connected to the royal family or members of the ruling class, who had frequently appeared in writings for the collection of alms for Buddhist works (募緣文, moyeonmun) and written prayers (發願文, barwonmun) during the first half of the Joseon period, all but disappeared from the votive writings enshrined in Buddhist artworks or offerings and from the ridge beam inscriptions marking the start of a building project (上樑文, sangnyangmun). After this point dozens or even hundreds of people came to take part in the sponsorship of the production of new Buddhist sculptures or the construction of temple buildings. The names of nobles were replaced by those of common people and monks, a reflection of the shifts within the Buddhist community. This expansion of the number of people taking part in Buddhist projects as patrons also implies a reduction in the amount of alms offered per individual. Consequently, it can be deduced that in order to maintain the temples, the number of Buddhist services being held needed to grow in proportion. To collect sufficient alms for the maintenance of the temple from ordinary people with minimal financial means, ceremonies and services for believers would have been offered more frequently. Until the early Joseon period, Buddhist ceremonies were held at large outdoor altars installed inside the city walls of the capital or at streamside locations. During the latter half of the era, however, this was no longer possible and all such events had to be held within temple grounds. Major events such as the yeongsanjae (靈山齋, Vulture Peak Rite) and suryukjae, both of which attracted huge crowds, were held in the central courtyard of temples. Such mass participation in Buddhist proceedings gave rise in the first half of the seventeenth century to the production of gwaebul (掛佛), large hanging scroll paintings designed for outdoor assemblies (Chung Myounghee, 2000, 11–20). It is presumed that smaller ceremonies and rites that did not warrant an outdoor event were held either inside the Hall of the Great Hero or within another main hall at a temple. The laying of wooden floorboards and the repositioning of the indoor pillars toward the back of the temple hall were measures designed to create a larger space in front of the altar and thus accommodate a greater number of people inside the building (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 29). Indeed, it has been confirmed that at temples rebuilt in the seventeenth century after the Japanese invasions, the Hall of the Great Hero and other major temple halls were transformed into multifunctional spaces for various rites and services. This is connected to the fact that the suryukjae and other major events that had been held outdoors or in dedicated temple halls prior to the Joseon period had shrunk in scale and moved indoors with the decline of Buddhism. The main halls of temples (Hall of the Great Hero) built during the seventeenth century retained their function as spaces of worship of the principal icon, which was enshrined along the northern wall along with associated Buddhas and bodhisattvas, with an altar painting behind them. However, additional spaces for worship were added along the side walls, which sets these halls apart from corresponding examples from previous eras. On one side, paintings of Śakra and the guardian deities were enshrined to create a space for the protection of the temple, while on the other side paintings of Kṣitigarbha bodhisattva and nectar ritual paintings (甘露圖, gamnodo) were enshrined to provide an area for praying for the souls of the dead in the afterlife (Kim Bongryol 1989, 111–113). Buddhist texts, such as the Jineon gwongong (眞言勸供, Admonition for offering in true words) published in 1496 and the Beomeumjip (Collection of Sanskrit sounds) published in 1661, describe the three-level altar system of Korean Buddhist temples, comprising an upper altar for the Buddhas; a middle altar for guardian deities, Kṣitigarbha bodhisattva, and the retinue of the underworld; and a lower altar for departed spirits and lonely ghosts (Hong Yunsik 1975, 32). It is believed that such triple altars were installed in the Hall of the Great Hero. Originally devoted to Śākyamuni Buddha, the Hall of the Great Hero at temples constructed during the latter half of the Joseon period were multi-functional spaces with diverse altars to accommodate guardian deities and departed spirits that did not have dedicated temple halls of their own (Fig. 10). Fig. 10. Buddhist altars. Joseon, 16th century. Wood and colored paintwork. Height: 114.0 cm, Length: 675.6 cm. Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Hwanseongsa Temple (環城寺), Gyeongsan (Japanese Government-general of Korea 1932, Fig. 5503) As a result, temple halls rebuilt in the seventeenth century emerged as places more often frequented by believers and patrons who either took part in Buddhist services or visited the temple for other reasons. As the rites conducted in the hall became more prominent and more frequent, the volume of offerings laid on the altar grew as well. Consequently, the altar gradually widened and came to take up more space inside the hall. With the need to conduct various kinds of rites within a limited space and the consequent expansion of the altar in proportion to the rites, the need inevitably arose to make more efficient use of the given space. One method to secure the space necessary to accommodate the large number of believers taking part in rites and ceremonies would have been to reduce the size of the altar in the center of the hall, and another would have been to shift it further toward the back. Since the size of the altar was gradually expanding to allow the arrangement of Buddhist implements and offerings, the only viable solution would have been to move the altar to the rear. This idea is reinforced by the fact that the floors started to be laid with wooden boards in the seventeenth century, around the same time that the altar began to be pushed backwards to create more space. Previously, it had been necessary to place cushions or portable wooden floors on the ground to facilitate bowing to the Buddha during the worship service. Permanent wooden floors eliminated the need for dedicating space to the storage of such flooring equipment. Therefore, it is clear that by laying wooden floors it would have been possible to conduct rites and services in a more efficient manner (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 29). In relation to the increase in the number of Buddhist ceremonies held indoors, another interesting fact is that there is no mandorla behind the enshrined image in seventeenth-century temple halls, but rather a painting hung behind the altar or a mural on the wall (Fig. 11). The exact timing of the disappearance of mandorlas and the emergence of altar paintings and back-wall murals is unknown. In contrast to the clay seated Buddha inside the Hall of Infinite Life at Buseoksa Temple dating to the mid-Goryeo period, which does have a mandorla, it is notable that by the early Joseon period at other temples the mandorla had already been replaced by a mural behind the image. Examples include the Hall of the Great Hero at Bongjeongsa Temple in Andong, which records show to have been rebuilt in 1435, and the Hall of Paradise at Muwisa Temple in Gangjin, whose mural was produced in 1476 (Figs. 12 and 13). Hence, it can be stated that altar paintings or murals behind the image began to replace the mandorla by the fifteenth century at the latest, although this is not confirmed in any records written before the early Joseon dynasty. It is still uncertain, however, when they came to be used at all temples, since most temple buildings built prior to the sixteenth century were destroyed during the Japanese invasions and changes are thus hard to trace. However, in most temple halls rebuilt during the seventeenth century, the mandorla behind the sculpture was replaced by an altar painting. Based on this fact, it can be supposed that altar paintings and murals had entered the mainstream by the sixteenth century. Fig. 11. Buddhist altar and altar painting. Joseon, 1658 (altar); 1661 (image); 1882 (painting). Wood and colored paintwork. 177.5 x 989.7 x 273.0 cm (altar); 130.0 cm (image); 321.4 x 365.5 cm (painting). Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Beomeosa Temple, Busan (Kyungsung University Center for Korean Studies 2002, Fig. 6) Fig. 12. Clay Seated Buddha and mandorla. Mid-Goryeo. Height: 276.0 cm (image); 384.0 cm (mandorla). Hall of Infinite Life (Muryangsujeon) at Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju (Cultural Heritage Administration website) Fig. 13. Wooden Seated Amitābha Buddha Triad and mural. Joseon, 1476 (mural); 1478 (image). Height: 110.0 cm (Amitābha Buddha, center); 136.1 cm (Avalokiteśvara bodhisattva, to viewer’s right); 125.2 cm (Kṣitigarbha bodhisattva, to viewer’s left). Hall of Paradise (Geungnakjeon) at Muwisa Temple, Gangjin (Cultural Heritage Administration and Cultural Heritage Survey Team of the Foundation for Preservation of Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism 2006a, Fig. 56) Unlike a mandorla, altar paintings and murals on the back wall provide a space for the depiction of many diverse Buddhas and bodhisattvas. According to various books regarding Buddhist ceremonies published during the Joseon dynasty, rites generally began with the invocation of different Buddhist deities, and a physical representation of them would have been necessary. Three-dimensional sculptures would have been most effective at providing a realistic experience, but it would have been difficult to enshrine so many images within a small temple hall. Paintings provided a solution for the realistic representation of a large number of deities in a limited space. The Jineon gwongong, translated into the Korean script Hangeul in 1496 by the monk Hakjo (學祖), who was active during the reigns of Kings Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) through Yeonsangun (燕山君, r. 1494–1506), contains a chapter on ritual procedures. It states that the invocation of Avalokiteśvara bodhisattva was followed by a chanting of the names of the Lotus Sūtra (法華經) deities and then by chanting of the names of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra (華嚴經) deities. In the case of the Lotus Sūtra deities, Śākyamuni, Prabhūtaratna, and Amitābha Buddhas are invoked, followed by Mañjuśrī, Samantabhadra, and Avalokiteśvara bodhisattvas, and finally the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of the Assembly on Vulture Peak. In the case of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra deities, Vairocana, Rocana (盧舍那), and Śākyamuni Buddhas are first invoked, followed by Mañjuśrī, Samantabhadra, Avalokiteśvara, and Mahāsthāmaprāpta bodhisattvas, and finally all the Buddhas and bodhisattvas of the Avataṃsaka Assembly. At all large Buddhist ceremonies held during the Joseon dynasty, such as the yeongsanjae and suryukjae, a procedure was held that required calling out of the names of all the Buddhas and bodhisattvas who appeared in paintings hanging in the main hall of the temple, such as the Painting of the Vulture Peak Assembly (靈山會上圖, Yeongsan hoesangdo), Painting of the Avataṃsaka Assembly (極樂會上圖, Geungnak hoesangdo), and Painting of the Amitābha Assembly (華嚴會上圖, Hwaeom hoesangdo). That is, the number of images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas required for rites and ceremonies in the main hall had expanded greatly over the previous period, and it is presumed that altar paintings and murals began to replace mandorlas in order to allow the visual representation of such a large number of deities. Moreover, the hanging of various paintings, such as the Painting of the Vulture Peak Assembly, Painting of the Avataṃsaka Assembly, Painting of the Amitābha Assembly, and Nectar Ritual Painting, attests to the large number of rites and ceremonies held inside the main hall. Changes in the Height of Buddhist Altars and Characteristics of Buddhist Sculptures The seventeenth century also brought changes to the arrangement and elevation of the interior of Buddhist temple halls. An elaborately decorated tier called the “jewel platform” (寶壇, bodan) was added to the altar’s top plate, the pedestal was placed upon it, and finally the sculpture was positioned on top of the pedestal. As discussed earlier, altars first came to be installed in temple halls between the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods, but it was not until the seventeenth century that they became a common feature across all temple halls. The height of the pedestal also grew during the seventeenth century. Consequently, the image was enshrined at a much greater height compared to in the preceding period. In most temple halls from the Three Kingdoms period to the Goryeo dynasty that have no altar, the image is enshrined at the relatively low height of around one meter. The Stone Seated Vairocana Buddha at Vairocana Hermitage (毘盧庵) in Donghwasa Temple (桐華寺) in Daegu, dating to the ninth century (during the Unified Silla period), sits on a pedestal about 1.13 meters high; the Stone Seated Vairocana Buddha in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Cheongnyongsa Temple (靑龍寺) in Yecheon from the Goryeo dynasty sits on an 89-centimeter-high pedestal; and the Clay Seated Buddha in the Hall of Infinite Life at Buseoksa Temple in Yeongju sits on a 1.18-meter-high pedestal (Figs. 14 and 15). Created in the early Joseon period, the Clay Seated Buddha in the Hall of Great Light at Gosansa Temple in Hongseong rests on a pedestal 91 centimeters high. This illustrates that Buddhist sculptures from the Unified Silla period to the early Joseon era were enshrined on pedestals ranging in height from 80–90 centimeters to 120 centimeters, and the combined height of the image and the pedestal in most cases did not exceed three meters. The sculptures from this time sit with the upper body and head held rigidly upright, and have broad shoulders pulled straight back, presenting a stark contrast with examples from the latter Joseon period, which tend to show a lowered head and hunched shoulders (Fig. 16). Fig. 14. Stone Seated Vairocana Buddha. Silla, 9th century. Total height: 309.0 cm. Biroam Hermitage at Donghwasa Temple, Daegu (Cultural Heritage Administration and Cultural Heritage Survey Team of the Foundation for Preservation of Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism 2007a, Fig. 308) Fig. 15. Stone Seated Vairocana Buddha. Mid-Goryeo. Height: 112.0 cm (image); 89.2 cm (pedestal). Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Cheongnyongsa Temple, Yecheon (Cultural Heritage Administration and Research Institute of Buddhist Cultural Heritage 2008, Fig. 267) Fig. 16. Clay Seated Buddha. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 135.0 cm, Width: 89.2 cm (across knees). Hall of Great Light (Daegwangjeon) at Gosansa Temple, Hongseong (Photograph by the author) The altars of the early Joseon period enabled the sculpture to be enshrined at a higher level than previously erected. The Hall of Paradise at Muwisa Temple, built in 1430, has an 82-centimeter-high altar topped with a 71-centimeter-high pedestal. An image of Amitābha Buddha on the pedestal is therefore set at a height of 153 centimeters from the floor. Although its total height is somewhat greater compared to examples with no altar, it is still lower than Buddhist sculptures enshrined during the seventeenth century. The Amitābha Buddha at Muwisa Temple thus carries on the Goryeo tradition, and its sculptural characteristics do not differ greatly from those of the Buddha image at Gosansa Temple in Hongseong. In the seventeenth century, altars were commonly installed in temple halls and the characteristics of Buddhist sculptures began to change as altars and pedestals grew in height. The altar in the Hall of the Great Hero at Gwallyongsa Temple in Changnyeong, believed to have been built in 1618, is 108 centimeters high and topped with a pedestal of 85 centimeters, which means the sculpture is enshrined at a height of 193 centimeters. With the addition of the 160-centimeter-high sculpture, the total height reaches 353 centimeters (Fig. 17). In the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Ssanggyesa Temple (雙磎寺) in Hadong, built in 1632, the combined height of the altar and jewel platform is 149.5 centimeters, and with the addition of the 79.3-centimeter-high pedestal, the height at which the image is enshrined is 228.3 centimeters. When the 186.5-centimeter-high sculpture is added, the total is 415.3 centimeters (Table 1). Fig. 17. Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions and altar. Joseon, 1618 (altar); 1629 (image). Wood and colored paintwork (altar). Height: 108.0 cm (altar); 160.0 cm (image). Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Gwallyongsa Temple, Changnyeong (Photograph by the author) Table 1. Height and Space Occupation Ratio of Buddhist Altars2 Temple / hall Altar / image Date Ratio Top plate Treasure platform Altar Pedestal Altar+pedestal Image Total height Gosansa Temple, Hongseong Stone pedestal 15th c. × × × × 91.3 91.3 Treasure Hall of Great Light (大光寶殿, Daegwangbojeon) Clay Seated Amitābha Buddha 15th c. 135.0 226.3 Muwisa Temple, Gangjin Altar (jeongchibeop) 1430 0.07 82.0 × 82.0 71.4 153.4 Hall of Paradise (Geungnakjeon) Wooden Seated Amitābha Triad 1478 110.0 263.4 Jeondeungsa Temple, Ganghwa Altar (ijubeop) 1621 0.17 93.0 22.0 115.0 51.0 166.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni Buddha) 1623 140.0 306.0 Gwallyongsa Temple, Changnyeong Altar (ijubeop) 1618 0.09 108.0 × 108.0 85.0 193.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni Buddha) 1629 160.0 353.0 Ssanggyesa Temple, Hadong Altar (ijubeop) 1632 0.13 124.0 25.5 149.5 79.3 228.8 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni) 1639 186.5 415.3 Hwaeomsa Temple, Gurye Altar (ijubeop) 1636 0.21 108.0 28.0 136.0 119.0 255.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Bodies (Vairocana Buddha) 1636 279.0 535.0 Jikjisa Temple, Gimcheon Altar (ijubeop) 1651 0.13 108.0 21.0 129.0 85.0 214.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni Buddha) 17th C. 132.8 346.8 Beomeosa Temple, Busan Altar (jeongchibeop) 1658 0.24 117.5 33.0 150.5 53.0 203.5 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Generations (Śākyamuni Buddha) 1661 135.0 338.5 Donghwasa Temple, Daegu Altar (ijubeop) 1727 0.15 99.0 31.0 130.0 52.0 182.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni Buddha) 1727 145.0 327.0 The combined height of the altar and the pedestal had increased greatly by the seventeenth century compared to the fifteenth century. As shown in Table 1, in the seventeenth century the image was enshrined at a minimum height of 166 centimeters (Hall of the Great Hero at Jeondeungsa Temple in Ganghwa) and at a maximum height of 255 centimeters (Hall of the Great Hero at Hwaeomsa Temple). In most cases, the height was around 200 centimeters. In all cases, the combined total height of the sculpture, pedestal, and altar exceeds 300 centimeters, which means that the principal icon in the major halls at all temples was enshrined at a combined height of around 350 centimeters. However, no clear answer has yet been found as to why the altar grew to be so high. Raising the altar might have been a measure for enshrining the sculpture at a greater height, but why was it considered necessary in the seventeenth century to place the sculpture at a higher level than before? It is proposed here that the increase in height was based on concerns that enshrining the image within a confined space would be of less impact, and hence weaken the devotee’s sense of reverence and awe when coming before the Buddha. Following the Japanese invasions of the late sixteenth century, many people frequented temples to take part in Buddhist services, and they would have approached the image more closely than before. At such range, the worshiper may have experienced a stronger interaction with the object of worship, but the proximity could have potentially reduced the sense of awe and respect. As the area occupied by the altar grew gradually larger to accommodate the arrangement of offerings used in ceremonies and rites held inside the temple hall, the altar and back pillars were moved further toward the back to provide additional space for these events, as mentioned above. However, this measure alone would not have been sufficient to enable the worshipers to experience the majesty and dignity of the Buddha in a small space and at an intimate distance. Other measures had to be taken, therefore, to inspire greater reverence and awe among worshipers. Two courses of action were pursued. First, the sacred space centering on the altar was richly ornamented in order to visually distinguish it from the mundane world. Second, a supplemental platform was placed on the altar and a pedestal was set on top of it to raise the enshrined Buddhist image to a greater height. These measures would have been effective to some extent in causing the worshiper to look up at the image and contemplate its majesty. In particular, those images enshrined at a height almost double that of images from the fifteenth century would have emanated considerable dignity and authority, even when worshipped from up close. The final outcome of these changes inside temple halls during the seventeenth century was the enshrinement of the image at an elevated level within a small space. As a consequence, it became no longer viable to produce sculptures maintaining the same appearance as those from the early Joseon period. The style of the Goryeo and early Joseon periods is characterized by a strictly upright body with the head held high and eyes gazing straight ahead. In the seventeenth century, however, with the image enshrined high atop an altar and pedestal, it became difficult for the worshiper to comfortably look into the face of such an image. Hence, it can be presumed that the altered appearance of seventeenth-century Buddhist sculptures, marked by a lowered head that was large in proportion to the body with its shoulders hunched forward, would have been influenced by the conditions inside the temple hall. When a worshiper looks up at close range at an image enshrined high up, the head must be large relative to the body if it is to appear balanced in proportion with the body. The head must also be lowered if worshipers are to look at the face and eyes straight-on. If Buddhist sculptures in the style prevalent prior to the fifteenth century had been enshrined high on seventeenth-century altars, the head would have appeared remarkably smaller than its actual size and the face would have seemed distorted. In addition, if sculptures from the latter half of the Joseon period had been enshrined not at a height of around 200 centimeters, but at 100 centimeters, as in the first half of the Joseon dynasty, it would have been hard to avoid a sense of distortion of the face (Fig. 18). Fig. 18. Wooden Seated Medicine Buddha. Level view (left); View looking upwards (right). Joseon, 1677. Height: 107.5 cm, Width (across knees): 72.5 cm. Ilchuram Hermitage, Jeonju (Photograph by the author) These tendencies began to appear among a very small number of early Joseon images and became fully established entering the seventeenth century. It is generally understood that these features carried over to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It can certainly be argued that the characteristic upper body and head that appear hunched forward and the head that seems large in proportion to the body of Buddhist sculptures from the latter half of the Joseon dynasty resulted from reduced skills on the part of sculptors under the decline of Buddhism during the Joseon period. However, and more importantly, they are also the result of a creative effort to ensure that worshipers could properly behold the face of the image by adjusting the sculpture to suit the height at which it was to be enshrined. Conclusion The Buddhist temple halls rebuilt in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries following the Japanese invasions took on a distinct appearance compared to those built before the wars. An altar was placed in the center of the rectangular hall, and the floor around the altar was laid with regular wooden boards. One pillar rises from each of the back corners of the altar, and a rectangular board serving as a wall is affixed at the back of the altar with a mural painted on it or a hanging altar painting. The repositioning of the pillars with the changed position of the altar and its backing toward the rear of the hall (ijubeop) became widespread practice. Consequently, 50 percent of temple halls from the seventeenth century and 60 percent of those from the eighteenth century show this positioning of pillars designed to create a larger space in front of the altar. These elements in temple halls are related to the shift in the prominence of common people within the Buddhist community during the latter half of the Joseon period, and ultimately affected the characteristics of the Buddhist sculptures enshrined within the halls. Over the course of the Joseon period, the power of Buddhism continued to decline. Its social roles diminished, leaving only its religious functions. In place of the royal family and ruling-class believers who had been the mainstay of the temple economy, the common people came to constitute the core body of believers. As such, many ceremonies and rites, large and small, began to be held at temples, and it is presumed that larger numbers of people took part in these events during the latter half of the Joseon period than in the first. This is confirmed by the changes in the ranks and number of believers listed in the writings for the collection of alms for Buddhist works and written prayers. That is, the greater part of the burden of temple finances was transferred from the small number of rich patrons contributing large amounts in the first half of the dynasty to large numbers of ordinary people contributing small amounts in the latter half. As great numbers of ordinary people began to participate in the patronage of Buddhist works at the temples, ceremonies and rites had to be frequently held. It is presumed that the larger ceremonies were performed in the central courtyard where a large scroll painting was hung, while smaller rituals took place inside temple halls. In the latter half of the Joseon period, altars were universally installed inside temple halls, and over time they grew gradually larger as a means to provide sufficient space for the arrangement of offerings used in the rites. As the number of believers taking part in Buddhist services increased, the space inside the temple hall became insufficient. Measures such as the laying of wooden floorboards and installation of internal pillars toward the back of the hall were used in an effort to maximize the amount of space inside the hall and accommodate the crowds. Believers attending these ceremonies and rites inevitably gazed upon the Buddha image at very close range, which diminished their sense of awe and respect. In response to this, an additional level called a “jewel platform” was placed on top of the altar and a high pedestal was set on top of that. By displaying the Buddhist image at a greater height than before, the sacred space could be distinguished from the secular world. Buddhist sculptures from the latter half of the Joseon dynasty were enshrined at a great height of around 200 centimeters and showed certain distinct characteristics compared to previous sculptures, which were enshrined at a height of around 100 centimeters. In general, sculptures from the latter half of the dynasty featured a head that was large relative to the body, lowered, and tilted forward, as were the shoulders. In addition, the body evinced a diminished sense of volume and depth. While those are traits common to Joseon Buddhist sculpture in general that had carried over from the late Goryeo period, the large, lowered head and hunched shoulders are peculiar to images from the latter half of the Joseon period. These features were a creative innovation made by sculptors who wished to ensure that believers had the most comfortable view of the face possible when the Buddhist image was enshrined at a great height. In the halls of Buddhist temples built during the latter half of the Joseon dynasty, the shortage of space resulting from increasing numbers of people participating in ceremonies and rites was addressed with interior pillars placed further toward the rear and the installation of wooden floorboards. The reduced sense of awe and respect in the presence of the image caused by the mingling of the sacred with the mundane within the space was resolved by raising the altar and pedestal to separate the sacred from the mundane. The image was accordingly enshrined at a great height, which in turn required sculptors to devise new features as a means to distinguish it from preceding images enshrined on lower pedestals. The forward-tilted head and hunched body of sculptures from the latter half of Joseon was the best solution to address the goal of maximizing interaction between the worshiper and the object of worship in the altered temple hall environment.

Portrait Album of Successful Candidates from the Military Division of the Special State Examination and Its Characteristics as a Collection of Portraits of Meritorious Subjects

Chang Jina(Associate Curator, National Palace Museum of Korea)

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2017.v11_08

The Portrait Album of Successful Candidates from the Military Division of the Special State Examination, or Deungjunsi mugwa dosangcheop (登俊試武科圖像帖; hereafter abbreviated as the “Deungjunsi Portrait Album”) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea features portraits of successful candidates from the military division of the special state examination, known as the deungjunsi (登俊試), held in 1744, the fiftieth year of the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776). The album consists of 18 small half-length portraits, a list of the portrayed individuals, the year of the album’s production, the reason for the commission of the paintings, and the names of the artists (Figs. 1 and 2). Fig. 1. “Royal edict attached to the Deungjunsi Portrait Album” in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. Joseon, 1774. Ink on silk. 47.0 × 35.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 2. “Roster of successful candidates passing the military division examination” in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. Joseon, 1774. Ink on silk. 47.0 × 35.2 cm. National Museum of Korea In contrast to the regular civil service examination, the deungjunsi was a special state examination in which only incumbent government officials were allowed to take part. Those who successfully completed the examination were promoted to a higher post. As an ad hoc examination intended to emplace a new body of officialdom favoring the ruling monarch, it was not executed on a regular basis. It was first held in 1465 during the reign of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) and was repeated only once, in the cyclical year of gabo (甲午, corresponding to 1774), coinciding with the 50th year of King Yeongjo’s reign (英祖, r. 1724–1776). The test conducted under the auspices of King Yeongjo is known as the gabo deungjunsi. The gabo deungjunsi took place in the later period of King Yeongjo’s rule. On the day after the names of the successful candidates were announced, King Yeongjo proclaimed that the implementation of the deungjunsi was one of the five projects he pursued to emulate the achievements of previous kings. This indicates how the king placed special emphasis on this examination, which is further evidenced by the actions taken by the king to celebrate the deungjunsi. These include holding a memorial service for the successful candidates’ ancestors, bestowing various awards, promulgating type-printed rosters of successful candidates, and commissioning a documentary painting depicting the actual events. Careful attention should be paid to the fact that the king also commissioned portraits of the successful applicants, resulting in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. This is the only surviving portrait album related to a government service examination. King Yeongjo commissioned albums of portraits of successful candidates from the civil and military divisions and ordered the former to be stored by the Yejo (禮曹), the Ministry of Rites and the latter by the Byeongjo (兵曹), the Ministry of War. After this edict was issued, he continued to monitor the progress of the project and paid special attention through its completion. It is exceptional that the king ordered such paintings and it reveals his respectful treatment of loyal retainers. Commissioning portraits of meritorious subjects who served the king and the state with distinction is evidence of this. During the Joseon dynasty (朝鮮, 1392–1910), portraits of meritorious subjects were traditionally rendered in a large hanging-scroll format that depicted a full-length figure wearing an official robe (Fig. 3). Magnificent representations of meritorious subjects were enriched by splendid colors that further glorify the loyal subjects and their outstanding achievements. However, the portraits of the successful candidates from the deungjunsi were executed in a small album format, marking a striking contrast with full-length hanging-scroll portraits of meritorious subjects (Fig. 4). Fig. 3. Portrait of Yi Seongyun by unknown artist (presumed to be one of the portraits devoted to meritorious subjects attending King Gwanghae during the Imjin War). Joseon, c. 1613. Color on silk. 178.4 × 106.4 cm. Treasure No. 1490. Private collection (Entrusted to the National Palace Museum of Korea) (Cultural Heritage Administration 2007, p. 55) Fig. 4. “Portrait of Yi Chungi” by Han Jongyu and others in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. Joseon, 1774. Color on silk. 47.0 × 35.2 cm. National Museum of Korea The portrait albums were not distributed among those who were illustrated in them, but stored in the palace upon the command of King Yeongjo. Although the eventual fate of the Portrait Album of Successful Candidates from the Civil Division of the Special State Examination is unknown today, a colophon by Jo Gyeong (趙璥, 1727–1787), pen name Haseo (荷棲), on a portrait of his older brother, Jo Hwan (趙瑍, born 1720), one of the successful candidates, survives. Entitled “Baekssisangchan” (伯氏像讚, Eulogy of an elder brother’s portrait), Jo Gyeong’s writing is included in his anthology Haseojip (荷棲集, Collected works of Haseo). According to this text, two portraits of each subject were produced upon King Yeongjo’s order; one was sent to the court for the king’s perusal and the other was entrusted to the minister of rites. In addition, Jo Hwan privately commissioned a version of the portrait for his own possession, which provides further evidence that the portraits sponsored by King Yeongjo were not released to the relevant subjects. In this case, what would be the reasons behind King Yeongjo’s commissioning of the portrait albums and why did he keep them in the palace? This is likely related to the purpose of implementing the deungjunsi itself and the impact of this project. The king aimed to announce his intention to emulate the achievements of King Sejo, a powerful sovereign who made considerable progress in national restoration. He wished to live up to King Sejo’s ruling ideology by conducting a deungjunsi himself. His actions were taken in an attempt to conform with the principles of the Zhongyong (中庸, Doctrine of the Mean), which states that “succeeding the accomplishments of preceding monarchs and carrying on with their projects is equivalent to fulfilling one’s filial duty” (夫孝者善繼人之志善述人之事者也). The king’s ultimate goal was to safeguard his own sovereignty by replicating the meritorious deeds of his ancestors. The Deungjunsi Portrait Album evinces how King Yeongjo aptly utilized the tradition of painting portraits of meritorious subjects as a visual tool to achieve his goal. Contents of the Deungjunsi Portrait Album The Deungjunsi Portrait Album can be divided into four parts: King Yeongjo’s command; the list of successful candidates; their portraits; and the list of painters who worked on the commission. King Yeongjo’s royal orders were issued twice, once on the 18th and then again on the 25th day of the first lunar month (Fig. 1). The first edict states that the deungjunsi is to be implemented for the first time in about 300 years, that a painting album of portraits of the 15 successful candidates from the civil service examination is to be sent to the Ministry of Rites, that a portrait album for the 18 successful candidates from the military division examination is to be placed with the Ministry of War, and that after eight months a banquet is to be held in accordance with the ancient ritual protocols. The second decree details the king’s orders to bring to the court a pair of painting albums featuring portraits of civil and military officials who passed the examination. The portrait albums were probably sent to the king for his appreciation. This would correspond with the aforementioned eulogy written by Jo Gyeong. The royal edicts are followed by the section bearing the names of the 18 successful candidates (Fig. 2). One person is placed in the first-class category, three are listed in the second, and fourteen people are in the third-class category. The first-class candidate in the military division examination is Yi Chungi (李春琦, born 1737), an eighth-rank official (Fig. 4). Yi Chungi took first place in the military division of the state recruitment examination (科擧, gwageo) in 1756. In addition, Yi Changun (李昌運, 1713–1791), Yi Jango (李章吾, born 1724), Yi Yunseong (李潤成, born 1719), and others on the list had already earned reputations as military officers (Figs. 5 and 6). Yi Changun, listed in the second-class category, was a descendant of Yi Unro (李雲露, dates unknown), who had been awarded the title of a meritorious subject for his role in suppressing Yi Siae (李施愛, died 1467)’s revolt in 1467 during King Sejo’s reign. Yi Changun was a renowned military official active during the reigns of Kings Yeongjo and Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1776–1800), and was designated Lord of Hamchun (咸春君, hamchungun) in 1754. His younger brother Yi Myeongun (李明運, born 1716) also passed this examination, which further evidences their privileged status as a noble military family. Fig. 5. “Portrait of Yi Changhun” by Han Jongyu and others in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. Joseon, 1774. Color on silk. 47.0 × 35.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 6. “Portrait of Yi Jango” by Han Jongyu and others in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. Joseon, 1774. Color on silk. 47.0 × 35.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Yi Jango is the most notable military official among the successful candidates. Prior to the examination, the king was aware of Yi Jango’s reputation as an expert archer and expressed an interest in his performance in the examination by wondering how advanced his skill in archery would be. At that time Yi Jango was serving as the head of the military’s Training Command. He was also the son of Yi Junggyeong (李重庚, born 1680), minister of public works (工曹判書, gongjo panseo). Yi Jango was the holder of a literary licentiate (進士, jinsa), but he was said to be most qualified as a general since he was “a man who excelled in the art of war and a skillful archer” (Entry for the fifth day of the eighth month of the 18th year, Yeongjo sillok, vol. 56). Acknowledged for his superb martial prowess, he assumed an important post in the military. Yi Jango descended from the house of Grand Prince Hyoryeong (孝寧大君, 1396–1486) of the Yi royal family, which produced outstanding military officials throughout the dynasty. Not only Yi Jango, but also his offspring, including his son, grandsons, and great-grandsons, occupied major posts in the central military authority. Yi Jango had already been favored by the king prior to the examination, having been appointed minister of punishments (刑曹判書, hyeongjo panseo) in 1769. After the deungjunsi, he was promoted to the post of director of the State Tribunal (判義禁府事, panuigeum busa), a rare honor for a military official. The promotion was unconventional and aroused strong criticism among subjects who asserted that it caused “disorders in the bureaucratic hierarchy” (Entry for the seventh day of the second month of the 50th year, Yeongjo sillok, vol. 122). His appointment to such high-ranking positions in the central government was not only due to his royal origins, but also a result of nepotism. He was a maternal grandson of Seo Jongje (徐宗悌, 1656–1719), the king’s father-in-law, and a nephew of Queen Jeongseong (貞聖王后, 1692–1757), King Yeongjo’s wife (Jang Pilgi 2004, 147–148). A sketch for Yi Jango’s portrait is included in the album titled Portraits of Revered Figures (名賢畵像, Myeonghyeon hwasang) (Fig. 7) from the late Joseon period currently housed in the National Museum of Korea. This proves that he was well respected within society. Fig. 7. “Sketch for Yi Jango’s Portrait” by unknow artist in the Portraits of Revered Figures. Joseon, 18th century. Color on paper. 50.0 × 32.9 cm. National Museum of Korea Yi Yunseong was discharged from his position of the commander of the Capital Garrison (禁衛大將, geumwi daejang) on the sixth day of the first lunar month of the year of the deungjunsi, but he was reinstated as a government official immediately before the examination. Therefore, he became qualified to sit for the examination and successfully passed. Jeon Gwanghun (田光勳, born 1722) was an examination supervisor, but he sat for the deungjunsi on the examination day upon King Yeongjo’s command and succeeded at the test. King Yeongjo paid special attention to the successful candidates and expressed his great expectations of them. Considering the various reasons for their application, the backgrounds of the successful candidates, and the benefits awarded to those who passed the examination, it is clear that recruiting new government officials or revealing hidden talent was not the sole reason for implementing the deungjunsi. Portraits Included in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album Following the list of successful candidates, a portrait of each was painted on a leaf divided into right and left sides, totaling 18 portraits on nine leaves. The album features half-length portraits of figures depicted in three-quarter view and wearing an official robe. The subjects are dressed in green round-necked belted officials’ robes decorated with a pattern of clouds and the seven treasures. In the middle of each sitter’s robe is a rank badge with a haechi (獬豸, Ch. xiezhi) or tiger design that was used by military officials. The belts worn by the subjects vary according to the official ranks they received upon completing the deungjunsi. With little stylistic variations, all 18 portraits present the typical characteristics attributed to mid-eighteenth-century portrait painting in the Joseon dynasty. The contours of the face and its features are drawn with clear lines and the face is lightly colored. The use of light ink washes and colored blush provides a three-dimensional effect to the faces. Several paintings in the album suggest that fine brush strokes were used to create three-dimensionality, this being a prevalent method in late-eighteenth-century portraits produced during King Jeongjo’s reign. Based on the manner of representation and style of the paintings, the portraits can be grouped into several categories. First, the portraits of Min Beomsu (閔範洙, born 1717), Yi Changun, Yi Myeongun, Min Jiyeol (閔趾烈, born 1727), Jeon Gwanghun, and Gim Sangok (金相玉, born 1727) demonstrate little interest in the representation of concave and convex aspects of the face. Shading is applied along with an outline of the face and refined brush strokes are rarely used (Figs. 8 and 9). The repeated patterns on the rank badges and the straight wings that are attached to the back of the gauze hats indicate that the paintings were probably rendered by either a single artist or a group sharing the same painting style. The portraits of Choe Joak (崔朝岳, born 1739), Yi Jango, and Yu Jinha (柳鎭夏, born 1714) show close stylistic affinities to the abovementioned works, with the exception of the design of clothes. Fig. 8. “Portrait of Min Beomsu” by Han Jongyu and others in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. Joseon, 1774. Color on silk. 47.0 × 35.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 9. “Portrait of Min Beomsu” (detail) In the portraits depicting Jo Wan (趙山完, born 1724), Yi Yunseong, Yi Bangil (李邦一, 1724–1805), and Jo Jip (趙㠎, born 1735), an even ink wash is widely applied to selected areas of their faces, such as the protuberant part of their eyelids and the wrinkles under their eyes, as well as around the round neck of their robes. The contrast between the dark painted areas and the bright blank space on the faces creates a three-dimensional effect (Figs. 10 and 11). Each figure wears a robe with a rank emblem bearing a haechi design. The shapes and colors of the cloud and mythical haechi designs depicted in the portraits are all identical. The forms of the drapery are also very similar; dark shade is cast on the inner part of the drapery folds in a narrow oval form in order to express three-dimensionality. Choe Dongak (崔東岳, born 1746)’s portrait resembles these paintings in its facial depiction, but the rank badge is more closely related to Yi Jango’s portrait. Fig. 10. “Portrait of Yi Bangil” by Han Jongyu and others in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. Joseon, 1774. Color on silk. 47.0 × 35.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 11. “Portrait of Yi Bangil” (detail) Portraits of Yi Dalhae (李達海, born 1731), Yi Gukhyeon (李國賢, born 1714), and An Jonggyu (安宗奎, born 1723) are marked by frequent use of fine brushwork (Figs. 12 and 13). Compared with the facial depiction, the drapery of the robe is represented in a rather flat manner and the shading is restrained. The figures in this group wear an official robe with a rank badge embellished with a white tiger, which distinguishes them from the rest of the portraits that feature a rank badge with a haechi design. Fig. 12. “Portrait of Yi Dalhae” by Han Jongyu and others in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. Joseon, 1774. Color on silk. 47.0 × 35.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig.13. “Portrait of Yi Dalhae” (detail) The portrait of Yi Chungi, who passed the examination in the first class, is not associated with another group of paintings (Fig. 4). A notably pale countenance creates a sharp contrast with the red hue expressed excessively around the nose and eyes. Triangular folds of drapery depicted in an archaic style cover the body in a rather crowded manner. The shapes of the cloud and the haechi design on the rank badge also differ from those of the other portraits in the album. The source of the differences among the paintings in this album is uncertain. The paintings may have been executed by different painters (or different families of painters). If they were works by painters of a single family, discrepancies in the painters’ abilities and skill may have led to differences in style. Alternatively, the unique appearances of the depicted figures may have produced the differences among the portraits. However, it is most likely that the distinctive features manifested in each group of paintings result from the individual style of a painter (or a family of painters), because the paintings in each group share common characteristics in the depiction of the drapery folds, the shape of the rank badge, and the dragonfly-wing patterns in the gauze hat. These features were generally rendered in a conventional method passed down through the generations within a school of painting or family of painters. The final leaf in this portrait album bears a list of the names of the painters who participated in the project as follows: Han Jongyu (韓宗裕, born 1737), an overseer of painting procedures, Han Jongil (韓宗一, born after 1738), Sin Hanchang (申漢昌), Jang Hong (張紭, dates unknown), Gim Jongrin (金宗獜, dates unknown), Choe Deukhyeon (崔得賢, dates unknown), and Han Jeongcheol (韓廷喆, dates unknown). Also included in the list are the supervisor Yun Cheolse (尹喆世) and the transcriber Choe Jonghyeok (崔宗爀) (Fig. 14). Fig. 14. “List of Painters” in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. Joseon, 1774. Ink on silk. 47.0 × 35.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Among the participants, Han Jongyu is a notable figure. He was one of the most active portraitists during the reigns of Kings Yeongjo and Jeongjo, and he achieved considerable fame for his paintings. His outstanding talent as a portraitist was acknowledged by King Yeongjo, as evidenced by his appointment as the overseer of the production of the Deungjunsi Portrait Album and the king’s recommendation of him for the commission for the portrait of eighty-year-old King Yeongjo in 1773. In addition, he served as the primary painter for the portrait of King Jeongjo in 1781 (Jin Junhyeon 1994, 19–72). Two portraits of Gim Wonhaeng are attributed to Han Jongyu. The portrait in the collection of the Ewha Womans University Museum presents a figure dressed in a scholar’s black-trimmed coat and traditional headgear made from black fabric. In the portrait held in the Gansong Art Museum, Gim wears a tall, square white cap and scholar’s outer garment. In both paintings, the facial features are clearly defined in sharp lines, fine lines with various tonalities are used to depict wrinkles, and a light ink wash is applied to represent the protuberances and hollows of the face. Delicate ink washes without repetition of minute brushstrokes stand out. The painting style of the two examples is closely associated with that of the first group of portraits discussed above. The Portrait of Gim Chiin, housed in the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art, was created in 1766 when the subject was 51 years old through a collaboration between Hang Jongyu and Byeon Sangbyeok (卞相璧, 1730–1775) (Figs. 15 and 16). This painting allows an examination of the painting style of Han Jongyu. While the Portrait of Yun Geup attributed to Byeon Sangbyeok in the collection of the National Museum of Korea presents a harmonious combination of fine lines and delicate ink wash, the Portrait of Gim Chiin is characterized by a more-or-less two-dimensional representation and restrained use of lines and shading. These features are most closely related to the first group of paintings in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. The formal affinities between the Portrait of Gim Chiin and the first group of paintings in the album indicate that these works reflect the painting style of Han Jongyu. Fig. 15. Portrait of Gim Chiin by Byeon Sangbyeok and Han Jongyu. Joseon, 1760. Color on silk. 152.8 × 81.6 cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Ho-Am Art Museum 1999, Fig. 13). Fig. 16. Portrait of Gim Chiin (detail). Han Jongil, a figure included in the list of painters, is the younger brother of Han Jongyu. This means that two of the leading painters involved in this project were members of the Sinpyeong Han family, one of the most influential families of painters of the late Joseon period. No known painting by Han Jongil remains today. However, we can assume that his style is most likely closely related to Han Jongyu’s, which sustained the Sinpyeong Han family’s tradition of painting. The details of Han Jeongcheol’s life remain unknown, and his name does not appear in court archives such as the Uigwe (儀軌, state records of royal events). However, literati anthologies reveal that he was a painter active during King Jeongjo’s reign. The careers of the other portrait painters, including Sin Hanchang, Jang Hong, Gim Jongrin, and Choe Deukhyeon are a mystery, but they are known to have participated in the production of Uigwe (Park Jeonghye, 221–290). This implies that court painters who frequently worked on state projects were also summoned for the creation of the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. In sum, the list of painters included in the Deungjunsi Portrait Album provides information on portraitists active in the late eighteenth century. It is almost impossible to discern the individual painter of each work. However, a comparison between paintings by artists listed on the duty roster and portraits in this album reveals the style of portraiture developed by Han Jongyu and his family members in the eighteenth century. Based on stylistic analysis, the 18 portraits can be divided into three groups. The paintings in each group were presumably produced by a single painter or a school of painters who shared the same techniques. This reflects the manners and customs of portrait paintings of this time, when an individual painter or group of painters typically followed a particular painting style. Nevertheless, subtasks such as drawing the face and shading might have been delegated to different painters according to the strengths of each painter. When multiple portraits were produced simultaneously to create a painting album, this type of collaboration was highly likely required. The Deungjunsi Portrait Album must have been commissioned in the same vein. The Deungjunsi Portrait Album as Portraits of Meritorious Subjects King Yeongjo paid special attention to the production of the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. In the fifth month of 1774, three months after the royal commission for the painting album, the king followed its progress and encouraged its production. He stated that the production of the album was unique across all generations and was considered a “Qilin Pavilion (麒麟閣, giringak) accomplishment.” He ordered the album to be presented to the court upon its completion. In ancient Chinese palaces, there was a building for enshrining the portraits of meritorious subjects and for preserving documents on the heroic exploits and laudable deeds of prominent subjects, which was called Qilin Pavilion, named after the ancient pavilion which the Han Emperor Xuandi (宣帝, r. 74–49 BCE) ordered constructed to house portraits of loyal retainers. King Yeongjo compared the production of the Deungjunsi Portrait Album to the tradition of enshrining portraits of meritorious subjects in Qilin Pavilion. The king considered this portrait album to be of equal importance to portraits of meritorious subjects. The king paid particular attention to the successful candidates from the special examination, and they were offered special consideration in the same way as meritorious subjects. This suggests that King Yeongjo regarded them as faithful subjects to assist him and his grandson [Jeongjo]. That successful deungjunsi candidates received the same treatment as meritorious subjects is demonstrated by the fact that the painting albums featuring them were sent to the court and placed with the Ministry of Rites and the Ministry of War. Complex implications underlie the retention of loyal subjects’ portraits in a palace. Producing a portrait of a subject and keeping it in a specially designated building, often referred to as Qilin Pavilion, was considered a time-honored practice inherited from ancient Han China. This is evidenced by the abovementioned king’s comments on Qilin Pavilion. However, even portraits of meritorious subjects from the earlier Joseon period had not been officially preserved within a royal palace prior to the production of the Deungsunsi Portrait Album. Portraits of meritorious subjects who suppressed Yi Injwa (李麟佐, died 1728)’s rebellion in 1728 were copied and the later copies were bound as a painting album entitled Portrait Album in the Office of Meritorious Subjects, or Hunbu hwasangcheop (勳府畵像帖; hereafter referred to as the “Hunbu Portrait Album”). This album was enshrined in Gigonggak Pavilion (紀功閣), a pavilion for the listing of meritorious subjects affiliated with the Chunghunbu (忠勳府), the Office of Meritorious Subjects, with the permission of King Yeongjo in 1750. It seems to be the only prior case in which meritorious subjects’ portraits were collected and preserved in a dedicated space inside a royal palace. The extant portraits of meritorious subjects who crushed the 1728 rebellion have survived in various versions, including full-length large hanging scrolls featuring subjects in official robes and small half-length versions in both album and hanging scroll formats (Kang Kwanshik 2007, 102–104). Among them, the portraits in album format are probably linked to the Hunbu Portrait Album, which is known to have been stored in the Office of Meritorious Subjects (Fig. 17). It is doubtful that these works are from the original painting album stored in the Office of Meritorious Subjects at that time, because it is unlikely that individual portraits were produced as separate pieces. Instead, it is more probable that multiple portraits of subjects were produced and then combined into an album, as in the case of the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. It is assumed that the portraits surviving in the form of album leaves were separately produced when the Hunbu Portrait Album was created. Fig. 17. Portrait of Yi Sam by unknown artist. Joseon, mid-18th century. Color on silk. 41.8 × 28.8 cm. Private collection (National Palace Museum of Korea 2008, Fig. 16) Exploring how the Hunbu Portrait Album was enshrined in Gigonggak Pavilion in the Office of Meritorious Subjects provides clues regarding the function and meaning of the Deungjunsi Portrait Album. In 1750, Bak Munsu (朴文秀, 1691–1756), the Minister of Taxation and one of the meritorious subjects who suppressed the 1728 uprising, asked that the painting album depicting meritorious subjects from the 1728 rebellion be placed with the Office of Meritorious Subjects. Earlier during the reign of King Taejong (太宗, r. 1400–1418), there was a debate over whether the meritorious subjects’ portraits should be placed alongside royal portraits as this was considered to be a departure from ancient customs (Cho Insoo2004, 136–138; Kwon Hyuksan2007, 33–44). Since the debate ended without a clear consensus, it is likely that thereafter portraits of meritorious retainers were not kept in palace buildings but distributed to the subjects’ families instead. Their placement with the office would have been unprecedented, so Bak cautiously raised the issue of whether the Hunbu Portrait Album could be placed together with the inscriptions of kings’ names (御諱, eohwi) preserved within the palace. However, Bak was in fact resuming the old and still-debated question of constructing a pavilion inside a royal palace to house subjects’ portraits. After debating the matter with his courtiers, King Yeongjo agreed to keep the Hunbu Portrait in the Office of Meritorious Subjects, and storing subjects’ portraits in the palace became a regular practice thereafter. The younger brother of King Gyeongjong (景宗, r. 1720–1724), King Yeongjo ascended the throne in 1724. However, just four years after his enthronement, his authority was seriously threatened by a military coup. King Yeongjo endeavored to consolidate his power at court and overcome factional conflicts. He repeatedly expressed his trust in meritorious subjects and gratitude for their contributions toward suppressing the 1728 rebellion. The portraits for the Hunbu Portrait Album were produced in a small album format rather than in large hanging-scroll form. However, he decided to house this album in the palace after a long discussion among his retainers. This is indicative of his attempts to broaden the trust between the monarch and his subjects. King Yeongjo’s sustained actions and steady attention to this matter were not only directed at celebrating the faithful relationship between a ruler and his subjects. The king initiated various projects designed to elevate his political status by superimposing his own image on the “dynastic restorers” of the past who were considered comparable to the founder of the dynasty (Yoon Jeong 2007, 69–92). The king required assistance and support from reliable subjects in order to achieve his political goals as a dynastic restorer. Before King Yeongjo began the discussion over the placement of the Hunbu Portrait Album with his courtiers, he paid a visit to the Office of Meritorious Subjects accompanied by selected subjects. Afterward, he bestowed wine on these subjects. Jo Hyeonmyeong (趙顯命, 1690–1752), a meritorious subject who crushed the 1728 rebellion and later became the chief state councilor (領議政, Yeonguijeong), enthusiastically supported the king’s policy and assisted with royal projects. On this occasion, he noted the following: “Twenty-one rituals related to a pledge of loyalty by the attendants to the king have occurred since King Taejo’s reign. This dynasty was successfully established and flourishes to this day thanks to the contributions of loyal subjects. As a successor to the great achievements of previous rulers, [the king] is obliged to make constant day-and-night efforts and continue to work toward dynastic revival.” (Entry for the 27th day of the second month of the 23th year, Yeongjo sillok, vol. 65) With the approval of King Yeongjo, the Hunbu Portrait Album was enshrined in the Office of Meritorious Subjects along with the inscriptions of kings’ names in 1750. The portraits were understood as a visual representation of the king’s intention to treat loyal subjects with honor and respect, strengthen the political partnership between the monarch and subjects, and urge them to continue their mission of restoring the state. The debate over the construction of a pavilion for subjects’ portraits, which had started during King Taejong’s reign, was settled by placing the Hunbu Portrait Album with the Office of Meritorious Subjects, and thus the ancient custom for preserving portraits of loyal subjects in the palace was finally actualized. Enshrining the Deungjunsi Portrait Album in the palace in 1774 did not deviate from King Yeongjo’s original intentions expressed in 1750; it further extended the scope of the subjects whose portraits were allowed to be placed in the palace. The deungjunsi promoted the status of loyal subjects favored by the king in a manner similar to that traditionally conferred on meritorious subjects. It links to the broader intentions of King Yeongjo, who placed a higher value on his subjects’ allegiance to him than on any other meritorious deeds. The successful candidates politely declined any receipt of preferential treatment from the king by offering a joint petition to the ruler. For example, Hong Yangho (洪良浩, 1724–1802) made an appeal asserting that portraying and preserving images of subjects originated in the Han dynasty when portraits of meritorious subjects were preserved in either Qilin Pavilion or Cloud Terrace (雲臺) to celebrate their accomplishments, and that the only case of depicting subjects in Joseon was a painting of a gathering of elderly officials which was produced in emulation of a painting of elderly literati gathering at Luoyang during the Song dynasty. If such special treatment was provided only due to a successful result in the state examination, he argued that the candidates might feel undeserving of such an extraordinary reward. He further stressed that there was no royal commission of portraits of successful candidates on the past occasion of the deungjunsi during King Sejo’s reign. Hong’s appeal suggests that candidates passing the deungjunsi were well aware that the painting of portraits by royal order was an exceptional commendation given exclusively to meritorious subjects and elderly officials at the court, and that portraits of successful candidates in a state examination had never previously been officially commissioned by the king. Given this, why did King Yeongjo order portraits of subjects who successfully passed the state examination and why did he house their portraits in the palace? What could be his intention behind this? King Yeongjo expressed his feelings on implementing the deungjunsi in “King’s Writing on the Special State Examination and Its Meaning as Succession of Past Accomplishments” (御製登俊試意繼述, Eoje deungjunsi ui gyesul): “The deungjunsi has been conducted in ancient times and the present. The exam was held in the byeongsul (丙戌) year in the past, while it is now implemented in the gabo year. The former event took place in the old palace [Gyeongbokgung], as it does now. Counting the number of years, 309 have passed since the first occasion. . . . Two splendid achievements are gained by conducting this event inherited from the past: the succession of the achievements of a previous king and the commemoration of ancestors. After bowing at the Munsojeon Hall (文昭殿), I sat in Geunjeongjeon Hall (勤政殿) to announce the list of successful candidates. I returned to the palace shortly.” The deungjunsi held in the gabo year was planned as a reenactment of an accomplishment of King Sejo, who was considered a representative dynastic restorer, and also as an inheritance of his legacy. Three days after the deungjunsi, King Yeongjo declared an edict that described five principal projects that he had conducted during his fifty-year reign and that served as continuations of the achievements of preceding kings: the royal farming ceremony; the rites for Confucius in spring and autumn; the rite of sericulture in the palace; banquets for the elders; and the deungjunsi. In addition, he listed three life-long projects ascribed to himself: the Equal Service Law, known as gyunyeokbeop (均役法); the dredging project for the Cheonggyecheon Stream; and the Policy of Impartiality, known as tangpyeongchaek (蕩平策). King Yeongjo spared no effort over the course of his long reign in conducting a variety of projects designed to sustain the achievements of previous kings with the core aim of solidifying the legitimacy of his governance. As expressed in the above royal message, King Yeongjo attached great importance to the commemoration of ancestors and the succession of previous kings’ accomplishments. In preparation for the deungjunsi, King Yeongjo stated that “Conducting rites is done to succeed the achievements of preceding kings, and eliminating the complications in performing rites is a commemoration of forbearers” (Entry for the 13th day of the first month of the 50th year of King Yeongjo’s reign, Seungjeongwon ilgi). Whatever his political intent in executing the projects of replicating inherited ancestral achievements, King Yeongjo’s actions were firmly rooted in the ideology of filial piety. As filial piety was considered an absolute value that took precedence over subjects’ judgment and reasoning, King Yeongjo set the highest priority on demonstrating his filial duty in order to achieve his goals (Yoon Jeong 2007, 117–122). The king’s commission of the Deungjunsi Portrait Album was issued on the same day that he delivered the message quoted above. This suggests that the production of the Deungjunsi Portrait Album extends beyond more than simply treating his subjects with honor. As noted earlier, the successful candidates submitted a joint petition asking to be allowed to refuse this special award. King Yeongjo replied to the petition by citing a poem from the Tang dynasty, which is included in the Igeyjip (耳溪集), Hong Yangho’s literary collection, along with Hong’s own appeal: “I heard a poem from the Tang dynasty which reads: ‘A young emperor went to view portraits of loyal subjects, thinking of their meritorious service guarding the frontier. The emperor sought out meritorious subjects and ordered the painting of their portraits. The paintings were mounted in a screen format and displayed in the Hall of Longevity (長生殿, Jangsaengjeon).’ Ah! I used to recite this poem since it was transcribed in a former king’s calligraphic work. If portraits of meritorious subjects who defended the border were painted, how much more appropriate it would be to produce portraits for the event [deungjunsi] that is done again 309 years later. If a screen of portraits of those ancient loyal subjects was presented in the Hall of Longevity, why can we not have our album stored with the Ministries of Rites and War? This is not only for rewarding loyal subjects. It is for preserving the portraits and transmitting them to posterity for commemoration. How can you refuse this? Since the royal edict is already issued, do not decline the offer.” King Yeongjo further attempted to convince his subjects as they politely declined his exceptional treatment equivalent to the honors given to a meritorious subject. He asserted that implementing the deungjunsi formed part of his project to succeed the accomplishments of previous kings. King Yeongjo proclaimed that the significance of furthering his ancestors’ achievements and deeds was far greater than that of the meritorious deed of defending the frontier. This reveals the king’s determination to reestablish the glory of the dynasty and solidify his status as a dynastic restorer. In addition, King Yeongjo asserted that this practice should be transmitted to his grandson, the heir to the throne, for commemoration and preservation. To this end, King Yeongjo ordered the printing of the list of successful candidates from the deungjunsi and had it be sent to the palace and the residence of the Crown Prince. King Yeongjo clarified that the purpose of producing the portrait album was not just to celebrate the merits of subjects, but also to “preserve and transmit to posterity,” as this was the meaning of the deungjunsi project. Thus, the subjects were urged to accept this special treatment. Conclusion: Changes in the Relationship between Sovereign and Subjects and the Emergence of Portrait Albums The Deungjunsi Portrait Album is a collection of portraits bound in a single album, and is thought to have been modeled after the Hunbu Portrait Album from 1750. The Painting Album of Elderly Officials in Commemoration of King Sukjong’s Entrance into the Office of Elder Statesmen in 1719 (耆社契帖, Gisagyecheop) (1720) and the Painting Album in Commemoration of King Yeongjo’s Entrance into the Office of Elder Statesmen in 1744 (耆社慶會帖, Gisagyeonghoecheop) (c. 1744) also serve as precedents for the Deungjunsi Portrait Album in that multiple portraits were combined and mounted in the form of an album. The Deungjunsi Portrait Album shows that the scope of portrait albums, a new format of portraiture, had broadened beyond its conventional subjects, such as meritorious subjects or elder officials, to include incumbent subjects closely attending the ruling monarch. Traditionally, a portrait of a meritorious subject depicted a full-length figure in a large hanging scroll format. This convention changed in the late Joseon period. After the official title of meritorious subject was given to loyal retainers who suppressed the 1728 rebellion in the fourth year of King Yeongjo’s reign, the bestowal of the title of meritorious subject was officially discontinued and the royal commission of meritorious subjects’ portraits was suspended. However, by this period, large full-length portraits of figures in official attire were no longer reserved for meritorious subjects. As seen in Portrait of Nam Guman from the early eighteenth century, scholar-officials in an official robe were frequently presented in a large hanging scroll format similar to a meritorious subject’s portrait. In the late Joseon period, it simply became a conventional portrait format for literati officials (Fig. 18). Fig. 18. Portrait of Nam Guman by unknown artist. Joseon, 18th century. Color on silk. 163.4 × 88.5 cm. Treasure No. 1484. National Museum of Korea The title of meritorious subject was conferred to reward loyalty to the king (or the state). Meritorious subjects committed to a firm alliance with the king by swearing an oath of allegiance and they were bound by a common destiny. Even a king could not sever these close ties unless the retainers betrayed their allegiance and committed an act of treason. When rewarding meritorious subjects, a temporary office called dogam (都監) was established to evaluate each subject’s merits and set clear criteria and causes for the distribution of honors. The commission of large hanging scroll portraits was intended to visually represent these value systems and practices. Late Joseon society witnessed changes in the relationship between the king and his subjects. In the eighteenth century, it was claimed that the ruler and retainers should be fettered by the bonds of obligations and be faithful to one another. Absolute criteria for evaluating officials’ deeds and their loyalty to the throne were established by the ruling monarch according to his own standards. For example, retainers who won power during the Political Reverse of 1680, known as gyeongsin hwanguk (庚申換局), during the reign of King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674–1720) were given the title of meritorious subject, but soon after were driven out of politics when the ruling faction was replaced by a rival party. The status of meritorious subject, which used to be completely protected as long as they remained loyal to the king or the state, was no longer guaranteed. Officials who had once been designated meritorious subjects could lose their privileged status and be branded traitors upon the judgment of a leading political figure at the court. Under these circumstances, the traditional manner of rewarding meritorious subjects by offering honorary titles as meritorious retainers and distributing awards based on an official evaluation of a subject’s meritorious deeds did not affect the relationship between the ruler and his subjects. Bound in a format which was unprecedented for portraits of subjects, the Hunbu Portrait Album copied in 1750 marks a watershed reflecting the political shift that occurred in the late Joseon dynasty. Unfortunately, this painting album no longer survives, but it presumably provided an important inspiration for the Deungjunsi Portrait Album of 1774. King Yeongjo dedicated efforts to reenacting the deungjunsi. The Deungjunsi Portrait Album was not a mere collection of commemorative portraits of the successful candidates. It was a visual medium to demonstrate that the monarch himself evaluated the candidates and appointed talented ones as his subjects. Following the precedent of the Hunbu Portrait Album which portrayed meritorious subjects who guarded his throne against the enemies in the early years of his reign, King Yeongjo commissioned portrait albums of the successful candidates of the deungjunsi and ordered them to be housed within the palace. As King Yeongjo asserted, the Deungjunsi Portrait Album was similar in nature to portraits of meritorious subjects. This indicates a change in the perception of meritorious subjects as well as a shift in the relationship between a king and his retainers, which called for a new visual representation to replace the large hanging-scroll portraits of meritorious subjects that had previously provided the standard through the history of portraiture in the Joseon dynasty. The Deungjunsi Portrait Album is significant in that it presented a new format for portraits of incumbent subjects, other than meritorious subjects, who closely attended the king.

Collection

A Study of White Porcelain Cup and Stand with Inlaid Grass and Flower Design and “Taeiljeon” Inscription, a Bequest of Lee Hong-kun

Kwon Sohyun(Associate Curator, Jeonju National Museum)

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2017.v11_09

Ceramics of the early Joseon period (朝鮮, 1392–1910) mainly consists of white porcelain and buncheong ware (粉靑沙器, buncheong sagi), and the latter developed out of the waning inlaid celadon tradition of the late Goryeo period (高麗, 918–1392). White porcelain can be classified into the soft-paste white porcelain that succeeded Goryeo white porcelain and the hard-paste porcelain that began to be produced using techniques introduced during the Joseon era. The latter is similar in nature to Chinese white porcelain of the Yuan (元, 1271–1368) and early Ming (明, 1368–1644) periods. Joseon white porcelain was decorated with a variety of techniques, including the inlay method inherited from Goryeo as well as the painting of designs in underglaze cobalt-blue, iron-brown, or copper-red. Some vessels are left completely undecorated. The inlay technique is the most outstanding decorative feature of Goryeo ceramics, and was originally borrowed from inlaid lacquer and metal wares. This technique began to be applied to the production of ceramics around the twelfth century and continued into the fifteenth century when it was applied to decorate buncheong ware and white porcelain. However, inlaid white porcelain has only rarely been excavated from Joseon kiln sites, and since few extant examples with absolute dating are available, it becomes difficult to examine the background and circumstances behind the production of this type of ceramic, such as its invention, development, and decline. In this regard, White Porcelain Cup and Stand with Inlaid Grass and Flower Design and “Taeiljeon” Inscription (太一殿銘象嵌白磁盞托; hereafter “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand), a bequest of Lee Hong-kun (pen name Dongwon) to the National Museum of Korea, provides highly useful information on the relative dating of Joseon inlaid white porcelain based on the “Taeiljeon” inscription on the stand and the decorative design (Fig. 1). Although the purpose of the inscription has yet to be fully understood and consequently calls for further research, recent excavations have provided a wealth of data that allows conjectures about where vessels with such an inscription would have been produced Fig. 1. White Porcelain Cup and Stand with Inlaid Grass and Flower Design and “Taeiljeon” Inscription. Joseon, 15th century. National Museum of Korea This paper offers insight into the meaning of “Taeiljeon” through the study of existing literature and the place of production of the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand based on excavation findings. In addition, it analyzes the decorative style of the cup and stand to project the date of production, thereby offering a glimpse into the creation of inlaid white porcelain during the Joseon dynasty. Records Related to Taeiljeon Apart from tombstones, the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed stand is the only extant example of Joseon inlaid white porcelain bearing an inscription (Fig. 1-1). This inscription is crucial because it provides a clue as to where the cup and stand were used. According to a record from 1417 in the Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon dynasty), the government ordered that porcelain or wooden vessels offered as tribute be inscribed with the names of the government offices for which they were to be used (Entry for the 20th day of the fourth month of the 17th year, Taejong sillok, vol. 33) (Fig. 2). It is therefore likely that this cup and stand were made for use at a government office after the above order was issued. Most likely, they were used for ritual purposes at the Taeiljeon (太一殿), the government office in charge of conducting Taoist rites called choje (醮祭) or chorye (醮禮), which were offered to the North Star. Fig. 1-1. Stand. Height: 4.1 cm, Diameter: 16.0 cm (mouth); 4.6 cm (foot). Fig. 1-2. Cup. Height: 5.6 cm, Diameter: 10.3 cm (mouth); 4.7 cm (foot) Fig. 2. Buncheong Bowl with Stamped Design and “Jangheunggo” Inscription. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 7.0 cm, Diameter: 19.7 cm (mouth). National Museum of Korea In Taoism, the North Star was deified and referred to as Taeil (太一, great unity), Taeilseong (太一星, star of great unity), or Taeilsin (太一神, god of great unity). It was believed to bear influence over war and contagious disease. Honoring of Taoist deities continued in the Joseon royal court despite the adoption of Confucianism as the state ideology. In the Yongjae chonghwa (慵齋叢話, Assorted writings of Yongjae), Seong Hyeon (成俔, 1439–1504) described the main function and roles of the Sogyeokjeon (昭格殿), the most important Taoist office of the Joseon dynasty, and wrote that rites for the North Star were performed at the Taeiljeon (Jeong Jaeseo 2006, 116–118). The cup of the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand has two long, flat ears (Fig. 1-2). Gold or jade versions of this type of vessel, known as yangijan (兩耳盞) or ssangijan (雙耳盞) (both meaning “cup with two ears”), were used at state rites according to illustrations of ritual vessels in the “Garye seorye” (嘉禮序例, Introductory remarks on festive ceremonies) of the Orye (五禮, The ceremonies of the Five Rites) in the Sejong sillok (Fig. 3). While the gold or jade cup in the above illustration differs from the cup of the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand in terms of the precise form of the ears and design on the body, its use in state rites suggests that less-expensive ceramic cups of the same type were produced for use in the provinces as ritual vessels (Figs. 4 and 5). Fig. 3. Illustrations of ritual vessels in the “Garye seorye” of the Orye in the Sejong sillok (http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kda_20004006_002) Fig. 4. White Porcelain Cup with Two Ears with Plum Blossom and Bamboo Design in Underglaze Cobalt-blue. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 3.7 cm, Diameter: 8.3 cm (mouth); 3.5 cm (foot). Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Kim Jaeyeol 2000, p. 201) Fig. 5. White Porcelain Cup with Two Ears. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 4.5 cm, Diameter: 7.8 cm (mouth); 3.7 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Some scholars regard the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand as examples of white porcelain used at the royal court in the early Joseon period. Despite its high-level use, however, it is a soft-paste porcelain ware with a crude design. In this regard, it is believed to have been made after the Taeiljeon was established inside Gyeongbokgung Palace and after 1417, when the order was issued to inscribe the names of government offices on porcelain vessels. However, it was probably not made after 1425, when high-quality white porcelain produced at kilns in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province was offered as tribute to Emperor Hongxi (洪熙帝, r. 1424–1425) of Ming China (Entry for the 15th day of the seventh year, Sejong sillok, vol. 27) (Kim Youngwon 1995, 127–128). Others view the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand as ritual vessels used at the regional Taeiljeon office. This belief is based on records stating that chorye rites were performed in an office established in a region that corresponds to the celestial position of the North Star according to the pungsu (風水, Ch. feng shui) theory (Kwon Sohyun 2003, 81–84). A study of historical records containing such terms as “Taeiljeon,” “Taeil,” and “Taeilseong” will help illuminate the history and nature of the Taeiljeon and identify the place and time of the use of the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand. Records related to Taeil in the Joseon wangjo sillok are as listed in Table 1. Table 1. Records related to Taeil in the Joseon wangjo sillok Year Details 1 Taejo, Year 2 (1393) Choje rites for Taeilseong performed at the Sogyeokjeon 2 Taejo, Year 3 (1394) Choje rites for Taeilseong performed at the Sogyeokjeon 3 Taejo, Year 6 (1397) The Taeiljeon closed and its functions merged with the Sogeokjeon 4 Taejong, Year 1 (1401) [Officials] dispatched to the Sogyeokjeon to perform choje rites to Taeil in the annex hall 5 Taejong, Year 1 (1401) Performed choje rites for Taeil 6 Taejong, Year 4 (1404) “As Taeil is the deity of heaven, it has been worshipped and revered for generations . . . .” 7 Taejong, Year 5 (1405) Chorye rites for Taeil performed 8 Taejong, Year 10 (1410) Chorye rites for Taeil performed at the Sogyeokjeon 9 Taejong, Year 12 (1412) Lanterns hung up at the palace to hold rites for Taeil on the first full-moon day of the year 10 Taejong, Year 12 (1412) Command issued that repairs be made to the regional Taeiljeon in Tongju 11 Sejong, Year 2 (1420) Rainmaking rituals (祈雨祭, giuje) performed for Taeilsin at the Sogyeokjeon 12 Sejong, Year 7 (1425) “Although the chorye rites performed for Taeilseong are an old practice . . . .” 13 Sejong, Year 7 (1425) Rainmaking rituals performed to Taeilseongsin (太一星神) at the Sogyeokjeon 14 Sejong, Year 16 (1434) Chorye rites performed at the Sogyeokjeon 15 Sejong, Year 22 (1440) The propriety of holding rites to Taeil is to be discussed 16 Sejong, Year 25 (1443) Rainmaking rituals performed to Taeil at the Sogyeokjeon 17 Munjong, Year 1 (1451) Rainmaking rituals performed to Sajik (社稷, gods of land and grains) and chorye rites performed to Taeil 18 Sejo, Year 4 (1458) The rainmaking rituals and chorye rites were performed to Taeil at the Sogyeokjeon and rain fell overnight 19 Seongjong, Year 7 (1476) “. . . after 45 years, Taeil is moving in that direction. During Goryeo, the rites were held in Tongcheon, and with the foundation [of Joseon], the 45th year [since the previous movement] fell in 1434 and the rites were moved to Uiseong . . . .” 20 Seongjong, Year 7 (1476) Choe Howon has determined that Taean should be the location for the choje rites for Taeilseong, but the senior ministers are to be further consulted 21 Seongjong, Year 7 (1476) The officials of the Gwansanggam (觀象監, office of astronomy and geomancy) discussed the relocation of the Taeilgung (太一宮, Palace of Taeil) 22 Seongjong, Year 8 (1477) Taeiljeon [Taeilseong] moves from geobang (乾方) to ganbang (艮方), and from ganbang to sonbang (巽方) 23 Seongjong, Year 8 (1477) The Taeiljeon is to be moved to Taean in Chungcheong-do Province 24 Seongjong, Year 12 (1481) “If we dispatch Taoist masters (道流, doryu) of the Sogyeokseo (昭格署) to the chambong (參奉) official of the Taeiljeon . . . .” 25 Yeonsan, Year 8 (1502) The high officials discussed Choe Howon’s appeal to publish and disseminate the Taeilgyeong (太一徑, Taoist scriptures on Taeil) 26 Jungjong, Year 1 (1506) “Please reinstate the chambang post at the Taeiljeon as in the past . . . .” 27 Jungjong, Year 6 (1511) “The Song Emperor Renzong (仁宗, r. 1022–1063) prayed early for rain at the Taeilgung and considerable rain fell overnight…” 28 Jungjong, Year 11 (1516) Closure of the Sogyeokseo and related work discussed 29 Jungjong, Year 13 (1518) “Regarding the rites, there are the Samcheongjeon (三淸殿) inside and the Taeiljeon outside . . . .” 30 Jungjong, Year 13 (1518) “The issues regarding the Taeiljeon or the Sogeokseo have not suddenly become controversial, but have been pointed out by many in the past...These institutions are ultimately related to Taoism. At a time when all heresies have been abolished, how can we leave the Taeiljeon as it is?” 31 Jungjong, Year 13 (1518) “Though the Sogyeokseo has been closed down, the Taeiljeon in Chungcheong-do Province has yet to be demolished accordingly...” 32 Jungjong, Year 17 (1522) “Examining the works undertaken at the Sogyeokseo, there were very many, such as samgyecho (三界醮), yeongbocho (靈寶醮), or taeeulcho (太一醮) . . . . It is right to reduce the costs at least . . . .” 33 Jungjong, Year 18 (1523) “As we pray to Taeil, I wish to pray for the same things at Jongmyo (宗廟, royal shrine) and the Sajikdan (社稷壇, state altar) and have discussed the matter many times with my officials but . . .” 34 Jungjong, Year 23 (1528) Make repairs to the Taeiljeon 35 Jungjong, Year 35 Jungjong, Year 35 (1540) An order was made to write down a provision on the rainmaking rituals so that people can use it as grounds for the future 36 Myeongjong, Year 5 (1550) “A meteor has fallen to the south of Taeilseong but . . .” 37 Myeongjong, Year 9 (1554) “As the choje rites are held for Taeil and the Buddha at the Sogyeokseo . . . .” 38 Injo, Year 21 (1643) The meteor moves from Taeilseong to . . . 39 Jeongjo, Year 22 (1798) “Though Taeil is held precious . . . .” 40 Sujo, Accession year (1800) “Taeil is in the center . . . .” 41 Sunjo, Year 30 (1830) “. . . [he] sought Taeil. . . .” As seen in Table 1, records continue to mention “Taeil” through the first half of the nineteenth century. Records regarding the relocation of the regional Taeiljeon according to the movement of Taeil in the sky, which may have relation to the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand, appear until the first half of the sixteenth century. Later records simply mention Taeil only. The following is a Taeiljeon-related remark from 1412 in the Taejong sillok: “Lanterns were hung up at the palace to hold the rites to Taeil on the first full-moon day of the year, and in this regard the king told Heo Jo (許稠, 1369–1439) from the Ministry of Rites to consult the classical texts and report to him. Heo Jo informed the king that he had found no mention [of the Taeil rites] in the Wenxian tongkao (文獻通考, Comprehensive examination of literature) from the Song dynasty but only in the Sangjeongnye (詳定禮, Prescribed ritual text) from the preceding dynasty [Goryeo], which states that the rite has its origins in the rites to Taeil held during the Han dynasty.” (Entry for the 15th day of the first month of the 12th year, Taejong sillok, vol. 23) The above record indicates that the chorye rites for Taeil were initiated during the Han dynasty in China, and that Taeil was worshipped across the ages and into Joseon. Another related record comes from 1404 in the Taejong sillok: “As Taeil is the deity of heaven, it has been worshipped and revered from generation to generation since the Han dynasty, and many times wonderfully good omens have been received. Therefore, in the previous dynasty the Taoist office Daecheonggwan (大淸觀) was established in addition to Bogwongung (福源宮), Sogyeokjeon, and Jeongsasaek (淨事色), and a separate office was established [and relocated] according to the movement of Taeil in the sky—from ganbang (between the east and the north) to sonbang (between the east and the south) to gonbang (坤方, between west and south) to geonbang (between west and north)—and the officials held the chorye rites there . . . . Because Taeil is a benevolent star, there are no outbreaks of disease where Taeil stays and the nation is at peace.” (Entry for the 20th day of the second month of the fourth year, Taejong sillok, vol. 7) As this record states, during the Goryeo dynasty there was a regional Taoist office in charge of performing rites in the location corresponding to the position of Taeil in the sky. The chorye rites were held there to ward off misfortune and disaster. Major events such as warfare could take place only after the chorye rites had been held. The above record also demonstrates that not only during the Goryeo dyansty but also in Joseon there was an office established according to the celestial position of Taeil and that the chorye rites were held there. Joseon was a Confucian state, but from the foundation of the nation and that the reign of its first king Taejo (太祖, r. 1392–1398), Taoist rites were held at the Sogyeokjeon within the capital, and the Taeiljeon and the Samcheongjeon formed part of the Sogyeokjeon. Along with the Bogwongung and the Singyeokjeon (神格殿), the Sogyeokjeon was one of the three main Taoist offices established under the growing influence of Taoism during the Goryeo period when there were as many as 15 Taoist offices. However, with the foundation of Joseon as a self-proclaimed Confucian nation, these offices were all destroyed in 1392, except for the Sogyeokjeon. In 1466, the 12th year of the reign of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468), the Sogyeokjeon was renamed the Sogyeokseo and reduced in scale. Although the Sogyeokseo retained its function as the office in charge of conducting Taoist rituals, such as the rites to the Three Pure Ones (三淸星辰, samcheong seongsin), debate continued about its abolishment. Finally, in 1518, the 13th year of the reign of King Jungjong (中宗, r. 1506–1544), the Sogyeokseo was closed down following the demands of Jo Gwangjo and other Confucian scholars. It was later briefly revived, but was shut for good during the reign of King Seonjo (宣祖, r. 1567–1608) after the Japanese invasions of the Korean Peninsula (1592–1598) (Gong Junwon 2009, 652–653). Evidently, during the Joseon dynasty the chorye rites for Taeil were held both at the royal palace and in the regional Taeiljeon office. The Taeiljeon at the palace was merged with the Sogyeokjeon, as evidenced by a record from 1397 stating “The Taeiljeon was closed and merged with the Sogyeokjeon” (Entry for the 29th day of the eighth month of the sixth year, Taejo sillok, vol. 12). A record from six years later indicates that an order was made for repairs to the Taeiljeon in Tongju (present-day Tongcheon, Gangwon-do Province). Regarding the regional Taeiljeon office, a record from 1277 in the Seongjeong sillok reports: “Taeil moves from one palace to the next every 45 years, from geonbang to ganbang, from ganbang to sonbang, from sonbang to gonbang, from gonbang to geonbang, and from geonbang to jungung (中宮, center) . . . .” (Entry for the 18th day of the intercalary second month of the eighth year, Seongjong sillok, vol. 77) The above indicates that Taeil passed through five directions, remaining in each celestial position for 45 years before moving on to the next. The location of the regional Taeiljeon office was changed according to the movement of Taeil in order to hold the chorye rites at the proper place. Records exist of discussions over the region that should correspond to the celestial position of Taeil. In 1476, the third royal secretary Im Sahong (任士洪, 1445–1506) said: “Taeil moves its position every 45 years. During the Goryeo period, the rites were held at Tongcheon. In the present kingdom [of Joseon], the 45th year [since the previous movement] fell in the gabin year (甲寅, 1434), and the office for the rites were then moved to Uiseong. The musul year (戊戌, 1478) will be the next 45th year, so the rites must be moved to gonbang [the next position of Taeil]. Sogyeokseo says that Mt. Manisan will be the place that corresponds to gonbang . . . .” (Entry for the 24th day of the eighth month of the seventh year, Seongjong sillok, vol. 70) After saying this, Im suggested that the king have the pungsu master Choe Howon (崔灝元, born 1431) identify the proper region to hold the chorye rites to Taeil and then discuss the appropriateness of Choe’s choice. Five days later, Im is recorded again, this time saying: “Choe Howon told me that, having studied the directions, he found Mt. Manisan to correspond to taebang (兌方, west), and that Taean in Chungcheong-do Province was the true gonbang. Hence, he said that the rites to Taeil should be transferred to Taean. However, this cannot be relied upon and I pray that you have all precedents from the past be consulted.” (Entry for the 29th day of the eighth month of the seventh year, Seongjong sillok, vol. 70) From this we can see that Taean was considered as the next location for the chorye rites to Taeil. Aside from the records noted above, there are several others from the reign of King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469–1494) that reveal concerns over where the Taeiljeon should be established according to the celestial position of Taeil. Discussions continued as to where the Taeiljeon should be relocated after Tongcheon and Uiseong, and in 1477, Taean once again came under consideration as the next location. The Dongguk yeoji seungnam (東國輿地勝覽, Augmented survey of the geography of Korea) and the Daejeon hoetong (大典會通, Compendium of the Great Code) state that in 1478, the Taeiljeon was moved from Uiseong to Taean. Today, Taeiljeon sites remain at both locations. From these records, it appears that the Taeiljeon inside the royal palace ceased to function as an independent office after it was merged with the Sogyeokjeon in 1397. From the time of the Goryeo period to 1434, the regional chorye rites were held in Tongcheon, Gangwon-do Province. Over 45 years from 1434 to 1478, they were held in Uiseong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. Thereafter they were held in Taean, Chungcheongnam-do Province. If the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand were the property of a Taeiljeon office, four possibilities present themselves: first, it was used at the Taeiljeon office that was located inside the palace until 1397; second, it was used at the Taeiljeon that was in Tongcheon until 1434; third it was used at the Taeiljeon in Uiseong from 1434 to 1478; and fourth, it was used at the Taeiljeon in Taean from 1478 onwards. The next section of this paper attempts to determine in which of these four periods the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand were produced and used based on analysis of the design and the place of production. Analysis of the Design on the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed Cup and Stand The cup has a mouth that turns inwards, a yellowish-white glaze, and fine crackling over the entire surface. It was fired with the foot placed on spurs made of fire clay mixed with sand. Two thin lines run around the cup at the top and bottom, and in the space in between is a simplified grass and flower design incised in double lines. The stand has an everted rim and shows traces of being stack-fired on spurs of fire clay mixed with sand. Extant white porcelain vessels with inlaid designs, both heirlooms and those excavated from kiln sites, can be divided into five types according to their motifs and the style of the major design: scroll type, varied scroll type, floral spray type, double-line grass and flower type, and other types (e.g., dragon design, fish design, rope design) (Kwon Sohyun 2003, 99–101). Examples with scroll designs can further be divided into two categories: those with a flowing S-shaped scroll, as seen on White Porcelain Bowl with Inlaid Lotus Scroll Design and White Porcelain Jar with Inlaid Lotus Scroll Design, both in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, and those with a variation of a leafy scroll design, such as a highly simplified scroll form, as can be found on White Porcelain Jar with Inlaid Peony Scroll Design in the collection of the National Museum of Korea and White Porcelain Bowl Shard with Inlaid Lotus Scroll Design that was excavated from Usan-ri kiln site No. 17 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province (Figs. 6 through 9). Fig. 6. White Porcelain Bowl with Inlaid Lotus Scroll Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height:7.6 cm, Diameter: 17.5 cm (mouth); 6.2 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Fig. 7. White Porcelain Jar with Inlaid Lotus Scroll Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 18.2 cm, Diameter: 9.1 cm (mouth). National Museum of Korea Fig. 8. White Porcelain Jar with Inlaid Peony Scroll Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 12.0 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 9. White Porcelain Bowl Shard with Inlaid Lotus Scroll Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 5.3 cm. Excavated from the Usan-ri kiln site No. 17 in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province. National Museum of Korea The floral spray design can be seen on White Porcelain Bottle with Inlaid Lotus Design in the collection of the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 10). Other types of designs inlaid on white porcelain include rope designs, entwined tree designs, fish designs, and dragon designs (Figs. 11 and 12). Fig. 10. White Porcelain Bottle with Inlaid Lotus Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 33.5 cm, Diameter: 7.6 cm (mouth); 9.6 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Fig. 11. White Porcelain Jar with Inlaid Rope Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 22.2 cm, Diameter: 10.8 cm (mouth); 11.5 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Fig. 12. White Porcelain Jar with Inlaid Entwined Tree Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 17.1 cm, Diameter: 9.0 cm (mouth). National Museum of Korea The design on the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand features elements of scroll designs, which spread across the surface like vines, as well as those of floral spray designs, which rise up from the bottom. However, the design on this cup and stand can be more precisely classified as a double-line grass and flower design, since two sets of lines constitute the design along with other motifs. A similar design can be seen on White Porcelain Flat Bottle with Inlaid Grass and Flower Design in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Fig. 13-1). Highly unique in appearance, this flat bottle has a mouth and foot in the shape of a truncated circular cone and a disk-shaped body. The body is a near-perfect circle which grows thinner toward the sides so that the edge is almost sharp and blade-like, similar to a discus used in athletics. The bottle is made of soft-paste, characteristic of the first half of the Joseon period, and displays a light yellowish color with fine crackling over the entire surface. The black inlaid design on each side of the flat body is composed of a circle indicated in double lines in the center and a double-line border around the outer edge. In the center is a simple floral design, while in the outer register is a grass and flower design executed in double lines that is a variation of a lotus or peony scroll. At the bottom where the body joins the foot is a single lotus blossom done in simple lines. Fig. 13-1. White Porcelain Flat Bottle with Inlaid Grass and Flower Design. Joseon, 1466. Height: 22.1 cm, Diameter: 3.7 cm (mouth); 7.7 cm (foot). Excavated from the Tomb of Lady Jeong of Jinyang-gun. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Kim Jaeyeol 2000, p. 74) This flat bottle was excavated from the tomb of Lady Jeong of Jinyang-gun, mother of Kim Yun, magistrate of Eonyang County in Gyeongsang-do Province. The tomb’s location is in present-day Buksang-myeon, Geochang-gun, Gyeongsangnam-do Province. Also discovered from the tomb is White Porcelain Inlaid Tombstone, which features seven vertical inlaid lines that divide the surface into seven sections in which the epigraph is inscribed (Fig. 13-2). The section in the middle bears the inscription “Tomb of Lady Jeong of Jinyang-gun” (晋陽郡令人鄭氏之墓), indicating who is buried in the tomb, while the rest of the inscription contains information on her family, the cause of her death, and its year. Lady Jeong died in 1466, suggesting that the flat bottle would have been made around the same time. Apart from tombstones, this bottle is the only inlaid white porcelain artifact from the Joseon period that can be clearly dated. Fig. 13-2. White Porcelain Inlaid Tombstone. Joseon, 1466. 20.4 x 38.6 cm. Excavated from the Tomb of Lady Jeong of Jinyang-gun. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Kim Jaeyeol 2000, p. 73) Another vessel showing similar design characteristics is White Porcelain Bottle with Inlaid Grass and Flower Design in the collection of the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 14). Here too, a grass and flower design executed in two thin lines rises up from the bottom of the vessel. Moreover, there are two pattern bands, one at the shoulder and another at the bottom. That on the shoulder features a variation of a scroll design executed in a single line, and the one at the bottom shows a lotus petal design. The scroll band at the shoulder is a feature commonly seen on buncheong bowls and bottles, which indicates a link between inlaid white porcelain and inlaid buncheong ware. Fig. 14. White Porcelain Bottle with Inlaid Grass and Flower Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 14.7 cm, Diameter: 4 cm (mouth); 5.9 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Designs made with two parallel lines are commonly found on buncheong wares with incised grass and flower designs (Kim Youngwon 1982, 4–6), a prime example being the Buncheong Flat Bottle with Incised Grass and Flower Design in the collection of the National Museum of Korea (Figs. 15 through 17). Hence, the similarity between the inlaid grass and flower designs created with double lines on white porcelain and the incised designs of the same type of pattern on buncheong ware provide a basis for estimating the date of the inlaid white porcelain vessels. The expression of simplified grass and flower designs in double lines can be compared with the grass and flower designs on numerous buncheong jars and bottles that were excavated at the Chunghyo-dong kiln site on Mt. Mudeungsan in Gwangju Metropolitan City from the layer dated to around 1457 (Figs. 18 and 19). Fig. 15. Buncheong Flat Bottle with Incised Grass and Flower Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 23.7 cm, Diameter: 5.4 cm (mouth); 8.2 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Fig. 16. Buncheong Bottle with Incised Grass and Flower Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 19.0 cm, Diameter: 12.3 cm (mouth); 5.3 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Fig. 17. Buncheong Bottle with Incised Grass and Flower Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 26.5 cm, Diameter: 6.5 cm (mouth); 8.2 cm (foot). National Museum of Korea Fig. 18. Buncheong Jar Shard with Incised Grass and Flower Design. Joseon, c. 1457. Height: 12.8 cm. Excavated from Chunghyo-dong (District W2, layer 8), Gwangju Metropolitan City. Gwangju National Museum Fig. 19. Buncheong Bottle Shard with Incised Grass and Flower Design. Joseon, c. 1451–1477. Height: 17.0 cm. Excavated from Chunghyo-dong (District W2, layer 6), Gwangju Metropolitan City. Gwangju National Museum Study of the Place and Date of Production Examination of the place of production As previously mentioned, it can be presumed that cups with one ear on either side were produced for ritual use. Among the ritual cups with two ears excavated from kiln sites in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province, and those from regional kiln sites including Chunghyo-dong in Gwangju Metropolitan City, none from the Gyeonggi-do kiln sites have two straight, flat ears. In contrast, cups with two ears made with soft rather than hard paste were produced at regional kilns, especially the Chunghyo-dong kilns, which have layers clearly dated to the fifteenth century (Ahn Sunghee 2005, 153–156) (Fig. 20). Fig. 20. White Porcelain Cup Shards with Two Ears. Joseon, c. 1457. Height: 4.6 cm. Excavated from Chunghyo-dong (District W2, layer 8), Gwangju Metropolitan City. Gwangju National Museum The shape of the ears and the form of the cups excavated from Chunghyo-dong demonstrate certain differences from the cup of the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand. Recently, however, a shard of a highly similar cup with two ears was excavated from the Sabu-ri kiln site in Goryeong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, where both white porcelain and buncheong wares were produced (Figs. 21 and 21-1). Like in the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand, the mouth is turned inwards, the glaze is a yellowish-white color, the entire surface is covered with fine crackling, and the foot shows signs of having been fired on spurs made of fire clay mixed with sand. It, too, was made with soft paste, and the shape of the ears is also distinctly similar to that seen in the cup of the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand. It therefore furthers discussion on where the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand were made. Moreover, while none of the relics from the Sabu-ri kiln site feature the same kind of design as that on the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand, the finds of a shard of an inlaid white porcelain flat bottle and other relics suggests that the Chunghyo-dong kilns were a major production site for soft-paste inlaid white porcelain (Fig. 22). Fig. 21. White Porcelain Cup Shard with Two Ears. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 4.4 cm. Excavated from Sabu-dong, Goryeong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. Daegu National Museum Fig. 21-1. Detail (base) Fig. 22. White Porcelain Flat Bottle Shard with Inlaid Design. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 17.6 cm. Excavated from Sabu-dong, Goryeong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. Daegu National Museum The Jiriji (地理志), the geography section of the Sejong sillok, which was compiled from 1424 to 1432 and published in 1454 together with the Sejong sillok, records 139 porcelain kilns and 185 stoneware kilns in the chapter “Tosanjo” (土産條, local products). It contains a record on the local products of Goryeong-hyeon, Gyeongsang-do Province, which states, “In Yehyeon-ri to the east of Goryeong there is a kiln producing high-quality ceramics.” The location mentioned is believed to correspond to today’s Sabu-ri in Gisan-dong, Goryeong. The Sabu-ri site has yielded a large number of shards of not only buncheong vessels with stamped designs and inscriptions including the Chinese characters 仁 (in, benevolence), 殿 (jeon, hall), 河 (ha, river), 世 (se, world), and 大 (dae, large), but also shards of white porcelain bowls, dishes, bottles, jars, and stem cups, as well as a number of saggars. Used for the firing of high-quality wares, the saggars offer a glimpse into the kind of production undertaken at the Sabu-ri kilns. The quantity of saggars discovered is second only to the quantity of buncheong ware found there, and many of the saggars have shards of white porcelain stuck to their interiors (Daedong Cultural Heritage Research Institute 2012, 151–155). As to the period during which the Sabu-ri kilns were active, considering that the Jiriji is a record of the period between 1424 and 1432, the Sabu-ri kilns must have been in operation between the 1420s and 1430s. Moreover, some buncheong bowls and dishes excavated from the site feature stamped designs roughly brushed over with a coat of white slip, rather than densely stamped designs. They show a combination of stamped and brushed slip techniques, a characteristic that Kang Kyungsook dates to 1450–1480 (Kang Kyungsook 2000, 137–152), so the operation of the Chunghyo-dong kilns is presumed to have continued through this period. Examination of the date of production This section of the paper provides an overview of the place and date of production of the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand. Based on records related to the Taeiljeon, there are four possible periods in which the cup and stand could have been used. First, the period prior to 1397 can be ruled out, since the cup and stand bears the inscription of “Taeiljeon” and thus must have been produced after the 1417 issuance of the order to mark all ceramic and wooden vessels paid as tribute to the state with the name of the government office in which they were to be used. Second, it is said that the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand were excavated in Gyeongsang-do Province, but regardless of whether or not this is true, it is highly likely that they were indeed made in that province, judging from their shape, quality, and the form and style of the design (Choi Sunu 1964, 566–567). Factors that support this include the flat bottle that was excavated alongside a tombstone dated to 1466 from the Geochang region of Gyeongsang-do Province (Figs. 13-1 and 13-2); the shard of a cup with two ears excavated from the Sabu-ri kiln site in Goryeong; and the discovery of other inlaid white porcelain vessels made of soft paste. In addition, when the grass and flower design executed in double lines on the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand is compared with similar designs on buncheong vessels excavated from the fifteenth-century layer at the Chunghyo-dong kiln site in Gwangju Metropolitan City, the cup and stand can be dated to around 1457 when buncheong vessels with similar incised designs were produced. Vessels excavated from the Chunghyo-dong kiln site offer insight into when the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand were produced since the archaeological strata of the site give clear evidence of the production dates of the excavated vessels. The excavated finds can be classified by date and design, as shown in Table 2 (Gwangju National Museum 1993, 45–139). Table 2. Finds from the Chunghyo-dong kiln site (● indicates a small number of relics) Strata (Date) Type Inlaid Stamped Sgraffito Incised Brushed white slip White porcelain Area E2-W1 (1424–1432) Large bowls, dishes ○ Others ○ ○ Area W3 Large bowls, dishes ○ Others ● Area W2, Layer 9–7 (around 1457) Large bowls, dishes ○ ● Others ○ Area W2, Layer 6 (1451–1477) Large bowls, dishes ○ Others ○ Area W2, Layer 3 (1477–1483) Large bowls, dishes ○ ○ ○ Others ○ ○ Area W2, Layer 2 (1490–1510) Large bowls, dishes ○ ○ Others Incised buncheong vessels were found in large numbers in three layers at the Chunghyo-dong kiln site: Area W2, Layers 9 through 7; Area W2, Layer 6; and Area W2, Layer 3. Vessels with grass and flower designs in double lines similar to the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand were excavated from Area W2, Layer 8, which is dated to around 1457, and Area W2, Layer 6, dated to 1451–1477. As for the use of the cup as a ritual vessel, a comparison of buncheong ritual vessels excavated from the Chunghyo-dong kiln site with the illustrations of ritual vessels in the Orye, Sejong sillok shows that no overt changes were made to ritual vessels between 1420 and 1450, but afterwards buncheong ritual vessels underwent gradual changes such as exaggeration and simplification of their form and design. Judging from excavated finds, this period of change is generally considered to be 1450–1470 (Chung Sora 1999, 19). That is, after 1450, a departure from the standard model of ritual vessels occurs through simplification and transformation. Therefore, the simplified designs of the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand, which differ from the standard designs in the illustration of the Sejong sillok, can be said to exemplify a characteristic feature of ritual vessels of this time. Through a comparative study of the relics excavated from the Sabu-ri kiln site in Goryeong and the Chunghyo-dong kiln site in Gwangju Metropolitan City, it can be concluded that the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand were produced for tribute purposes sometime between 1434 and 1478, when their intended place of usage, the Taeiljeon, was located in Uiseong. Conclusion Inlaid white porcelain from the Joseon dynasty shows how the inlay technique from the Goryeo dynasty was eventually applied to white porcelain. However, there has been a lack of understanding and awareness of this type of white porcelain. This study of the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand has provided momentum for the examination of the design as well as the places and dates of production of Joseon white porcelain featuring inlaid designs. The fifteenth and sixteen centuries were a period of transition from Goryeo celadon to Joseon white porcelain. This period saw the emergence, development, and disappearance of buncheong ware. As pure white porcelain became firmly established as representative of the Confucian ideology of Joseon and continued to be produced through the end of the dynasty, the tradition of inlaid white porcelain was eventually put to an end. The emergence, development, and disappearance of inlaid white porcelain is therefore an important progression that reflects an important facet of ceramic history of the first half of the Joseon dynasty. This was studied through the “Taeiljeon”-inscribed cup and stand, and it is hoped that great strides can be made in research in this area as more information related to Joseon inlaid white porcelain becomes available.

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