Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

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Vol. 13 Vol. 11

Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology Vol.12

PUBLISH DATE

2018. 01.

pISSN

2577-9842

eISSN

2951-4983

Full Issue Bibliographic information

INTRODUCE

JOSEON COURT PAINTINGS: If we take a brief look at the trends in court painting research, we reveal changes in the system of court artists belonging to Dohwaseo (Bureau of Painting). These changes occurred in the list of artists and the work that the artists produced. Professor Kang Kwan-shik’s investigation of the chabi daeryeong hwawon (or jabi daeryeong hwawon), the painters in waiting to the court who were attached to Gyujanggak (royal library), can be said to have laid the foundation for research on the subject of court painting, given that almost all Joseon court paintings were produced by the Dohwaseo artists and the painters in waiting. During the Joseon dynasty, after important state rites or ceremonies of the royal family, court officials would commission these artists to produce paintings realistically recording the event as souvenirs to be shared amongst themselves. Research on such documentary court paintings has played a great part getting scholars to take notice of Joseon court painting. The study of court painting is greatly indebted to documentary evidence provided by uigwe, books that record in detail state rites or other events. Research on court painting gained momentum when researchers began to appreciate the rich content and value of the paintings contained in these books. As the uigwe contain paintings such as Banchado (painting of the order of participants in a royal procession), study of uigwe paintings was also actively carried out as a part of court painting research. These days, attention is focused on the paintings that were used to decorate palace interiors. As most court paintings were colored, for a long time they were treated as folk paintings (min-hwa). But with progress in court painting research, the origin of folk painting is now seen to be connected with court painting, and it is widely accepted that folk paintings are the works that were produced by professional artists when the court painting style spread beyond the palace to ordinary homes. While research on court painting was based on solid documentary support provided by Uigwe, the opening of the National Palace Museum of Korea in 2005 provided a place where actual examples could be seen firsthand. The National Palace Museum was established around a collection of artworks from five royal palaces in Seoul: Gyeongbokgung, Changdeokgung, Changgyeonggung, Gyeonghuigung, and Gyeongungung. Its permanent display and special exhibitions have both aroused public curiosity about court paintings and to some extent relieved that curiosity. Public interest in the culture of the royal court grew when the Joseon dynasty uigwe were inscribed on the UNESCO Memory of the World Register in 2007 as well as when the uigwe kept in the National Library of France were returned to Korea in 2011 on a permanent loan basis. These uigwe were special copies for “the kings’ perusal,” and this in turn played a large role in advancing court painting studies. It is timely, therefore, that this volume is based on articles about court painting, which has led research on the art of the royal court over the past ten years. The focus of this volume is decorative court painting, the genre of court painting that has most captured the attention of scholars recently and where many research discoveries have been unearthed. Paintings of the sun and moon, and five peaks (ilwol obongdo), symbols of longevity (jangsaengdo), peonies (morando), flowers and birds (hwajodo), and flowers and plants (hwahoedo) make up the bulk of decorative court paintings. Other popular themes are Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life, The Feast of Yoji Pond, in addition to books and scholar’s accoutrements (chaekgado), and white porcelain vessels (baekjado). Among these themes, paintings of the sun and moon, and five peaks were considered the most important. This theme has been covered quite extensively in other publications and is not covered extensively in this volume to leave room for papers on paintings that are less well-known but of high artistic value, providing rich material for discussion. The decorative court paintings introduced in this volume are all in collections in the United States. All of them are important examples of Joseon court painting and at the same time have the advantage of being works relatively more accessible to researchers outside of Korea. Meanwhile, articles in the Feature section, devoted to works in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, all deal with material that can be placed under the category of court painting. Hence the subject of court painting has been given full coverage. The first paper in this volume of JKAA is a study of the Dohwaseo artist system by Professor Kang Kwan-shik. Nearly all paintings used in the court, and indeed all the court paintings introduced in this volume, were produced by these artists. Dohwaseo was a government agency in charge of all painting-related affairs of the state and the court that existed for some 500 years, from the early days of the Joseon period until its closure as a result of the 1894 Gabo Reform. Knowledge of changes in the Dohwaseo system, the kind of jobs commissioned to the artists and their characteristics, and the social position of the court artists is the first step to understanding court painting, which is why this paper was chosen to lead into the theme for the special report. On the premise that Dohwaseo was managed by civil officials during the early Joseon period and by the king later in the period, Professor Kang Kwan-shik explains that systematic reform of the government bureau in charge of painting following the reign of King Sukjong improved the treatment of the artists, enhanced their skills, and influenced art trends. In particular, he emphasized that the court painter in waiting system institutionalized by King Jeongjo brought radical changes to the Dohwaseo system. Dr. Park Bonsoo’s article is a study of the Ten Symbols of Longevity (Sipjangsaengdo, 십장생도) folding screen in the collection of the Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art at the University of Oregon in the United States. For the government officials of the Joseon period, it was customary to produce and distribute amongst themselves commemorative folding screens, called gyebyeong, in memory of a state rite or ceremony. The folding screen at the University of Oregon was also produced for a similar purpose, indicating that the ten symbols of longevity, a popular theme for decorative court paintings, was applied to other types of works such as gyebyeong. These commemorative folding screens include a list of participants at the particular event and information about who commissioned the screen and when. The University of Oregon screen was produced in the late 19th century and presents a standard for the style of colored court paintings produced by Dohwaseo. Dr. Kim Sujin’s article deals with a folding screen entitled Sea, Cranes, and Peaches (Haehakbandodo, 해학반도도), produced during the Korean Empire (1897–1910) and now preserved at the Honolulu Academy of Art. The Joseon royal family placed great importance on longevity and the birth of many sons and expressed these wishes in paintings. Longevity paintings featuring interminable natural objects and plants and animals known to live for a long time were hence widely used to decorate the palace. The date and purpose of production of the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches folding screen can be surmised from the inscription on the surface of the artwork. The composition of sea, cranes, and a peach tree is rooted in Joseon tradition, but the treatment of the background in gold leaf is a style somewhat removed from it. The folding screen is therefore an example reflecting new trends of the early 20th century influenced by Japan. Accommodating paintings of this new style at the royal palace suggests that Emperor Gojong’s sense of beauty, which recognized new trends, converged with the availability of large spaces where such folding screens could be installed. Professor Park Jeonghye’s article, “Production and Significance of Paintings of Tribute Missions to the Son of Heaven in the Late 18th Century” explores how the Chinese theme of “princely gathering” (wanghoe) was assimilated by Joseon and became a popular subject for decorative court paintings. Unlike the ten symbols of longevity or peonies, the princely gathering was not a theme traditionally found in Joseon paintings. Like chaekgado, or paintings of books and scholars’ accoutrements, wanghoedo were first produced during the reign of King Jeongjo, when original new subjects for court painting emerged and works produced by the court artists greatly improved in quality, becoming firmly established with iconography suited to the folding screen form. Indeed, Wanghoedo screens are considered to be one of the major achievements of 18th century court painting, an example of Chinese source material expressing a reign of peace and prosperity and rule by virtue transformed to suit the situation in Joseon. The paper focuses discussion on the Wanghoedo folding screen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural Science, considered to be one of the finest examples of its type in terms of quality and artistry. Though not included in the special topic section, Curator Lee Hyegyeong’s study of a ten-panel folding screen entitled Peonies (Morando, 모란도) is also about court painting. Paintings of peonies had the most varied uses in the palace, and this folding screen is a masterpiece that can be considered the most beautiful extant peony folding screen in Korea. The composition forms one continuous painting that runs over all ten panels of the screen, evocative of a peony filled garden. During conservation treatment, it was discovered that documents from the 1820s were recycled for the mounting paper, allowing us to guess that the folding screen dates to that time. If we consider that the king’s portrait was the most important artwork in the palace during the Joseon period, Kwon Hyeoksan’s paper, The Production and Copying of Portraits of Meritorious Subjects: Portraits of Jo Gonggeun and their Related Drawings is also worth discussing in the court painting context. Portraits of meritorious officials were also commissioned completely to the Dohwaseo court artists. Twelve sketches (chobon) of such portraits have survived and are important items that not only enable us to confirm the way sketches for portraits were produced but also surmise how copies (imobon) were made as well. This volume closes with an archaeological study on the production and characteristics of the birch bark saddle flap excavated from Cheonmachong (Tomb of the Heavenly Horse). The tomb was so named after the two birch bark saddle flaps decorated with a flying horse, or so-called “heavenly horse,” the major treasures yielded by the tomb. The painting of a heavenly horse (Cheonmado) is so famous that most Koreans have heard of it, but not everyone is aware that it was painted on a saddle flap. This fascinating study uncovers the manufacture of the saddle flaps, from the collection of the birch bark, to the joining of the front and back panels, finishing of the edges, and painting of the heavenly horse design. Court artists did not leave their signature or seal on works commissioned by the court. Hence decorative court paintings are generally anonymous and their date of production is also difficult to work out. But the papers published in volume 12 of JKAA all deal with works whose date of production is known, or can at least be guessed, and can therefore be adopted as a standard for understanding Joseon court painting. Marked by high quality and artistry, they are major works of court painting from the late Joseon period. New Joseon court paintings continued to be introduced through auctions and the collections of clan groups. As serious study of the topic began rather late, gaps still remain in the research, but this problem is being addressed through newly introduced works. The characteristics and excellence of Joseon court painting are less well known to the international audience than that of other genres. It is hoped that through the articles in this volume readers will appreciate that Joseon court paintings have a unique formative beauty and sense of color as well as a dignified character that distinguishes them from the court paintings of China or Japan. Park Jeong-hye Professor The Academy of Korean Studies

SENIOR EDITOR

Park Jeong-hye Professor, The Academy of Korean Studies

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Editorial Note

Park Jeong-hye(Professor, The Academy of Korean Studies)

PDF
Citation

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2018.v12_01

If we take a brief look at the trends in court painting research, we reveal changes in the system of court artists belonging to Dohwaseo (Bureau of Painting). These changes occurred in the list of artists and the work that the artists produced. Professor Kang Kwan-shik’s investigation of the chabi daeryeong hwawon (or jabi daeryeong hwawon), the painters in waiting to the court who were attached to Gyujanggak (royal library), can be said to have laid the foundation for research on the subject of court painting, given that almost all Joseon court paintings were produced by the Dohwaseo artists and the painters in waiting. During the Joseon dynasty, after important state rites or ceremonies of the royal family, court officials would commission these artists to produce paintings realistically recording the event as souvenirs to be shared amongst themselves. Research on such documentary court paintings has played a great part getting scholars to take notice of Joseon court painting. The study of court painting is greatly indebted to documentary evidence provided by uigwe, books that record in detail state rites or other events. Research on court painting gained momentum when researchers began to appreciate the rich content and value of the paintings contained in these books. As the uigwe contain paintings such as Banchado (painting of the order of participants in a royal procession), study of uigwe paintings was also actively carried out as a part of court painting research. These days, attention is focused on the paintings that were used to decorate palace interiors. As most court paintings were colored, for a long time they were treated as folk paintings (min-hwa). But with progress in court painting research, the origin of folk painting is now seen to be connected with court painting, and it is widely accepted that folk paintings are the works that were produced by professional artists when the court painting style spread beyond the palace to ordinary homes. While research on court painting was based on solid documentary support provided by Uigwe, the opening of the National Palace Museum of Korea in 2005 provided a place where actual examples could be seen firsthand. The National Palace Museum was established around a collection of artworks from five royal palaces in Seoul: Gyeongbokgung, Changdeokgung, Changgyeonggung, Gyeonghuigung, and Gyeongungung. Its permanent display and special exhibitions have both aroused public curiosity about court paintings and to some extent relieved that curiosity. Public interest in the culture of the royal court grew when the Joseon dynasty uigwe were inscribed on the UNESCO Memory of the World Register in 2007 as well as when the uigwe kept in the National Library of France were returned to Korea in 2011 on a permanent loan basis. These uigwe were special copies for “the kings’ perusal,” and this in turn played a large role in advancing court painting studies. It is timely, therefore, that this volume is based on articles about court painting, which has led research on the art of the royal court over the past ten years. The focus of this volume is decorative court painting, the genre of court painting that has most captured the attention of scholars recently and where many research discoveries have been unearthed. Paintings of the sun and moon, and five peaks (ilwol obongdo), symbols of longevity (jangsaengdo), peonies (morando), flowers and birds (hwajodo), and flowers and plants (hwahoedo) make up the bulk of decorative court paintings. Other popular themes are Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life, The Feast of Yoji Pond, in addition to books and scholar’s accoutrements (chaekgado), and white porcelain vessels (baekjado). Among these themes, paintings of the sun and moon, and five peaks were considered the most important. This theme has been covered quite extensively in other publications and is not covered extensively in this volume to leave room for papers on paintings that are less well-known but of high artistic value, providing rich material for discussion. The decorative court paintings introduced in this volume are all in collections in the United States. All of them are important examples of Joseon court painting and at the same time have the advantage of being works relatively more accessible to researchers outside of Korea. Meanwhile, articles in the Feature section, devoted to works in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, all deal with material that can be placed under the category of court painting. Hence the subject of court painting has been given full coverage. The first paper in this volume of JKAA is a study of the Dohwaseo artist system by Professor Kang Kwan-shik. Nearly all paintings used in the court, and indeed all the court paintings introduced in this volume, were produced by these artists. Dohwaseo was a government agency in charge of all painting-related affairs of the state and the court that existed for some 500 years, from the early days of the Joseon period until its closure as a result of the 1894 Gabo Reform. Knowledge of changes in the Dohwaseo system, the kind of jobs commissioned to the artists and their characteristics, and the social position of the court artists is the first step to understanding court painting, which is why this paper was chosen to lead into the theme for the special report. On the premise that Dohwaseo was managed by civil officials during the early Joseon period and by the king later in the period, Professor Kang Kwan-shik explains that systematic reform of the government bureau in charge of painting following the reign of King Sukjong improved the treatment of the artists, enhanced their skills, and influenced art trends. In particular, he emphasized that the court painter in waiting system institutionalized by King Jeongjo brought radical changes to the Dohwaseo system. Dr. Park Bonsoo’s article is a study of the Ten Symbols of Longevity (Sipjangsaengdo, 십장생도) folding screen in the collection of the Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art at the University of Oregon in the United States. For the government officials of the Joseon period, it was customary to produce and distribute amongst themselves commemorative folding screens, called gyebyeong, in memory of a state rite or ceremony. The folding screen at the University of Oregon was also produced for a similar purpose, indicating that the ten symbols of longevity, a popular theme for decorative court paintings, was applied to other types of works such as gyebyeong. These commemorative folding screens include a list of participants at the particular event and information about who commissioned the screen and when. The University of Oregon screen was produced in the late 19th century and presents a standard for the style of colored court paintings produced by Dohwaseo. Dr. Kim Sujin’s article deals with a folding screen entitled Sea, Cranes, and Peaches (Haehakbandodo, 해학반도도), produced during the Korean Empire (1897–1910) and now preserved at the Honolulu Academy of Art. The Joseon royal family placed great importance on longevity and the birth of many sons and expressed these wishes in paintings. Longevity paintings featuring interminable natural objects and plants and animals known to live for a long time were hence widely used to decorate the palace. The date and purpose of production of the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches folding screen can be surmised from the inscription on the surface of the artwork. The composition of sea, cranes, and a peach tree is rooted in Joseon tradition, but the treatment of the background in gold leaf is a style somewhat removed from it. The folding screen is therefore an example reflecting new trends of the early 20th century influenced by Japan. Accommodating paintings of this new style at the royal palace suggests that Emperor Gojong’s sense of beauty, which recognized new trends, converged with the availability of large spaces where such folding screens could be installed. Professor Park Jeonghye’s article, “Production and Significance of Paintings of Tribute Missions to the Son of Heaven in the Late 18th Century” explores how the Chinese theme of “princely gathering” (wanghoe) was assimilated by Joseon and became a popular subject for decorative court paintings. Unlike the ten symbols of longevity or peonies, the princely gathering was not a theme traditionally found in Joseon paintings. Like chaekgado, or paintings of books and scholars’ accoutrements, wanghoedo were first produced during the reign of King Jeongjo, when original new subjects for court painting emerged and works produced by the court artists greatly improved in quality, becoming firmly established with iconography suited to the folding screen form. Indeed, Wanghoedo screens are considered to be one of the major achievements of 18th century court painting, an example of Chinese source material expressing a reign of peace and prosperity and rule by virtue transformed to suit the situation in Joseon. The paper focuses discussion on the Wanghoedo folding screen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural Science, considered to be one of the finest examples of its type in terms of quality and artistry. Though not included in the special topic section, Curator Lee Hyegyeong’s study of a ten-panel folding screen entitled Peonies (Morando, 모란도) is also about court painting. Paintings of peonies had the most varied uses in the palace, and this folding screen is a masterpiece that can be considered the most beautiful extant peony folding screen in Korea. The composition forms one continuous painting that runs over all ten panels of the screen, evocative of a peony filled garden. During conservation treatment, it was discovered that documents from the 1820s were recycled for the mounting paper, allowing us to guess that the folding screen dates to that time. If we consider that the king’s portrait was the most important artwork in the palace during the Joseon period, Kwon Hyeoksan’s paper, The Production and Copying of Portraits of Meritorious Subjects: Portraits of Jo Gonggeun and their Related Drawings is also worth discussing in the court painting context. Portraits of meritorious officials were also commissioned completely to the Dohwaseo court artists. Twelve sketches (chobon) of such portraits have survived and are important items that not only enable us to confirm the way sketches for portraits were produced but also surmise how copies (imobon) were made as well. This volume closes with an archaeological study on the production and characteristics of the birch bark saddle flap excavated from Cheonmachong (Tomb of the Heavenly Horse). The tomb was so named after the two birch bark saddle flaps decorated with a flying horse, or so-called “heavenly horse,” the major treasures yielded by the tomb. The painting of a heavenly horse (Cheonmado) is so famous that most Koreans have heard of it, but not everyone is aware that it was painted on a saddle flap. This fascinating study uncovers the manufacture of the saddle flaps, from the collection of the birch bark, to the joining of the front and back panels, finishing of the edges, and painting of the heavenly horse design. Court artists did not leave their signature or seal on works commissioned by the court. Hence decorative court paintings are generally anonymous and their date of production is also difficult to work out. But the papers published in volume 12 of JKAA all deal with works whose date of production is known, or can at least be guessed, and can therefore be adopted as a standard for understanding Joseon court painting. Marked by high quality and artistry, they are major works of court painting from the late Joseon period. New Joseon court paintings continued to be introduced through auctions and the collections of clan groups. As serious study of the topic began rather late, gaps still remain in the research, but this problem is being addressed through newly introduced works. The characteristics and excellence of Joseon court painting are less well known to the international audience than that of other genres. It is hoped that through the articles in this volume readers will appreciate that Joseon court paintings have a unique formative beauty and sense of color as well as a dignified character that distinguishes them from the court paintings of China or Japan. Park Jeong-hye Professor The Academy of Korean Studies

Article

Special

The Bureau of Painting during the Joseon Dynasty: The Transformation of Institutional Systems Responding to Political Changes

Kang Kwan-shik(Professor, Hansung University)

PDF
Citation

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2018.v12_02

The Joseon government inherited and maintained many of the features of the Goryeo dynasty’s Dohwawon during the reign of dynastic founder, King Taejo (太祖, r. 1392–1398), a time when paintings related to the establishment of the new dynasty were in high demand. The Bureau of Painting was reorganized as bureaucratic systems based on Neo-Confucian ideology became more firmly rooted in Joseon society and as Gyeongguk daejeon (1458) was promulgated. Changes took place gradually during the reigns of King Taejong (太宗, r. 1401–1418) and King Sejong (世宗, r. 1419–1459). Eventually, the bureau became a subordinate organ affiliated with Yejo (禮曹, Ministry of Rites) in King Taejong’s reign, and it was reconfigured along political principles based on the predominance of civil officials during the reign of King Sejong. Consequently, the position of deputy director (實案副提調, siran bujejo), which had been held by officials above the third rank, was abolished, and the minister of rites served as the director of the bureau. The assistant proctor (別座, pyeoljwa) of the institution was recruited from among civil officials, and a literati scholar was appointed to this position to evaluate the works of the painters. The painters at the bureau were strictly distinguished from literati civil and military officials and were considered functionary officials who could only hold minor technical and administrative posts (雜職, japjik). Painters were regarded as mere artisans holding vocational positions and were discriminated against for their relatively low social status. Fig. 1. Portrait of King Taejo. 1872. Copied by Jo Jungmuk, Bak Gijun, and others. Color on silk. 218 × 156 cm. Gyeonggi Shrine Painters were excluded from the practical operations of the bureau, and their roles were restricted to creating drawings and paintings. When a statutory code defining the structure of the Joseon government and the system of officialdom was compiled in the reign of King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1470–1494), the name of the bureau was changed to Dohwaseo. Its suffix was changed from “won” (院), an indicator of a fifth-ranked government organization, to “seo” (暑), meaning “a sixth-ranked bureau,” around 1470. This was stipulated in Gyeongguk daejeon promulgated in 1458, which provided guidance for the management of the Bureau of Painting for the remainder of the dynasty. The regular professional staff of the bureau consisted of twenty official painters (畵員, hwawon) who produced paintings and drawings. Those holding the position as painters were restricted to the inferior ranks. Of the twenty official painters, only five maintained salaried positions: one sixth-ranked principal draftsman (善畵, seonhwa), one seventh-ranked principal painter (善繪, seonhoe), one eighth-ranked draftsman (畵史, hwasa), and two ninth-ranked painters (繪史, hoesa). The period of a painter’s employment and the result of painting examinations determined his promotion and appointment to one of these five salaried positions. The painters holding a salaried position received a regular stipend from Gwangheungchang(廣興倉, Expansive Emergent Warehouse), the warehouse providing the salaries of governement officials, but others either were provided simply a per diem fee and meals for the days on which they worked or temporary payments and incentives. This resulted in unstable financial status for official painters. Fig. 2. Cover page for Gyeongguk daejeon. Printed in 1668. Woodblock print. 36.2 × 22.7 cm. Gyujanggak Library Painters were recruited and promoted through examinations called chwijae (literally “talent selection”). Changes made to this examination were included in Gyeongguk daejeon. The genres in the painting examination were expanded to five categories, from which the candidates could select two: bamboos, landscapes, portraiture, birds and animals, and flowers and plants. Those who excelled received a mark of tong (通, pass), while others were given yak (略, barely pass). The five genres were ranked in the order of bamboos, landscapes, portraiture as well as birds and animals, and flowers and plants. Differing numbers of points were allotted. For example, a work from the first-ranked genre received one point more than a painting of a second-ranked subject. In short, painters talented at subjects intended for artistic appreciation, such as bamboos and landscapes, were more likely to receive higher scores than those who excelled in paintings that had a more practical purpose. This reveals that the institutional system was structured based on the predominance of civil officials and the preferred aesthetics of scholar officials. Fig. 3. Blue and White Porcelain Jar with Plum and Bamboo Designs. H. 41 cm, D. 15.7 cm; 18.2 cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Because of hanpoomsuyong (限品敍用)—a government system that restricted the promotion of official painters beyond the sixth rank—many painters had to depart from Dohwaseo even before they turned 30. This caused a considerable loss to the government because painters could spend nearly a decade in training. To allow the painters who had to leave Dohwaseo because of hanpoomsuyong to keep working at Dohwaseo, a provision called yingsa hwawon (仍仕畵員, painter who continues to serve) was created during the reign of King Sejong, and three posts (one each in the sixth, seventh, and eighth ranks) were allocated to such artists. Wages were distributed among yingsa hwawon who were ranked first in quarterly painting examinations. It was necessary to select candidates with artistic talent at an early age and then train them for an extensive period. An apprenticeship system was established within the Bureau of Painting during King Sejong’s reign that mirrored the training system established by Sayeokwon (司譯院, Office of Interpreters) and Jeonuigam (典醫監, Palace Medical Office). Promising youths around the age of fifteen who exhibited talent were selected for an apprenticeship for minor technical and administrative posts. Every three years they sat for an examination that selected fifteen successful candidates to be appointed to official positions. Unsuccessful candidates who had received three years training were dismissed from the bureau and sent to serve as soldiers. The installation of this hwahak saengdo (畵學生徒, student painters) system in the Bureau of Painting consisting of 15 trainees was stipulated in Gyeongguk daejeon. This apparently followed the regulations on apprenticeships for other minor technical and administrative posts. It resulted in the emergence of official painters as members of a distinct hereditary status group known as jungin (中人, middle professional) in the later period. As discussed above, the structure and organization of the Bureau of Painting in the early Joseon era was delineated in Gyeongguk daejeon, which tended to minimize the monarch’s involvement and center on civil officials and their active roles in the decision-making process. This is a characteristic unique to Joseon society, in which Neo-Confucianism was deeply rooted. It also marks a sharp distinction with the Chinese Imperial Painting Academy, which was primarily controlled by the emperor and the eunuchs. In China, the Imperial Painting Academies for the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1636–1912) dynasties were based out of a palace. In contrast, the buildings of the Joseon Bureau of Painting were located in Gyeonpyeongbang (堅平坊, presentday Gyeonji-dong and Gongpyeong-dong), a central area of the capital but far from the palace complex. Consequently, the king’s orders and requests to the Bureau of Painting were open to scrutiny and critique by bureaucrats from the three censorate offices, and the king’s access to the bureau and its painters was highly restricted. The official painting system existed throughout the Joseon era from the founding of the dynasty and was referred to in Gyeongguk daejeon as “an institution of the preceding king.” With the emergence of Neo-Confucian literati as a powerful political body in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, civil officials took over high-ranking positions within the bureau, and painters were only assigned to minor technical and administrative posts. Instead, the position of adjunct teacher (兼敎授, gyeom gyosu) was established to support the practical learning of minor technical and administrative skills. The adjunct teacher assumed responsibility for training painting students and conducting examinations. The installation of this post enhanced the social status of official painters as a petty functionary belonging to the jungin class. As a result, a number of families that produced painters for generations emerged since the mid-Joseon era, including Jeonju Yi (李上佐, Yi Sangjwa), Yangcheon Heo (許義順, Heo Uisun), Cheongju Han (韓時覺, Han Sigak), and Indong Jang (張得萬, Jang Deukman). Fig. 4. Sites of the Bureau of Painting in the Gyeonpyeong District (1) in the central part of the city and the Taeyeong District in the southern part of the city from Map of the Capital (首善全圖). Printed in 1861. Woodblock. Light color on paper. 160.8 × 79 cm. Seoul Museum of History Fig. 5. Portrait of An Hyang (順興畵像) from Illustrated manual on the conduct of the three relations in the eastern kingdom (東國新續三綱行實圖, Dongguk sin sok samgang haengsildo). Printed in 1617. Woodblock. 37.8 × 25.4 cm. Gyujanggak Library Painting projects sponsored by the state, such as illustrations for Uigwe (儀軌, State records of royal events) and publishing the Haengsildo (行實圖, Illustrated Guide to Moral Conduct) were continued in the seventeenth century. However, many important artistic activities of the bureau were halted. The commission of royal portraiture ceased after King Seonjo’s (宣祖, r. 1568–1608) rule, and the custom of distributing sehwa (歲畵, New Year’s paintings) to officials was abandoned following the reign of King Injo (仁祖, r. 1623–1649). The number of painters in the delegations dispatched to China was reduced in the seventeenth century. King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1660–1674) issued a decree to reduce the salary of petty bureaucrats in 1662, which aggravated the already strained financial situation of official painters. The facilities of the Bureau of Painting located in the Gyeonpyeong District boasted a fair-sized building of 800 kan (one kan is equal to 2.4 meters). However, King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1675–1720) bestowed the site of the bureau as a bridal gift to his younger sister Princess Myeongan (明安公主, 1667–1687). Consequently, the bureau was required to make temporary use of vacant government buildings and houses confiscated from people executed for political reasons until an official building was constructed in the early eighteenth century in the Taepyeong District (太平坊, present-day Suha-dong in Eulji-ro) in the southern area of the capital. Daejeon tongpyeon (大典通編, Comprehensive national code) and the Operation of Official Painting System Centering on the King With the rise of Neo-Confucianism and the increased influence of scholar-officials engaging in factional politics, the power of the bureaucracy superseded that of the monarch in the late seventeenth century during the first half of the reign of King Sukjong. However, the second half of his reign witnessed a reassertion of royal authority. After a sudden major reversal of the positions of the ruling factions, factional politics collapsed, and the king’s authority was reinstated with the implementation of the Tangpyeongchaek (蕩平策, Policy of Impartiality). King Sukjong ordered the copying of the portrait of King Taejo and its placement in a shrine. This took place 200 years after King Taejo’s portrait was first created at the beginning of the dynasty. In addition, King Sukjong commissioned his own portrait and used visual art as an effective vehicle to reinforce royal authority and revive royal ceremonies. After the national recovery from the invasions earlier in the century, the facilities of the Bureau of Painting in the Taepyeong District were restored under the king’s auspices. The institution’s activities were revitalized in the late eighteenth century as well. King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1725–1776) and King Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1777–1800) sustained the Policy of Impartiality to augment royal authority and actively promote cultural activities such as copying royal calligraphy, painting royal portraits every ten years, and producing documentary paintings depicting state events. These two kings are well known for their keen interest in art as a propaganda tool and generous support for court painters. The system of official painters was reinstated and reformed to better support the Bureau of Painting and official painters during the reigns of King Sukjong and King Jeongjo. Royal patronage of painting and the ruler’s direct involvement in supervising production and the training of court painters reached its zenith during the reign of King Jeongjo. The king established the Gyujanggak(奎章閣, Royal Library) in 1776 and installed Painters-in-waiting to the Court (差備待令畵員, Jabi daeryeong hwawon) as a subordinate organ in 1783. Ten outstanding painters selected from the Bureau of Painting were dispatched to the Royal Library, and its organization was codified into the Daejon tongpyeon (1785). This resulted in the bureau and official painting system entering into the realm of influence of the king. Fig. 6. Portrait of King Yeongjo. 1900. Copied by Jo Seokjin and Chae Yongsin. Color on silk. 203.8 × 83 cm. National Palace Museum of Korea The reformation of the Bureau of Painting since the era of King Sukjong was conducted through three channels: first, the number of official painters was expanded in response to the increasing demands for paintings and drawings by the state and court; second, promotion to higher positions, including a salaried position as a civil official or third-ranked military official was awarded to painters in charge of royal portraits; and third, salaries were secured for official painters who were not appointed to otherwise paid posts. Fig. 7. Cover page for Daejeon tongpyeon. Printed in 1785. Woodblock. 37 × 23.6 cm. Gyujanggak Library As the authority of the king was enhanced and a number of court events were conducted during the reign of King Sukjong, the demands for drawings and paintings expanded apace. The number of official painters prescribed in Gyeongguk daejeon was insufficient to manage the workload. The recruitment of additional painters was required, so 10 painters and 15 students were added to bring the number of artisans and apprentices to 30 each, or 60 in total. This number is almost twice the painters stipulated in Gyeongguk daejeon, which called for only 35 painters in total (20 full-fledged painters and 15 students). A record from 1726 in Seungjeongwon ilgi (承政院日記, Daily records of the royal secretariat) states that the total number of painters in the Bureau of Painting was 30. This indicates that the number of official painters had already reached 30 in the second half of King Sukjong’s reign and the early period of the reign of King Yeongjo. According to the Sok daejeon (續大典, Supplement to the national code) (1744), 15 additional painting students were recruited. The Comprehensive national code compiled in the reign of King Jeongjo states that 30 painters were associated with the bureau. Considering this codification, it can be confirmed that the expanded number of painters continued into a later period. Upward mobility for the painters was achieved through special promotions to the high positions allowed to royal portrait painters. They were often assigned to sixth-ranked positions in the civil officialdom, such as government posts outside the capital, including Country Magistrates and Official of the Post-station, a third-ranked post for military officials, or a third-ranked post for civil officials hoping to ascend to a position in the palace. For example, Jang Jauk (張子旭) was appointed to the sixth-ranked post for civil officials at the Yebinsi(禮賓寺, Office of Receiving Foreign Dignitaries) (1699) and Ham Taeseok (咸泰碩) held a sixth-ranked position (1703). Jin Jaehae (秦再奚) was assigned as a third-ranked guard officer (1725) after he served as a junior third-ranked army officer at Sogeun Port (1718). Byeon Sangbyeok (卞相壁) was appointed as a third-ranked army officer in Gusan (1763) and county magistrate in Goksan (1773). Kim Hongdo (金弘道) received various salaried positions as a civil official starting in his twenties. These include a sixth-ranked official of the Office of Royal Procurement (1773), a sixth-ranked official of the Office of the Royal Garden (1773 and 1774), a keeper of horses in Ulsan (1776), a sixth-ranked official of the Office for Storing Ice (1781), a chief of the post-station in Angi (1783), and a county magistrate in Yeonpung (1791). Numerous painters such as Yun Sangik (尹商翊) (1688), Hyeon Yugang (玄有綱) (1724), Byeon Sangbyeok (1763), Kim Yuseong (金有聲) (before 1763), Yi Bokgyu (李復圭) (1771), and Kim Husin (金厚臣) (1773) were all appointed to salaried positions as third-ranked civil officials. Jang Gyeongju (張敬周) (1757) even received the title of second-ranked civil official, which is equal to the status of a minister. When civil official posts with a sixth-grade ranking were bestowed on painters, they ironically became overqualified to return to the Bureau of Painting since this institution did not hold a civil official position of the sixth ranking. To support these skilled painters and allow them to go back to the bureau, two posts for sixth-ranked sagwa (司果, administrative assistant) were newly created. Meritorious painters and instructors also received these salaries starting in the second half of the reign of King Yeongjo. In order to improve the working conditions of official painters, Kings Sukjong and Yeongjo ordered the addition of at least 24 salaried positions and established the hwasa gungwan (畵師軍官, painters at military posts), also known as the hwasa bijang (畵師裨將, painters appointed as adjunct generals) system. King Sukjong dispatched painters to the headquarters of provincial military commanders and naval headquarters as Adjunct Generals in 1703 and 1704. Military official titles were awarded to these court painters, accompanied by regular wages from provincial governments. In addition, painters were assigned to the navy headquarters at Chungmu in Gyeongsang-do Province in 1714. Accepting a proposal from the official painters, King Yeongjo ordered the installation of salaried posts in the provincial administrations of seven out of eight provinces (excluding Gyeonggi-do Province) and painters from the capital were sent to fill the posts of adjunct general. Furthermore, three painters were dispatched to the Hullyeon Dogam(訓鍊都監, Military Training Directorate),Geumwiyeong (禁衛營, Capital Garrison), and Oyongcheng(御營廳, Royal Guards Commands) in 1773 by King Yeongjo’s edict. Fig. 8. Gyujanggak by Kim Hongdo. 1776. Color on silk. 144.4 × 115 cm. National Museum of Korea The system of appointing painters at the military post was established in provincial barracks as well. According to Yukcheon chorye, a painter from the Bureau of Painting was dispatched to the administrations of seven provinces, as well as to military camps in Pyeongan and Chungcheong-do Provinces. One painting student from the bureau was dispatched to each of six military base camps, excluding only those in Chungju and Anju, and five navy commands. Fig. 9. Cover page for Yukcheon chorye. Printed in 1866. Movable type printing. 29.8 × 19.4 cm. Gyujanggak Library This notable improvement in the social status of official painters led to a change in the organization and structure of the Bureau of Painting. When the royal portrait painters’ positions were elevated to the third-ranked civil official, the hwawon position, formerly classified as a “minor technical and administrative post,” was reclassified as an “official post in the capital.” According to Daejon tongpyeon promulgated in the reign of King Jeongjo, most of the minor technical and administrative posts listed in the National code were discontinued at that time and all those that had formerly been assigned to official painters were listed under the category of official posts in the capital. Every position in the bureau, including the director and sixth-ranked principal draftsman, was recorded. The five salaried positions available to the 20 official painters belonged to the category of “minor technical and administrative posts” in the early Joseon era, while the five posts for the 30 artists then in the bureau became official posts in the capital following the reclassification. This suggests the improved status of official painters as they were allowed access to positions in the civil and military officialdoms in the capital that in previous centuries had been exclusively reserved for yangban (兩班, gentry)officials. Moreover, King Jeongjo appointed an adjunct teacher of sixth rank to the position of representing the Bureau of Painting as its supreme member, while an assistant proctor from the minister of rites who formerly managed the bureau was excluded from the position. He established the Painters-in-waiting to the Court which operated as a sub-organ of the Royal Library where ten painters were selected. Painters-in-waiting to the Courtrefer to a group of official painters summoned to the court in response to the king’s requests. King Jeongjo established the Gyujanggak as a major monarchic body that was responsible for copying royal calligraphy and publishing royal writing. The system had been set up as an ad hoc office during the reign of King Yeongjo. Inheriting this system, King Jeongjo reorganized this system as subsidiaries of the Gyujanggak, and its operating rules were codified in Daejon tongpyeon. Unlike the official painters from the Bureau of Painting, Painters-in-waiting worked on commissions from the king and communicated with him via royal letters. The king was directly involved in the appointment and dismissal of these painters. Thus, Painters-in-waiting were affiliated with the Royal Library. Their office was located near the Guemcheon (禁川, Forbidden Stream) within the confines of Changdeok Palace and near the office for scholars in the Royal Library. Exempted from the ordinary duties required of official painters in the Bureau of Painting, Painters-in-waiting undertook major tasks commissioned by the king related to the royal rituals over which he presided. The Painters-in-waiting gained a more stable financial situation and higher social standing compared to ordinary official painters due to their proximity to the king. They enjoyed all the benefits granted to official painters of the Bureau of Painting and shared the salaries allocated to three posts for a sajeong (司正, seventh-ranked administrative associate). In addition, the painters who achieved the highest two marks in an examination held every three months had the opportunity to receive special appointments to a paid position as a sixth-ranked sagwa and a sajeong. Once official painters were selected to be Painters-in-waiting, they retained their tenured posts unless they committed serious misconduct. Skilled painters who had produced great works were exempted from the painting examinations and enjoyed the special privilege of receiving a salary equivalent to that of a sixth-ranked country magistrate, the highest position an official painter could obtain, or of a sixth-ranked sagwa, who is one grade higher than the director of the Bureau of Painting. For this economic benefit, official painters who had served as county magistrates or the director of a bureau wished to become Painters-in-waiting. In addition, Painters-in-waiting were allowed direct communication with the king, which proved to be the most valuable benefit to the painters. King Jeongjo was actively involved in the operation of this system. The Painters-in-waiting were closely connected to the king and managed under his direct authority. King Jeongjo educated and trained the Painters-in-waiting by presiding over painting examinations and conveyed orders that reflected his political ideology and artistic philosophy to the painters. He even provided detailed instructions on how and what to paint, and corrected in person the examination results that were assigned by officials from the Royal Library. The king was so enthusiastic as to discharge incompetent or insincere painters and to reward outstanding painters with exceptional benefits. With the emergence of the Painters-in-waiting, two separate organs became responsible for the production of painting in the Joseon dynasty: the ministry of rites managed the Bureau of Painting throughout the dynasty, while the Royal Library oversaw the Painters-in-waiting under the king’s direct command. Subsequently, the governmental responsibility for producing paintings shifted from the minister of rites to the king and his Royal Library. The Painters-in-waiting under the Royal Library took the lead in art production of the state and assumed important tasks formerly executed by the painters of the Bureau of Painting. This system continued from the seventh year of King Jeongjo’s reign (1783) to the eighteenth year (1811) of King Gojong’s (高宗, r. 1864–1881) rule. A total of 103 official painters eventually held posts as Painters-in-waiting to satisfy the demands of the king and his closest courtiers. The definitive painters of the late Joseon period, such as Kim Eunghwan (金應煥), Sin Hanpyeong (申漢枰), Kim Hongdo, Yi Inmun (李寅文), Kim Deuksin (金得臣), Kim Hajong (金夏鐘), Yi Hyeongnok (李亨祿), Yu Unhong (劉運弘), Yi Hancheol (李漢喆), and Yu Suk (劉淑), all served as Painters-in-waiting to the Court. Artistic Activities of the Painters of the Bureau of Painting as recorded in Yukcheon chorye and Naegak ilryeok (內閣日曆, Daily record of the Gyujanggak) The National codes of the Joseon dynasty simply define the duties of official painters as the production of drawings and paintings. Official painters also worked on private commissions alongside their public commissions as government officials. To contextualize the system of the official painters within a broader institutional perspective, this study focuses on the painter’s activities in the public realm, which can be divided between drawings for practical purposes and artistic works for appreciation. As public servants, producing practical drawings was the key duty of court painters. The painters of the Bureau of Paintings had the responsibility of creating practical, especially didactic paintings and drawings to support the royal regime based on the administration of Confucian scholar officials and the Neo-Confucian percepts of governing according to propriety. Their most significant task was producing paintings related to the king and state events. When sovereign power was expanded in the eighteenth century, royal patronage of art and support for court painters increased. Well aware of the political potential of art, the Joseon kings made apt use of visual materials to impose, solidify, and augment royal authority and power. The only concrete regulation on the duties of the painters, which was recorded in the Supplement to the national code, was that “(official painters) are responsible for drawing the stone statues and grass of royal burial mounds to monitor damage.” However, official painters also assumed a wide range of official duties under various circumstances. Yukcheon chorye documented the artistic activities of official painters. Their primary tasks as described were mostly related to the king and the royal household, and their labor was highly organized and specialized. Most of their works were executed in a collaborative manner since the procedures required specialized skills and a division of labor to distribute the limited salaries between as many painters as possible. Fig.10. Portrait of Seo Jiksu (徐直修) by Yi Meonggi and Kim Hongdo. 1796. Color on silk. 148.8 × 72 cm. National Museum of Korea Besides the duties listed in Yukcheon chorye, the public tasks of the official painters were to produce numerous paintings and drawings for practical purposes. Based on archival research on existing historical texts, their responsibilities can be summarized as follows: portraits of kings, meritorious statesmen (功臣像), elder doyens (耆老像), and government officials; didactic paintings depicting sages, wise monarchs, and wise concubines; figure paintings, such as illustrations of moral conduct, the Odes of the State of Bin (豳風圖), Painting of a Busy Life (無逸圖), Paintings of Agriculture and Sericulture (耕織圖), and genre paintings (風俗圖); topographical paintings and maps; documentary paintings depicting government offices, literati gatherings (契會圖), royal visits to the tombs of preceding kings (陵行圖), and royal banquets (進饌圖); illustrations and drawings included in Uigwe (儀軌, State records of royal events) and books, drawing ruled lines and diagrams; decorative paintings installed at the palace or used in royal ceremonies, such as screens of peonies, ritual flags, four auspicious animals, paintings of books and scholars’ accouterments (冊架圖), New Year’s paintings; and designs on blue-and-white porcelain. In addition, official painters accompanied envoys on diplomatic missions. Dispatched official painters produced topographic images during their journey and documentary paintings depicting government buildings, copied illustrations and drawings during their stay in other countries, and produced paintings related to reception ceremonies with foreign officials. Buddhist paintings enshrined in royal tombs and temples were executed by court painters as well. In particular, those under the Bureau of Painting actively participated in producing Buddhist paintings during the early Joseon period when the influence of the Buddhist tradition was more pervasive. In addition to drawings for practical purposes, paintings for artistic appreciation were created by the official painters. There was no clear line of distinction made between drawings for practical purposes and arts for aesthetic viewing. In several cases, paintings served both purposes. However, we can identify certain paintings intended for artistic appreciation which were not necessary for practical uses. For example, by order of King Jeongjo, Kim Hongdo and Kim Eunghwan painted true-view landscapes (眞景山水) depicting Mount Guemgang (金剛山, Diamond Mountain) and nine counties in the Yeongdong Provinces, the most famous excursion sites in the Joseon dynasty. In the early Joseon period, paintings of Mount Guemgang and Eight Views of Xiao and Xiang Rivers (瀟湘八景圖) were prepared as diplomatic gifts to Ming envoys and Japanese delegations. These paintings bear a dual nature in that they were produced for practical purposes, but the subjects include artistic elements purely for appreciation. King Jeongjo’s commission to Kim Hongdo to draw Painting after Zhu Xi’s Poems (朱夫子詩意圖) as a New Year’s painting can be understood in similar context. Fig.11. Return Procession to the Capital (還御行列圖) by Yi Inmun, Kim Deuksin, Jang Hanjong, and others. The seventh panel from Screen of King Jeongjo’s Visit to the Royal Tomb in Hwaseong in the Year of Eulmyo (園幸乙卯整理契屛). 1796. Color on silk. Eight-panel folding screen. 151.5 × 66.4 cm (each), National Museum of Korea The abovementioned paintings executed by the official painters assumed practical characteristics in term of their purpose, but their contents conveyed aesthetic aspects for artistic contemplation. Such multilayered meanings are exemplified by the subjects for the painting examinations as recorded in the national codes. “Bamboos, landscapes, portraiture, birds and animals, and flowers and plants ” served as the painting genres tested during the entrance examination for official painters for almost 400 years from the promulgation of the National code (1485) in the early Joseon period to the Comprehensive compendium of the national code (1865) in the final decades of the dynasty. The Regulations for the six boards (1865) and the Naegak ilryeok(1783–1881) detail the implementation of painting examinations, the lists of subjects, and the painters’ marks. This allows us to scrutinize the contents of paintings executed by official painters in the public realm. Fig. 12. “Stacks of Harvested Rice Plants in All the Houses” (家家有廩圖) from Painting after Zhu Xi’s Poems (朱夫子詩意圖屛) by Kim Hongdo. 1800. Color on paper. Eight-panel folding screen. 125 × 40.5 cm (each). Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Fig. 13. Cover page for Naegak ilryeok. 1779–1883. Manuscript. 42.8 × 26 cm. Gyujanggak Library The genres of paintings and the topics selected for the painting examination vary according to the Regulations for the six boards. Numerous tests were frequently conducted and many works for artistic appreciation, such as landscapes, figure paintings, bird and flower paintings, and Four Gentlemen paintings, were created by professional court painters for these examinations. Nearly all official painters sat for the painting examinations, from skilled and seasoned official painters to students. The diverse examinations took place on various occasions. These included the highest-level examination for determining a painter’s salary, which was overseen by the director of the bureau, and tests of lesser importance for rewarding successful painters with painting materials such as silk, paper, brushes, and ink, which were presided over by an adjunct teacher and instructor. The topics of the examinations were relatively simple, and subjects selected from the five genres listed in the National code were used for tests. Fig. 14. “Threshing” from Screen Depicting the Wandering Life by Kim Hongdo. 1778. Light color on silk. 90.9 × 42.7 cm. National Museum of Korea King Jeongso expanded the subjects on which Painters-in-waiting were tested from five to eight and altered the form of the examinations, known as nokchwijae (祿取才, talent selection to make payment). The Naegak ilryeok provides detailed lists of subjects for the examinations and painters’ scores, which allows a further exploration of the artistic activities of painters at court. The king and his close subjects at the Royal Library selected topics and evaluated works of Painters-in-waiting. “Bamboos” and “flowers and plants” as subjects in the examination to appoint official painters to the Bureau of Painting was expanded to “bamboos and plum blossoms” and “plants and insects.” Genre paintings, scholar’s stationery (文房, munbang), and architecture paintings were newly added as examination topics. The tests were expanded to cover a wide array of subjects derived from literature, history, and philosophy, as well as those reflecting contemporary costumes and lifestyles. Fig. 15. Books and Scholar’s Accouterment by Yi Eungnok. Mid-19th c. Color on paper. Ten-panel folding screen. 153 × 352 cm. National Museum of Korea The investigation of changes in painting genres and subjects for the examination exclusively for Painters-in-waiting (i.e., nokchwijae) reveals changes of artistic trends and painting themes among official painters in the late Joseon dynasty. In the reigns of King Jeongjo and King Sunjo (純祖, r. 1801–1834), genre paintings were most frequently selected and paintings that reflected the contemporaneous society were favored. However, under the rule of King Heonjong (憲宗, r. 1835–1849), figure paintings declined while the number of landscape and architecture paintings increased, revealing a shift in artistic trends. Paintings presenting the realities of society and human activities were replaced by paintings featuring nature. During the reign of King Cheoljong (哲宗, r. 1849–1863), landscape paintings were rarely selected and animal and bird paintings outnumbered any other genre. The preference for nature continued, but an emphasis on aesthetic value emerged. Flowers, plants and animals, and birds were preferred as representatives of a static atmosphere in place of large-scale landscapes. Birds and animals, plants and insects, and bamboos and plum blossoms remained favored themes during King Gojong’s reign. However, the proportion of these genres reduced, and paintings more closely associated with courtly tastes favoring decorative qualities increased. These include genre paintings, scholars’ stationery, and architecture paintings that portray cityscapes and urban life. This shift coincides precisely with the development of court painting in the late Joseon period, which implies the substantial influence of the assessment system for Painters-in-waiting to the Court on the production of paintings focused on aesthetic appreciation. It also reflects the significant roles played by the king and the impact of institutional interventions on the artistic activities and training of the official painters of the era.

A Study of the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen in the Collection of the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon

Park Bonsoo(Gyeonggi Museum of Modern Art)

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Citation

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2018.v12_03

Paintings of the ten symbols of longevity (十長生圖, sipjangsaengdo), which represent a desire for health and longevity grounded in the doctrines of Daoism (道敎, dogyo) and a belief in immortality (神仙思想, sinseonsasang), are among the most common types of Korean auspicious paintings (吉祥圖, gilsangdo). The ten symbols of longevity comprise a total of thirteen subjects associated with long life: the sun, moon, clouds, mountains, rocks, water, cranes, deer, turtles, pine trees, bamboo, mushrooms of immortality, and peaches of immortality. The earliest depictions of this group appear in paintings celebrating the New Year (歲畵, sehwa) first produced towards the end of the Goryeo dynasty (918–1392). Throughout the Joseon (1392–1897) period, paintings of this type were especially popular at the royal court. From the late Joseon period onward, representations of these symbols appeared in folk paintings that circulated widely among the broader population. The Ceremonial records of the superintendency in charge of royal marriages (嘉禮都監儀軌, Garyedogam uigwe) and Paintings of Royal Ceremonies (宮中行事圖, Gungjunghaengsado) reveal that paintings of the ten symbols of longevity were used in rituals and ceremonies of national importance, such as royal weddings and the sixtieth birthday of the king or other members of the royal family. As indicated by the extant artworks, paintings of this kind were among the types of decorative paintings within the royal palace (宮中裝飾畵, gungjungjangsikhwa) that adorned the living spaces of royalty, including the King and Queen. The Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen from the Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art at the University of Oregon examined in this paper is comprised of a total of ten panels. The depiction of the ten longevity symbols set against a vibrant blue-green landscape (靑綠山水, cheongnoksansu) extends across eight of the panels, and the remaining two panels feature inscriptions relating to various names and titles (Fig. 1). These inscriptions are the first of their kind to be identified on a screen painting of the ten symbols of longevity, and they help deduce when and for what purpose the screen was produced. Fourteen historical figures are recorded, including Yi Yuwon, a well-known counselor from the Jungchubu government office (領中樞府事, jungchububusa), all of whom were members of the Office of Medical Treatment (議藥廳, Uiyakcheong) who treated Crown Prince Sunjong when he contracted smallpox in 1879. Based on this, it is clear that the folding screen was produced to mark the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox and is therefore an example of the type of commemorative screens produced to celebrate the crown prince’s recovery from illness (王世子痘候平復陳賀稧屛, wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong). Fig. 1. Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. 1880. Color on silk. 171.0 x 48 cm (each). Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art at the University of Oregon Fig. 2. Façade of the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon (http://uoma.uoregon.edu/history_and_building/) Commemorative screens (稧屛, gyebyeong) refer to folding screens produced following a national event that were gifted to individual government officials in recognition of their participation in the various offices that carried out the ceremonies involved. The inscriptions on commemorative screens include the names of the head officials and a record of the ceremony itself. The types of paintings presented in such screens are generally divided between figures within a landscape or a landscape depicting the location of the particular event being commemorated. Generally speaking, decorative paintings at the court were produced collectively by a group of several court painters. Since they were not permitted to sign their work, it is often difficult to determine the identity of the artists involved. It is also a challenge to identify precisely when the works were produced. Even though this Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen does not include a record of the ceremony, a thorough analysis of the inscription allows the determination of the circumstances and date of production with a greater degree of certitude than for any other painting of the ten symbols of longevity hitherto uncovered. In this way, it can serve as a standard for making more informed stylistic comparisons and more accurately dating paintings of the ten symbols of longevity from the Joseon period. In this paper, how the screen arrived at the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon is briefly examined. Next, an analysis of historical sources including the Annals of the Joseon dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄, Joseonwangjosillok) and the Diary of the royal secretariat (承政院日記, Seungjeongwonilgi) is conducted in order to trace the historical background and date of production of the screen. In the final section, the symbolic meaning of paintings of the ten longevity symbols and the particular iconography and stylistic features of the Oregon screen is examined in an effort to shed light on its significance within the history of Korean painting. The acquisition of the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen Situated in Eugene, Oregon, in the American Northwest, the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon was founded in 1932 to house the collection of Murray Warner (1869–1920), which had been donated in his memory by his wife Gertrude Bass Warner (1863–1951). When she was young, Ms. Warner lived in China, which inspired her to collect Asian artworks with a focus mainly on Chinese and Japanese items. Following the death of her husband in 1920, she moved to Eugene to be closer to her son, who was serving as a professor in the law department at the University of Oregon. Shortly after her arrival, she reached an agreement with the president of the University of Oregon to donate her collection to a research institute named after her late husband. Mrs. Warner’s first donation in 1921 was mainly comprised of Chinese and Japanese works. At the time of opening, there were two floors of Chinese and Japanese galleries with no dedicated Korean gallery. Fig. 3. Portrait of Gertrude Beth Werner by Julian Lamar (1893–1967). 1927. Oil on canvas. 106.7 × 76.2 cm A Korean gallery was established in the late 1930s shortly after the museum opened. However, a bill of sale from the museum archives confirms that Korean artworks did enter into the Murray Warner collection prior to this event (Fig. 4). The bill of sale records the acquisition of Korean artworks in 1924, including the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. A careful examination of the document provides several further key pieces of information regarding the acquisition of the screen. Fig. 4. Bill of sale of imported Korean artworks from W. W. Taylor & Co. 1924. Museum of Art at the University of Oregon archives In the first place, it reveals that the Korean artworks were acquired through the trading company W. W. Taylor & Co., listed at the address Gyeongseong-bu, Taepyeong-tong (京城府太平通, present-day Taepyeong Street in Seoul). Secondly, the document lists the names and prices of all six artworks acquired in the sale, including a palace screen (gungbyeongpung) valued at 750 yen, a landscape screen (sansudobyeongpung) at 1000 yen, a screen of scenes from a full lifetime (pyeongsaengdobyeongpung) at 800 yen, an ancestral portrait (chosanghwa) at 750 yen, and two additional works. Here, the conspicuously large “palace screen” that is priced relatively cheaply compared to the two other screens can be identified as the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen, and the fact that it is listed alongside the character for palace, or gung, implies that it was either part of the art collection at a royal palace or at the very least belonged to a high-level official who frequented the royal palace. However, the possibility should not be overlooked that it was produced outside the palace and gifted as royal tribute at the time when commemorative screens were being produced. The date on the bill of sale is listed as September 10, 1924, and the museum records that the artworks arrived in December of the same year, indicating that it took approximately three months to transport the items from Seoul. It is highly likely that the well-known woodblock print artist Elizabeth Keith (1897–1956) played a role in facilitating the acquisition of Korean artworks at the time through the Taylor company. Elizabeth Keith was living in Korea during this period and was a keen promoter of Korean culture. It seems probable that she stirred an interest in Ms. Warner in Korean artwork. Starting in 1919 and throughout her long stay in Korea, Elizabeth Keith travelled a great deal and painted many of the people and landscapes she encountered. She established a friendship with Ms. Warner in Japan, and they continued to correspond for approximately thirty years. The wealthy Ms. Warner also purchased a number of Keith’s paintings that she later donated to the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon. An undated document from the late 1930s stored at the museum indicates how Ms. Warner established a small Korean exhibition hall around that time and exhibited various works, including three folding screens, two lacquer boxes with mother-of-pearl inlay, portraits, jewelry, bronze Buddhist statues, and a palanquin that had been the possession of a Korean queen. The three folding screens referred here closely resemble items acquired by Ms. Warner that were listed in the bill of sale from 1924. However, the fact that the Korean gallery established by Ms. Warner at that time is referred to as an “alcove” suggests that it was probably much smaller in scale than the Chinese and Japanese exhibition halls. In recent times, the expanded Korean gallery provides a fitting backdrop for showcasing the splendor of newly acquired artworks and donations alongside the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Korean Exhibition Hall at the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon The crown prince’s recovery from smallpox and the production of the commemorative screen As mentioned in the introduction, the two panels of inscriptions in the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen in the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon collection reveal a connection with the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox. In other words, the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen was produced in honor of this event. In order to provide a full examination of the historical context within which this screen was produced, it is necessary to stress just how life threatening an illness smallpox was at the time and the degree to which the recovery of the crown prince was heralded as a near-miraculous event. Smallpox, variously referred to as duchang (痘瘡), duhu (痘候), and mama (媽媽) in Korea, was considered one of the most feared diseases in the world up until its eradication in 1977. Smallpox, an infectious disease spread by a virus, first manifests as a fever. Around two days later, a rash appears and develops according to the papule, vesicle, and pustule stages before drying out, leaving characteristic scars on the skin that can be somewhat shocking to behold. According to the Annals of the Joseon dynasty, Grand Prince Seongnyeong (誠寧大君, Seongnyeongdaegun) contracted smallpox and died in the eighteenth year of King Taejong’s reign (1418). In addition, successive Joseon monarchs including Sukjong (1661–1720), Kyeongjong (1688–1724), Yeongjo (1694–1776), and Heonjong (1827–1849) all suffered from smallpox in their lifetime. There were more than forty recorded outbreaks of smallpox during the Joseon dynasty, of such a scale that the disease became a subject of terror and awe among the Korean population. The fact that shamanistic practices (mamabaesonggut) were pursued in order to combat smallpox indicates that medical treatments were insufficiently developed at the time. With this as its context, the particular episode of the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox can be examined. Crown Prince Sunjong (1874–1926), the second son of King Gojong (高宗, 1852–1919) and Queen Myeongseong (明成皇后, 1851–1895), was given the name Cheok (坧) on the occasion of his birth in the second month of 1874. Only two years after Cheok’s birth, he withstood an attempt to install Prince Wanhwa (完和君, 1868–1880) in his place in the royal lineage and was named crown prince in the second month of that year. Following this incident, he won the affection and trust of King Gojong (Fig. 6). Queen Myeongseong gave birth to her first child in 1871, a full five years after her marriage, but the child died after only four days. In the following years, she gave birth to four male and one female children, all of whom died at an early age. It is no wonder that the Queen showered her second son, Cheok, her sole remaining heir, with overwhelming care and devotion. Fig. 6. King Gojong and his son Sunjong. Approx. 1890 Against this backdrop, it was announced that Cheok, the six-year old crown prince beloved by the king and queen, had contracted smallpox. Since the safety of the next-in-line to the throne was an urgent matter of national security, on the twelfth day of the twelfth month of the sixteenth year of Gojong’s reign (1879), an Office of Medical Treatment (議藥廳, Uiyakcheong) was set up and officials known as dojejo and jejo from the Institution for Preparing Medicine (內醫院, Naeuiwon) were brought in to provide additional care. The Office of Medical Treatment immediately began emergency care. Fortunately, the crown prince’s smallpox quickly receded, and on the twenty-first day of the twelfth month, the Institute for Preparing Medicine reported that his condition was stable. Following this announcement, the Office of Medical Treatment was disbanded. The officials who served the crown prince, including the medical officials working under the dojejo, specialists (師傅, sabu), attendants (賓客, bingaek), and the palace officials who were tasked with night duty all received official recognition. King Gojong was so overwhelmed with joy at the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox that he commanded the release of all criminals who were not sentenced to death. “In this instance, the reason why the smallpox of the prince (東宮, donggung) dissipated in a few days is truly due to the silent assistance of the heavens, the earth, and the ancestors. Can there be any end to my happiness or the happiness of the people? At this time, the people of this country that have been singled out for special favor cannot but feel comforted. Moreover, now, at the height of the season of freezing cold, I cannot help but feel concerned for the numerous criminals who have been confined in prison for so long a time. Those who have not been sentenced to death shall be released . . .”—Annals of King Gojong, 23rd day of 12th month of 16th year of Gojong’s rule (1879). Following this statement, on the 28th day of the month, King Gojong held a congratulatory ceremony in the palace hall known as the Injeongjeon and issued a royal proclamation, a royal decree of amnesty (大赦令, daesaryeong), and an order to upgrade the celebratory state examination (慶科, gyeonggwa) to an augmented state examination (增廣試, jeunggwangsi). The public officials listed in the inscription on the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen at the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon are the members of the office of medical treatment who were tasked with treating the crown prince’s smallpox. The following lists the names and official titles of these officials as recorded in the inscription (numbering by the author). 1. 都提調大匡輔國崇祿大夫領中樞府事臣李裕元 2. 提調輔國崇祿大夫行知中樞府事判三軍府事臣閔謙鎬 3. 副提調嘉善大夫宗正卿府事行承政院都承旨經筵參贊官春秋館修贊官藝文館直提學尙瑞院正臣李載完 4. 史官啓功郞行藝文館檢閱兼春秋館記事官臣閔泳駿 5. 史官啓功郞行藝文館檢閱兼春秋館記事官臣李容稙 6. 假注書將仕郞權知承文院副正字臣李觀會 7. 春坊通政大夫侍講院輔德臣朴定陽 8. 首醫崇祿大夫行知中樞府事臣李重植 9. 待令醫官嘉善大夫行驪州牧使兼驪州鎭兵馬僉節制使臣李章赫 10. 待令醫官通政大夫行楊州牧使兼楊州鎭兵馬僉節制使守禦廳中營將討捕使臣李兢柱 11. 待令醫官通訓大夫行抱川縣監兼楊州鎭管兵馬節制都尉臣李海昌 12. 待令醫官通訓大夫行龍仁縣兼南陽楊鎭管兵馬節制都尉臣高鑂 13. 待令醫官宣略將軍興陽監牧官臣李肯鉉 14. 別掌務官通訓大夫行內醫院正臣崔性愚 Fig. 7. Inscription from Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. Panels 9–10. 1880. Color on silk. 201.9 x 52.07 cm (each). Museum of Art at the University of Oregon Yi Yuwon (1814–1888), who is listed as a dojejo in the inscription, served as prime minister at the time of Sunjong’s birth. In his role as a dojejo in the government office in charge of childbirth (産室廳, Sansilcheong), he oversaw the birthing process. The jejo listed in the inscription, Min Gyeomho (1838–1882), was also a prominent figure in the government during the period when the Min family held considerable political sway at court. Also on the list is the bujejo and chief royal secretary at the Royal Secretariat, Yi Jaewon (1855–1922), a nephew to the powerful Heungseon Daewongun. Min Yeongjun (1852–1935), who later changed his name to Yeonghwi (泳徽), a royal scribe (檢閱, geomyeol) in the Office of Royal Decrees and relative to the queen, appears as well. Yi Yongjik (1852–1932), also a royal scribe in the Office of Royal Decrees, Yi Gwanhoe (?–?), an officer in the Bureau of Diplomatic Correspondence (假注書, gajuseo), and Pak Jeongyang (1841–1904), an official in service of the crown prince (輔德, bodeok), were all closely connected to the king at the time and are mentioned next. The other figures listed in the inscription are Yi Jungsik, the chief physician from the Office of Medical Treatment, Yi Janghyeok, Yi Gyeongju, Yi Haengchang, Go Hun, and Yi Geunghyeon, who were medical officials, and Choe Seongu, the assistant minister (掌務官, jangmugwan) at the Office of Medical Treatment. Records in the Diary of the Royal Secretariat starting on the 21st day to 26th day of the 12th month of the 16th year of Gojong’s reign (1879) relate the precise details of the gifts and promotions awarded by the king to the officials who gained merit by treating the crown prince’s illness. This allows an informed estimate of the date when the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen was produced (Table 1, a reference list of the gifts awarded to the Office of Medical Treatment following the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox). The members of the Office of Medical Treatment who gained recognition for assisting in the treatment were presented with gifts including horses, leopard skins, land, slaves, and silver money, and they were promoted in rank or official duties. In addition, Yi Yuwon, a dojejo, was given the opportunity for one of his sons, sons-in-law, brothers, or nephews to become a government official. Min Gyeomho was singled out for promotion to the first rank, Yi Jaewan was promoted to a position at the third rank, and Min Yeongjun, Yi Yongjik, and Yi Gwanhoe were all promoted to the sixth rank. Pak Jeongyang was promoted to vice minister in the Ministry of Justice. Members of the medical staff were awarded official positions by the king, such as yeojumoksa (Yi Janghyeok), yangjumoksa (Yi Geungju), siheunghyeollyeong (Yi Haechang), yonginhyeollyeong (Go Hun), and heungyanggammokgwan (Yi Geunghyeon). Yi Jungsik’s nephew was transferred to the Office in Charge of Acupuncture Treatment, and various career opportunities were made available to the son of the official Choe Seongu (Table 1). Table 1. Breakdown of the awards bestowed on members of the Office of Medical Treatment after the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox Name Royal gift Title before the royal decree Promotions in rank and official duties (by the royal decree on 12/21–26/1879) Official title as listed on the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen inscription Notes Yi Yuwon 1 royal horse (內廐馬, naeguma) and saddle, 2 leopard skins, 40 gyeol of land, 5 slaves the first rank official in the privy council One of his sons, sons-in-law, brothers, or nephews allowed to become a government official the first rank official in the privy council Min Gyeom 1 trained horse, 1 leopard skin, 30 gyeol of land, 4 slaves haengjisamgunbusa Promoted to the first rank in honor of service to the country; his son promoted to official of the second rank haengjisamgunbusa, pansamgunbusa Appointed minister in the Ministry of Rites (2/17/1880) Yi Jaewan 1 trained horse, 1 leopard skin, 30 gyeol of land, 4 slaves chief royal secretary Promotion of rank chief royal secretary Min Yeongjun 1 semi-trained horse royal scribe Promoted to a government official at the sixth rank royal scribe Appointed to a position at the sixth rank (11/29/1880) Yi Yongji 1 semi-trained horse royal scribe Promoted to a government official at the sixth rank royal scribe Yi Gwanhoe 1 semi-trained horse official in the Bureau of Diplomatic Correspondence Promoted to a government official at the sixth rank official in the Bureau of Diplomatic Correspondence Pak Jeongyan 1 trained horse official in the service of the crown prince Promoted to the third rank, dongjijungchubusa, vice minister in the Ministry of Justice official in the service of the crown prince Yi Jungsik daeryeongeoui Nephew transferred to the Office in Charge of Acupuncture Treatment chief royal doctor, haengjijungchubusa Yi Janghyeok 1 leopard skin, 1 trained horse, 50 nyang of silver money, 50 gyeol of land, 5 slaves medical official in the Office for Medical Treatment Promoted to the second rank, yeojumoksa medical official in the Office for Medical Treatment, yeojumoksa Promoted to official at the second rank (7/12/1881); appointed mayor of Sangnyeong (12/27/1881) Yi Geungju 20 gyeol of land, 2 slaves medical official in the Office for Medical Treatment Promotion of rank, yangjumoksa medical official in the Office for Medical Treatment, yangjumoksa Promoted to official at the second rank (7/12/1881); promoted to official at the second rank (12/23/1881) Yi Haechang 1 trained horse, 15 gyeol of land, 2 slaves medical assistant Promoted to official position medical official in the Office for Medical Treatment, pocheonhyeongam Appointed governor of Pocheon (4/6/1880); appointed mayor of Gapyeong (1/2/1882) Go Hun 1 trained horse, 15 gyeol of land, 2 slaves medical assistant Promoted to official position, son transferred to the Office in Charge of Acupuncture Treatment medical official in the Office for Medical Treatment, yonginhyeollyeong Appointed mayor of Goyang (12/20/1880); promoted to official of the second rank (12/23/1881) Yi Geunghyeon 1 trained horse, 15 gyeol of land, 2 slaves medical officer Promoted to officer in charge of farmland at the sixth rank medical officer in the Office for Medical Treatment, county official in the area of Heungyang Choe Seongu assistant minister in the Office of Medical Treatment Son given the temporal work of gyesa and promised to be given regular duty appointment to the military role of byeoljangmugwan Comparing the list of official titles before the decree and the promotions awarded after the decree in the Diary of the Royal Secretariat for the twelfth month of 1879 with the titles listed in the inscription from the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen, a discrepancy becomes apparent in the cases of two officials Min Gyeomho and Yi Haechang. This indicates that the commemorative screen was not completed immediately after the decree congratulating the participants, but sometime after these two officials had received their new titles. According to records in the Diary of the Royal Secretariat from the 16th to the 17th years of Gojong’s reign, Yi Haechang was appointed governor of Pocheon on the sixth day of the fourth month in 1880, and on the following day Min Gyeomho submitted a petition in his role as pansamgunbusa. At the end of the 12th month of 1879, Yi Haechang became governor of Siheung, but was reappointed governor of Pocheon around three months later. The inscription reflects both Yi Haechang’s new role as the governor of Pocheon and Min Gyeomho’s position as pansamgunbusa. Therefore, the inscription on the screen must have been recorded on or after the seventh day of the fourth month of 1880. In addition, the medical officer Go Hun, who had been awarded the position of yonginhyeollyong, received a further appointment as mayor of Goyang on the 20th day of the 12th month of 1880. Earlier that year, on the 29th day of the 11th month, Min Yeongjun was appointed to an official position at the sixth rank. Since the inscription does not reflect these changes, an upper limit for the time when the screen was produced can be set. Taking all this into account, the date when the screen was completed can be narrowed down to between the seventh day of the fourth month and the 29th day of the 11th month of 1880. In addition to the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen from the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon, examples of commemorative screens produced in honor of the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox can also be found in the collections of the Korea University Museum, the National Palace Museum of Korea, and the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 8, 9, 10). According to the inscriptions on these screens, the commemorative screen celebrating the crown prince’s recovery from illness housed at Korea University recognizes the officials tasked with night duty in the palace, including military officials Yi Hoejeong (李會正), Sin Hwan (申桓), Jeong Wanmuk (鄭完黙), Sin Jaegeom (申在儉), Jo Huiil (趙熙一), Seo Sangak (徐相岳), Hong Sunhyeong (洪淳馨), Pak Jeongyang (朴定陽), and Min Yeongik (閔泳翊) from the Palace Military Office (五衛都摠府, Owidochongbu). The commemorative screens from the National Palace Museum and the National Museum of Korea were produced to recognize the officers on patrol and on guard at the palace during the time of the crown prince’s illness, including 15 officials from the Guard Office (衛將所, Wijangso): Oh Jinyeong (吳晉泳), Baek Raksin (白樂莘), Sin Seokhoe (申奭熙), Yi Gyopil (李敎弼), Chae Gyusang (蔡奎常), Yun Hongdae (尹弘大), Yi Janggwon (李章權), Seo Gwangtae (徐光泰), Min Yeongil (閔泳一), Yi Sangdeok (李相德), Yi Seokgyu (李錫珪), Yi Gyoseong (李敎性), Yi Geonchung (李建忠), Gwon Changseop (權昌燮), and Jeong Haksun (鄭學淳). All four works were produced for the same event, but while the commemorative screens discussed above feature a painting of the ceremony held for the investiture of the crown prince (冊封儀禮, chaekbonguirye), it is peculiar that the screen in the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon collection depicts the ten symbols of longevity (Table 2 outlines the circumstances around the production of the screens commemorating the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox). In addition, while the examples from the National Palace Museum and the National Museum of Korea represent a similar subject and the composition appears almost identical, a close examination reveals small differences in the expression of various details (Table 2). Fig. 8. Commemorative Screen Produced in Honor of the Crown Prince’s Recovery from Smallpox. 1879. Ten-panel folding screen. Color on silk. 125.0 x 376.0 cm. Korea University Museum Fig. 9. Commemorative Screen Produced in Honor of the Crown Prince’s Recovery from Smallpox. 1879. Eight-panel folding screen. Color on silk. 137.2 x 56.0 cm. National Palace Museum of Korea Fig. 10. Commemorative Screen Produced in Honor of the Crown Prince’s Recovery from Smallpox. ca. 1879. Eight-panel folding screen. Material and size unidentified. National Palace Museum of Korea Table 2. Circumstances surrounding the production of the screens commemorating the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen in the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon (Fig. 1) Commemorative screen celebrating the crown prince’s recovery from illness at the Korea University Museum (Fig. 8) Commemorative screen celebrating the crown prince’s recovery from illness at the National Palace Museum (Fig. 9) Commemorative screen celebrating the crown prince’s recovery from illness at the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 10) Office of Medical Treatment (議藥廳, Uiyakcheong) Palace Military Office (五衛都摠府, Owidochongbu) Guard Office (衛將所, Wijangso) Guard Office (衛將所, Wijangso) 14 officials, including Dojejo Yi Yuwon 9 officials, including the military official Yi Hoejeong 15 officials, including O Jinyeong 15 officials, including O Jinyeong Not included Included Included Included Ten symbols of longevity Ceremony held in honor of the crown prince Ceremony held in honor of the crown prince Ceremony held in honor of the crown prince In addition, while the commemorative screens celebrating the crown prince’s recovery from illness at the Korea University Museum, National Palace Museum, and National Museum of Korea all include a preface (序文, seomun) in the inscription, the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen from the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon only includes names and titles without any preface. This indicates that in the case of the Oregon screen, the inscription of titles and names was considered more important than a preface. In this way, the inscription better highlights the individual contribution of each official, glorifying their role in bringing about an event of national importance and celebration. The fact that this screen is unique among all known paintings of the ten symbols of longevity in that it is linked to a specific historical event through this inscription allows the artistic style favored by the court at the time to be specified and establishes a standard to better understand the stylistic development of painting in that era. Including auspicious subjects such as historical figures or Daoist hermits in commemorative screens celebrating ceremonies and events was a common practice in the seventeenth century. It continued to be popular in the nineteenth century along with paintings of palace ceremonies and other commemorative screens. Examples include a commemorative screen celebrating the investiture of the crown prince (王世子冊禮稧屛, wangsejatanganggyebyeong) produced in 1800 for the Palace Military Bureau (宣傳官廳, seonjeongwancheong) and another commemorative screen celebrating the investiture of the crown prince produced for the Palace Medical Office (藥院, Yakwon) in 1812, both depicting images of Daoist hermits based on the theme of King Mu of Zhou visiting the Queen Mother of the West at Kunlun Mountain (瑤池宴, Yojiyeon). A commemorative screen painted in the 12th month of 1801 by Kim Hongdo (金弘道, 1745–1806) in honor of Sunjo’s recovery from chickenpox presents pleasant scenes of life in the countryside based upon a painting subject known as Samgongbulhwando (三公不換圖). Furthermore, letters sent to the governor of Jeungsan (甑山縣監, jeungsanhyeongam) by officials affiliated with the Office of the Secretariat, the office known as the Gyujanggak, and the Office of Decrees report that commemorative screens were produced in honor of the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox by order of the king. This material suggests that there may have been other examples of artworks related to this incident that have yet been discovered. The symbolic meaning and stylistic features of the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen Each individual panel in the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen measures 171.0 centimeters in height and 48.0 centimeters in length, and the entire screen measures 513.3 centimeters across when fully expanded. This is comparatively large for a folding screen (Fig. 1). Panels one through eight represent a typical blue-green landscape featuring deep blue and green pigments. When landscape painting was taking root in Korea, blue-green landscapes were used to represent a kind of ideal paradise or safe haven where people desired to live. Paintings of the ten symbols of longevity represented a utopian vision of a land of immortality set deep in the mountains, a place free from disease or death (長生不死, jangsaengbulsa) that could not be achieved in the human world. Although the majority of the individual symbols included in the group of ten symbols of longevity originated in China, the painting subject of combining these particular ten symbols seems to have developed during the Goryeo period in Korea. Compared to the types of subject matter preferred in China, such as paintings of Daoist immortals and fables featuring Shoulao, the deity of longevity (壽老人, suroin), the eight immortals (八仙, palseon), the Queen Mother of the West (西王母, Seowangmo), or King Mu of Zhou visiting the Queen Mother of the West on Kunlun Mountain (瑤池宴, Yojiyeon), Korean paintings of the ten symbols of longevity reflect a high degree of iconographic development. The image of the paradise (樂園, nagwon) or land of the immortals (仙界, seongye) presented in paintings of the ten symbols of longevity is specifically associated with the so-called three sacred mountains (三神山). In fact, these three sacred mountains, Mts. Penglai (蓬萊, Bongnae), Fangzhang (方丈, Bangjang) and Yingzhou (瀛州, Yeongju), collectively refer to the Daoist paradise. According to Shiji (史記, Sagi) and Fengshanshu (封禪書, Bongseonseo), the three sacred mountains were located beneath the water in a sea known as Bohai (渤海, Balhae). From the distance it was said to appear like a cloud, and all the objects and animals that inhabited the land were white. In a screen of ten symbols of longevity (Fig. 11) in the National Museum of Korea that seems to be missing panels four and six, the left half of the painting portrays ocean waves reaching all the way to the sky. This representation corresponds to the legendary description of a land located in the middle of the sea beneath the water. Fig. 11. Ten Symbols of Longevity. Late Joseon period. Color on silk. 133.03 x 53.0 cm (each). National Museum of Korea The late Goryeo poet Yi Saek (李穡, 1328–1396) wrote a poem entitled “Ten Symbols of Longevity of the New Year” (歲畵十長生 “Sehwasipjangsaeng”) and describes Mt. Penglai in a second poem called “On the Sea” (海上 “Haesang”). He says, “(I am) Close to Mt. Penglai on the sea, approximately when can I ride a crane and wander there. White clouds rise up, partially filling the sky, and the deep blue waves seem to touch the heavens.” In this poem, we find other symbols associated with the three sacred mountains, such as a covering of clouds, the presence of white cranes (白鶴, baekhak), and white deer (白鹿, baekrok). The Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen in the National Museum of Korea also follows the archetypal representation of the three sacred mountains laid out in the literature, emphasizing the description of the rolling waves and representing exclusively white-colored cranes and white deer. In the ten-panel folding screen Ten Symbols of Longevity (Fig. 12) in the National Palace Museum, deep blue and deep green pigments are especially pronounced. In addition, the area of the painting given over to water has been significantly diminished, and the violent ocean waves have disappeared. The fact that the angry waves have been replaced by an image of mountain rivers and streams seems to indicate that the concept of the three sacred mountains as islands surrounded by water (海島, haedo) was gradually transformed into a vision of deep valleys and mountains (深山幽谷, simsanyugok). In addition, following the flow of the river upstream shows how the artist utilizes a perspective effect to give the impression that the river extends all the way to the distant mountains. This particular approach to representing space reflects the European painting styles that entered Korea in the late Joseon period. It is also worth noting that this later painting includes blue and yellow cranes alongside white types, and there are no white deer. Two plants laden with peaches of longevity appear at both ends of the screen, lending a certain balance to the composition (Table 3). Fig. 12. Ten Symbols of Longevity. Late Joseon period. Color on silk. 152.5 × 34.3 cm (each). National Palace Museum of Korea Table 3. Characteristics of the different types of paintings of the ten symbols of longevity Characteristics Type 1 Type 2 Type 3 Representative Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen from the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 11) Ten Symbols of Longevity, a ten-fold screen from the National Palace Museum of Korea (Fig. 12) Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen from the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon (Fig. 1) Composition and distribution of space ① Striking representation of violent sea waves ② No use of European-style perspective ③ Islands surrounded by water (海島, haedo) ① No representation of sea waves ② European-style perspective used to depict a mountain stream ③ Deep valleys and mountains (深山幽谷, simsanyugok ① No representation of sea waves ② Contracted or modified composition ③ Deep valleys and mountains (深山幽谷, simsanyugok) Iconography ① Medicinal plants represented by the peaches of immortality ② Only white cranes ③ White deer ① Peaches of immortality emphasized ② White, blue, and yellow cranes ③ No white deer (Some examples do include white deer.) ① No representation of the peaches of immortality (Some examples do include the peaches of immortality.) ② Decrease in the number of pine trees ③ White, blue, and yellow cranes Summary of characteristic features The antique style (古式, gosik) of representing the three sacred mountains in their archetypal form Typical representation of the ten symbols of longevity The composition is contracted or modified Although it is difficult to ascertain precisely when the extant paintings of the ten symbols of longevity executed in the blue-green landscape style were produced, it is possible to divide them into three distinct types according to certain characteristic features (Table 3. Characteristics of the different types of paintings of the ten symbols of longevity). According to the table above, type one represents the old style (古式, gosik), type two indicates the most common style (典型樣式, jeonhyeongyangsik), and type three refers to a modified style (變形樣式, byeonhyeongyangsik). Based on this analysis, the paintings of the ten symbols of longevity from the National Museum of Korea and the National Palace Museum reflect the most salient features of type one and type two, respectively. Compared to these two categories, the third type features a significant reduction in the amount of surface space in the painting, a modified composition and a reduction in the number of pine trees and of various animals, including cranes and deer. Examples of this type include a six-panel folding screen, Ten Symbols of Longevity (Fig. 13) in the Seongshin Woman’s University Museum collection, a second Ten Symbols of Longevity painting (Fig. 14) on a closet door in Changdeokgung Palace, and the Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen (Fig. 1) in the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon. It seems likely that the compositions in these third-type paintings were scaled back in order to accommodate additional panel inscriptions, to better fit within the constraints of palace furnishings, or else to conform to a different style of mounting. Several examples of further transformation are apparent in this third type of screen. However, if we disregard the differences in the layout and arrangement of the composition, such as the reduced number of pine trees and the occasional absence of symbols such as peaches of longevity, generally speaking, the coloring and brushwork exhibited in this third type of screen is not particularly different from that of type two. Therefore, when dating these different types, we can assume that type one represents an earlier style, but it is not clear how to determine the chronological positions of types two and three. What is certain is that Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen in the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon with its verified production date represents a style of painting that was common at the time of its creation in the year 1880. Fig. 13. Ten Symbols of Longevity. Late Joseon period. Six-panel screen. Color on paper. 150.0 × 352.0 cm. Seongshin Women’s University Museum Fig. 14. Ten Symbols of Longevity. Late Joseon period. Color on silk. Mounted on doors. 147.0 × 58.4 cm (each). National Palace Museum of Korea Starting with the first panel of Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen from the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon, red mushrooms of immortality and bamboo are depicted within a setting of rocks perforated with holes in the style of the famous stones from Taihu in China (Fig. 15, 16). The protruding portions of the rock are colored in a greenish-blue pigment and the receding portions are painted a darker navy, indicating how the artist used color to provide perspective. One of the pair of yellow cranes perched on a high rock is shown nibbling at the red mushroom symbolizing immortality. Small dots of moss (苔點, taejeom) give texture to the surface of the rocks, and the curves of the stones are outlined using a technique characterized by short brushstrokes and dots (短線點皴, danseonjeomjun). Usually blue-green landscape paintings do not adhere to specific brushstroke techniques, so it is notable that the depiction of stones and geographical features in this painting follow a particular method (Fig. 15). The bright red sun, depicted as a perfect circle, appears to dye the surrounding sky red, and even the clouds are tinged a subtle shade of pink. The circumference of the sun is emphasized with a line of gold pigment, and the wavy outline of the clouds is exaggerated by adding an additional white borderline within the primary outline of black ink (Fig. 17). Beneath the sun, a blue crane spreads its wings as it soars through the sky, and on the left side a fantastic group of yellow and white cranes is depicted against a background of clouds (Fig. 18). The form of the shells of the tortoises, which are emitting a peculiar vapor while swimming in the stream, is established in black ink while the surrounding foamy bubbles are painted in white. Directly above the tortoises, the slope of the riverbank is also represented using the defined brushstroke technique of short lines and dots. However, it also includes three-dimensional modeling using light and shade (Fig. 19). In the case of the deer, their horns and the spots on their backs are painted in white along with the stomach and chest areas, and a fine brush was used to depict the animals’ dense fur (Fig. 20). Fig. 15. Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. Panels 1–3. 1880. Color on silk. 201.9 x 53.1 cm (each). Museum of Art at the University of Oregon Fig. 16. Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. Panel 1. 1880. Detail of rock. Color on silk Fig. 17. Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. Panel 3. 1880. Detail of sun. Color on silk. 201.9 x 53.1 cm. Museum of Art at the University of Oregon Fig. 18. Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. Panel 3. 1880. Detail of sun. Color on silk. 201.9 x 53.1 cm. Museum of Art at the University of Oregon Fig. 19. Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. Panel 3. 1880. Detail of tortoise. Color on silk. 201.9 x 53.1 cm. Museum of Art at the University of Oregon Fig. 20. Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. Panel 3. 1880. Detail of deer. Color on silk. 201.9 x 53.1 cm. Museum of Art at the University of Oregon Examining panels four through eight of the folding screen, two large pine trees growing out of a triangular rock dominate the painting surface. The branches of these pine trees, one leaning to the left, the other twisting to the right, form a canopy above a group of deer and provide a perch for birds. Two blue cranes appear on the left side and two yellow cranes roost between the two trees. On panels five and seven, a strong contrast between the lines of blue and white pigment indicates the rapid flow of water in two separate waterfalls. At the bottom of panel seven, the artist has used light and dark shading to depict the gradations in the topography of the land in a relatively naturalistic manner. Fig. 21. Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen. Panels 4–8. 1880. Color on silk. 201.9 x 53.1 (each). Museum of Art at the University of Oregon Adding up all of the animals depicted in the painting, there are four tortoises, eight deer, and twelve cranes. More specifically, three stags and three does along with two fawns make up a total of four pairs as well as one pair of white cranes, two pairs of blue cranes and three pairs of yellow cranes. This numerical balance of multiples and even numbers ultimately alludes to the mythical land of immortals characterized by universal harmony and transcendence of the everyday world in a place without illness or death. Taking all of this into account, the symbolic region depicted in this Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen more closely corresponds to the notion of deep mountains and valleys rather than an island in the sea. In addition, other features such as the way in which the composition is condensed relative to earlier paintings, the use of specific brush techniques, and the sense of perspective and space all reflect typical representations of the ten symbols of longevity in painting. With regard to the brush techniques in particular, the individual dots of moss, use of color to indicate perspective in the curves of the rocks, and the shading and short brushstrokes and dots used to model the rocks and land forms are especially noteworthy. Seldom found in traditional blue-green landscape paintings, these brush methods and shading techniques are especially prominent in this folding screen. Conclusion In order to fully analyze Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen housed at the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon, this paper has examined the circumstances of the screen’s arrival in the United States, the event of the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox in 1879, the context surrounding the production of the commemorative screen, and the symbolic and stylistic features of paintings of the ten symbols of longevity. In 1924, a trading company in Seoul sold this Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen to the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon, where it became one of the first Korean artworks in the Murray Warner collection. The painting was produced as a commemorative screen to honor the members of the medical treatment office who cared for Crown Prince Sunjong while he was suffering from smallpox in the 12th month of 1879 and then participated in celebratory events following his recovery. A comparison of the titles held by the participants listed on the inscription with records from the Diary of the royal secretariat reveals certain disparities in the promotions awarded to the participants. By examining the specific dates when these promotions were granted, it was confirmed that the screen was produced in the year 1880. Besides this artwork, other commemorative screens honoring leading officials in the Palace Military Office and Guard Office were also produced to commemorate the crown prince’s recovery. However, while these folding screens all depict the event of the crown prince’s inauguration, the screen produced for the members of the Medical Treatment Office illustrates the subject of the ten symbols of longevity. This represents the first and only known example of the ten symbols of longevity subject being adopted for a commemorative screen. In addition, while other commemorative screens include a preface recording a particular ritual event, it is peculiar that this screen includes no preface at all. This indicates that the participants recorded on the screen considered the inscription of their names and titles to be more important than a preface. This Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen represents a landscape that is closer to the subject matter of simsanyugok (“deep mountains and valleys”) than to haedo (“islands surrounded by water”). In terms of style, the number of pine trees represented is reduced to two, and the overall composition is contracted in comparison to typical examples of such paintings. It seems that the court painters who executed this painting intentionally reduced the number of panels and compressed the composition in order to attach the inscription when the work was completed. However, the predominance of blue and green pigment and the depiction of green, yellow, and white cranes, as well as the representation of perspective and space, do not reflect major deviations from typical paintings of the ten symbols of longevity from that time period. Some of the most exceptional features of this work include the use of specific brush techniques such as dots of moss, the use of color to depict depth in the recesses of the rocks, the use of short lines and dots to form the rocks and the topography of the land, and the use of shading. In particular, the application of specific brush techniques and shading effects differentiate this work from other more traditional blue-green landscape paintings. The most difficult aspect of research on court paintings such as this Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen is that supporting documents are hardly ever attached to the painting itself and scant information is available in the historical records. In order to estimate an approximate date for an artwork, stylistic analysis must be conducted and objects classified according to different periods. However this can often prove challenging and a certain degree of uncertainty will always remain. For this reason, the precise dating of this Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen at the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon represents a key standard by which other such paintings can more accurately be classified and dated. If paintings of this type that have long been only vaguely dated to the late Joseon period or the second half of the Joseon period are found to share stylistic features in common with this Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen, they can be more accurately dated to around the year 1880 when the screen was produced. In other words, they can be more closely linked to a specific fixed date rather than loosely referred to as a product of the late Joseon period. In the present day, this Korean Ten Symbols of Longevity Screen at the Museum of Art at the University of Oregon not only provides valuable literary and visual evidence of the event of the crown prince’s recovery from smallpox in the palace, but it has major significance as a standard by which research on court painting can be advanced by improving the ability to date paintings through comparative stylistic analysis. In the future, I hope that we will be able to discover more examples like this screen that can help us to more accurately date artworks.

Desire for an Empire: The Painted Folding Screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches at the Honolulu Museum of Art

Kim Soojin(Havard-Yenching Institute)

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Citation

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2018.v12_04

In 2006, a folding screen known as Sea, Cranes, and Peaches (海鶴蟠桃圖, Haehakbandodo) from the collection of the Honolulu Museum of Art (hereinafter, HMA) was brought back to Korea (Fig. 1). The screen first came to the attention of a Korean audience when it was included as part of a 2005 initiative by the Cultural Heritage Administration and the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage to support the preservation and treatment of Korean cultural properties in collections outside of Korea. Following thirteen months of conservation treatment at the Gochang Conservation Institute of Cultural Properties, the screen was exhibited at the National Museum of Korea in 2007 before its return to Hawaii. Fig. 1. Sea, Cranes, and Peaches. 1902. Folding screen. Color and gold on silk. 270 × 700 cm. Honolulu Museum of Art The bold application of gold leaf through the entire background of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches and the fluid composition extending across a full twelve panels overwhelm the viewer. In general terms, the composition is comprised of ten large cranes alongside peaches of longevity set against a background of auspicious clouds depicted in blue and green pigment and gold leaf. It is composed so as to lead the viewer’s eye across the screen from right to left. In the first panel, a tree laden with peaches grows out from the side of an overhanging rock, extending horizontally towards the middle of the screen. Under the branches of this tree are pictured seven cranes leisurely moving about on a shore. The central axis of the composition is marked by an ornamental rock and peach tree in the center of the screen, with a single crane caught in the action of landing on the rock. The climax is presented on the left side of the screen with a dynamic representation of two cranes soaring through a sunrise in the background. In its present state, the painting is split into a pair of separate six-panel screens. This was done at the request of the HMA due to the difficulties in storing a work extending over seven meters in length. When it was brought to Korea in August of 2006, the two elements were still connected as a single piece comprised of twelve panels. Since the majority of folding screens from the Joseon (1392–1897) period are made up of either eight or ten panels, the large twelve-panel format applied in this work causes it to stand out as an exceptional piece. In addition, the dimensions of the individual panels (1 and 12: 227.7×54.1 centimeters; 2–11: 227.7×59.3 centimeters) are much larger than typical screens from the period. If we include the metal ornamental supports, the height of the screen approaches 270 centimeters. This work borrows symbols such as cranes, the sea, the sun, rocks, clouds, and fungi from the typical subject matter associated with “paintings of the ten longevity symbols” (十長生圖, sipjangsaengdo). However, since the motifs of cranes and peaches of longevity are particularly emphasized, it is most appropriately referred to as a “painting of sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity” (abbreviated to Sea, Cranes, and Peaches). After the eighteenth century, when this subject matter of sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity became popular in paintings, references in literature reveal motifs of “peaches of longevity and flying cranes” (蟠桃飛鶴, bandobihak).1 Although, the term “painting of the sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity” does not actually appear in the literature, the description “sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity” is used in contemporary scholarship to categorize a work that is based upon the subject matter of the ten symbols of longevity but highlights the symbols of the crane and the peach. There is a sizeable number of folding screens produced during the Joseon dynasty related to the theme of the ten longevity symbols. Such screens were used by a wide range of different social classes, from the royal family to commoners. In terms of its subject matter, the folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches from the HMA is not particularly remarkable. However, there are no extant folding screens from the Joseon period that can compare to its enormous scale and the way in which the gold leaf is applied to the panels. In these respects, the HMA screen is truly exceptional. Consequently, this paper explores a number of questions raised by this unique piece by analyzing how integral elements such as the materials, iconography, style, and mounting function within a coherent manner. In this way, an understanding of the circumstances surrounding the production of this folding screen will be attempted, and what this tells us about the history of this work will be explored. The production of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches and its historical context The basic iconography and form of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches follows the tradition of painted screens depicting the ten longevity symbols from the late Joseon period. As the definitive set of auspicious symbols in the cultural region spanning Korea, China, and Japan, the ten longevity symbols provided a popular decorative motif for art and for functional craft objects. In the particular case of Korea, this tradition was strongly informed by the preferences of the royal court, and folding screen paintings of the ten longevity symbols were displayed at royal banquets in the palace starting around the seventeenth century.2 With this in mind, when was the folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches produced, and who was the intended recipient? Also, what was the reason underlying its creation? A clue for answering these questions can be found in a record on the painting that was discovered during the conservation process. This record, uncovered while the painting was being cleaned, was written in regular script on the first panel of the screen using gold pigment in the area of the overhanging rock (Fig. 2). Although it provides no information regarding the artist or patron, the words gunseon gongsu imin haje (羣僊拱壽壬寅夏題) indicate that the gathering of cranes, symbolizing a gathering of Taoist immortals (羣僊, gunseon), was intended to express a desire for the long life of someone in a high position of power and that it was presented to the recipient in the summer of the Imin year.3 This wish for the recipient of the screen to live as long as a Taoist immortal is embodied by the symbol of the peach of immortality that bestows a thousand years of life to the person who eats it, as well as the cranes that the immortals use to ride through the skies. Beyond this record, the discovery that the material of the gold leaf in the background of the panels was in fact solid gold free from any impurities further hints at the social class among which this work was to be displayed.4 The fact that there are no similar examples in Joseon painting in which the entire background is covered in gold leaf also points to the exceptional character of this screen. Considering this, it can be assumed that the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches screen was designed for use at the royal court and was intended to stand out as a truly unique work of art. Fig. 2. Inscription from Sea, Cranes, and Peaches (Fig. 1) The use of dark blue and dark green pigment along with the gold leaf in the background of the screen is a key stylistic element that points to a later date for the production of this work. However, a more traditional style was also used in the portrayal of the waves beneath the rock. Beneath the rock to the right of the screen, overlapping fields of light and dark emphasize its volume, while small ink dots decorate the surface. This type of depiction often appears in traditional court paintings, such as the panel The Return Procession to the Capital Hanyang from the screen Royal Visit to the City of Hwaseong produced in 1795 (Table 1). This indicates that the style of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches is not unrelated to the painting style of earlier court productions. In actuality, a stylistic analysis of this intermingling of old and new representational modes does little to narrow down the time period during which this screen could have been produced. However, it could be possible to identify a special event that took place in the royal court in the summer of an Imin year. If the screen was produced in order to express a desire for the longevity of a member of the royal family, who was the intended recipient? Since the stylistic elements of this work are inconsistent with paintings produced prior to the eighteenth century, it becomes possible to narrow down the Imin year in which the painting was commissioned to one of the following four iterations of this year in the sexagenary cycle. Each of these years falls within the time period during which women, including Queen Jeongsun (1745–1805), Lady Haegyeong (1735–1815), Queen Sunweon (1789–1857), and Queen Sinjeong (1808–1890), dominated the government as senior representatives of the royal family. That being said, none of these Imin years corresponds with any known special event related to these powerful women, such as an important fortieth, sixtieth, seventieth, or eightieth birthday. In the case of the kings, however, it seems noteworthy that an Imin year does correspond to a significant birthday event. Table 1. Comparison of the depiction of ornamental rocks In the chart above (Table 2), King Gyeongjong, King Jeongjo, and King Heonjong were all in either their teens or thirties in the respective Imin years. However, in the Imin year corresponding to 1902, King Gojong turned fifty-one, an age that indicated he was approaching sixty (望六旬, mangyuksun) and qualified him to enter the prestigious society known as the Office of Elders (耆老所, Giroso). Only four of the Joseon kings were admitted into the Office of Elders: Taejo (1335–1408, r. 1392–1398), Sukjong (1661–1720, r. 1674–1720), Yeongjo (1694–1776, r. 1724–1776), and Gojong. In addition, since King Gojong assumed the throne at twelve years of age, 1902 also marked the fortieth year of his reign. Gojong’s term as king was as eventful as it was long, spanning the major transformations of the nineteenth century in which Joseon was forced to come to terms with the new climate in the international order. In 1895, Gojong was required to take refuge at the Russian legation following the Japanese assassination of Queen Myeongseong (1851–1895). When he was able to return to the palace, he transformed the country from Joseon to the Korean Empire (1897–1910), thereby elevating his own status to Emperor. After this proclamation, he continued to work to raise the standing of the country, resulting in a brief period of relative security between 1901 and 1902. Therefore, the year 1902 also had particular import for Gojong’s political career. Within this context, extensive festivities were planned for 1902 to mark Gojong’s entrance into the Office of Elders and the fortieth anniversary of his ascension to the throne.5 Above all, it should be noted that Gojong proclaimed a national holiday known as “Hwangsuseongjeol” (皇壽聖節) on his birthday on the twenty-fifth day of the seventh month according to the lunar calendar. On the twenty-eighth of August 1902 (the twenty-fifth day of the seventh month according to the lunar calendar), Crown Prince Sunjong (純宗, 1874–1926, r. 1907–1926) administered a grand royal banquet in honor of Hwangsuseongjeol. Members of the foreign press were invited and the imperial family used it as an opportunity to promote the image of a healthy empire among the international community. This historical background suggests one possible way in which to better understand the production of the large folding screen and the reason for such elaborate decoration in pure gold. Table 2. List of dates for an Imin year after the turn of the Eighteenth century Imin year King Reign dates Birth and death dates King’s age at the time 1722 Gyeongjong 1720–1724 1688–1724 35 1782 Jeongjo 1776–1800 1752–1800 31 1842 Heonjong 1827–1849 1834–1849 17 1902 Gojong 1863–1907 1852–1919 51 No royal records from the Gojong period refer directly to the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches screen from the HMA. However, certain records do confirm that so-called gyebyeong (禊屛, commemorative screens) depicting the sea, cranes, and peaches theme were produced in 1877 and 1879 for Gojong and Sunjong, respectively.6 It may be possible to consider the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches painting from the HMA as part of this category of commemorative screens referring to folding screens produced to celebrate royal events. There is a record confirming that a painting of sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity was produced together with a copy of King Taejo’s portrait and copies of seven other ancestral portraits in 1901. According to Yeongjeong mosa dogam uigwe (影幀摸寫都監儀軌, Uigwe for Painting the Royal Portrait), this Sea, Cranes, and Peaches was comprised of two folding screens of four panels each and “five pun of gold” (泥金五分) was used in its production.7 Since one pun (分) here refers to 0.375 grams, the amount of gold cited in this record does not even approach the quantity of pure gold applied to the folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches at the HMA.8 The record is significant because it confirms that the 1901–1902 folding screens associated with the sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity imagery were commissioned to celebrate a royal event. It is particularly interesting that the successive projects to reproduce ancestral portraits undertaken in 1901 and paint royal portraits of Emperor Gojong and Prince Sunjong in 1902 coincided with the production of imagery related to the sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity. It is highly likely that the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches folding screen from 1902 would have far surpassed the scale of the preceding examples from 1877, 1879, and 1901. Sea, Cranes, and Peaches and the tradition of court painting in the Joseon period There was a long tradition at the Joseon court of using folding screens depicting the ten symbols of longevity at royal banquets. However, relative to the large number of extant works that have been passed down, little research on paintings of the ten longevity symbols has been performed. This could be due to the fact that there are almost no records referring to these paintings despite their having been produced by talented court painters. Given this gap, it is difficult to determine the painters who worked on paintings of the ten longevity symbols and analyze the development of the subject matter and painting style over time. Among the surviving paintings associated with the theme of the ten longevity symbols, there are approximately ten examples of the sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity theme that emphasize the crane and peach symbols. The majority of these paintings, including those preserved in the Ewha Womans University Museum, the Asian Art Museum in San Francisco, the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art, and in various private collections, follow an eight- to ten-panel format. Among them, two types best exemplify the style of painting practiced at the royal court. One particularly interesting example of this subject is a ten-panel folding screen (Fig. 3) from the Ewha Womans University Museum collection. This work features a level of skill that differentiates it from many of the other paintings of the sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity. The vibrant color of the pigment and the composition and depiction of the iconography all reflect the expert brushwork of a master court painter at the peak of his powers. In addition, the method of mounting the folding screen and the materials used in the mounting provide further evidence that it was produced at the royal court.9 The depiction of the clouds, cranes, and sun that fills the entire surface of the painting reflects common elements often found in court productions of paintings of the ten longevity symbols. In particular, the depiction of the peaches and cranes spread across the entire surface against a background of clouds is reminiscent of the arrangement in the painting from the HMA. The second category of artworks includes three eight-panel folding screens depicting the sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity theme found in the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco and in private collections. This group of artworks deserves special attention because the three paintings were based on a shared preparatory sketch (Figs. 4–6). There are minor differences in the details, but the overall layouts of the three paintings are precisely identical. On the right-hand side of the composition, a peach tree stands in the foreground with a waterfall and distant mountain in the background. On the left side, a gathering of cranes is perched on a rock opposite a bright red sun emerging above the clouds. If these screens are compared with the example from the HMA, many similarities in the overall composition can be found, but the HMA work stands out in that it focuses exclusively on the symbols of cranes and peaches. It was a common practice at the palace to produce multiple folding screens using a single preparatory sketch. This practice was especially prevalent when painting subjects with complex iconography, such as depictions of Guo Fenyang’s family celebration, the banquet of the Queen Mother of the West at the Turquoise Pond, and the ten longevity symbols.10 However, evidence of a common preparatory sketch is not a reliable standard for determining whether or not an artwork is a court production. In particular, considering that the example from the Asian Art Museum in San Francisco uses common materials such as hemp and low-quality pigments, it appears doubtful that it was a court production (Fig. 6). However, these examples do help to confirm that the subject matter and iconography represented in the painting from the HMA emerged out of the Joseon court art tradition. Fig. 3. Sea, Cranes, and Peaches. Folding screen. Color and gold on silk. 166 × 416 cm. Ewha Womans University Museum Fig. 4. Sea, Cranes, and Peaches. Folding screen. Color and gold on silk. 140 × 384 cm. Private Collection in Korea Fig. 5. Sea, Cranes, and Peaches. Folding screen. Color and gold on silk. 120 × 325 cm. Private Collection in Korea Fig. 6. Ten Symbols of Longevity. Folding screen. Ink and colors on linenhemp. 153 × 412.75 cm. Asian Art Museum of San Francisco The question remains, however, of the ostentatious volume of gold displayed on Sea, Cranes, and Peaches at the HMA. Why would the royal court, which had always emphasized frugality and restraint, turn to a painting covered in pure gold? In fact, the majority of written records from the Joseon period mentioning gold folding screens refer to screens imported from Japan. Starting in the early Joseon dynasty, foreign envoys regularly brought Japanese folding screens into the country. From the seventeenth century onward, each time Japanese envoys participated in a diplomatic exchange with Joseon they presented between ten and twenty gold folding screens to the 051 royal court. In total, it is estimated that at least three hundred Japanese screens were brought into the country during the Joseon period.11 In the Annals of the Joseon dynasty, these screens are variously recorded as dogeumbyeongpung (塗金屛風, gilded folding screens), geumjangbyeongpung (金裝屛風, folding screens with gold decoration), janggeumbyeongpung (裝金屛風, folding screens decorated in gold), geumjangsikbyeongpung (金粧飾屛風, folding screens decorated with gold ornamentation), and cheopgeumbyeongpung (貼金屛風, folding screen decorated with gold dust).12 Seo Yugu (1764–1845) provides the following description: “If you open a webyeonggeumhwa (倭屛金畵, Japanese screen with the gold painting) in your bedroom, it sparkles in the morning sun.”13 Fig. 7. Sea, Cranes, and Peaches. Panel screen. Color and gold on silk. 220 × 730 cm. Dayton Art Institute There is also evidence that the imperial family used Japanese gold folding screens during the Korean Empire. In a photograph of King Gojong’s reception hall, a pair of gold screens was placed behind the Western-style furniture in the foreground (Fig. 9). This folding screen couplet featuring paintings of Hibiscus and Wild Geese (芙蓉雁圖, Buyongando) was presented to the royal court during the reception of the Japanese envoy in 1748 and is still held in the Changdeokgung Palace collection (Fig. 10). Each of the pairs is comprised of six panels covered entirely in gold leaf in the style of Japanese gold-decorated folding screens. Interestingly, a royal inscription (御製, eoje) documents King Yeongjo’s inspection of the screens in 1751. Of course, the photograph does not prove that the folding screen was in continuous use since Yeongjo’s reign. However, it can be established that the ornamental aesthetic on display in the Japanese gold folding screens was permissible at the Joseon royal court during Gojong’s reign. In addition, records indicate that Sunjong bestowed a gold folding screen to the Inspector General of Korea, Yamagata Isaburō (山縣伊三郞, 1857–1927), in 1916 and that Count Ōtani Kōei (大谷光瑩, 1852–1923) presented a gold folding screen to Sunjong in 1917.14 It is impossible to determine whether it was Joseon court painters who produced the gold screen that Sunjong received from the Japanese politician. However, it is clear that by the early twentieth century at the latest, Japanese and Japanese-style gold folding screens had assumed an important function in the gift-giving culture at the Joseon royal court. Fig. 8. Sea and Peaches. Folding screens. Color on silk. 315 × 257 cm (each). National Palace Museum of Korea Fig. 9. Photograph of King Gojong’s Reception Hall Fig. 10. Hibiscus and Wild Geese by Kanō Yasunobu. Folding screens. Color and gold on silk. 164.4 × 368 cm (each). National Palace Museum of Korea However, an additional folding screen on the same subject matter, also known as Sea, Cranes, and Peaches (Fig. 7), was discovered by the author at the Dayton Art Institute in Ohio, USA.15 This piece arrived in the US in the 1930s at the latest and was donated to the current collection in 1941. In the 1950s, following noted art historian Sherman Lee’s misappraisal of the painting as “not important as painting —very handsome — not many around. Chinese painting, remounted by Japanese, 16th-17th century.” it was categorized as of Chinese provenance. The folding screen was then all but forgotten until a research team from the University of Tokyo recently brought it to public attention. Interestingly, like the HMA example, the Dayton painting also features a background almost entirely comprised of gold leaf and is a large-scale screen extending over seven meters in width. Just as the HMA screen includes elements that are not traditional Joseon symbols, such as tiger lilies and dandelions, the Dayton painting features unusual iconography including roses, tiger lilies, and daffodils. In addition, the composition of a central decorative rock in the center with a cliff on the left and sun on the right presents a reverse of the arrangement in the 053 HMA screen. The sizes of the individual squares of gold leaf in the two paintings are also almost exactly the same at around five centimeters in length and width. At present, it is not known how the Dayton work came into the possession of its donor, Marvin Breckinridge.16 However, it seems possible that it was produced at the Joseon court during the same period as the HMA screen. A record mentions that a gold folding screen that was gifted to the abdicated Emperor Gojong was produced in 1908 by the government office in charge of the king’s belongings, known as the Seungnyeongbu (承寧府).17 This suggests that the Joseon royal court indeed possessed the technical capability to produce a Japanese-style gold folding screen in the early 20th century. At that time, folding screens covered in gold leaf that departed radically from Joseon artistic traditions were being produced and used in the royal court. Disagreement over the national origin of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches in the HMA collection The reason why the HMA’s Sea, Cranes, and Peaches folding screen garnered so much attention from researchers following its reappearance is due to the intense visual aura exuded by the artwork. The overwhelming impression produced by the glistening gold screen struck many observers as unusual and sparked heated debate over its national origins. However, Song Jeongju, who oversaw the conservation of the screen, identified that the mounting for the artwork clearly followed Korean conventions. Other researchers who inspected the painting’s style and iconography likewise determined that it was produced in Korea. Notably, Song pointed out that there are no precedents among Chinese and Japanese screens for the uniquely Korean manners in which the paper and cotton material are connected to the frame and for the unusual twelve-panel format. The way in which the frame of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches is supported by brackets at even one-foot spacings differs from Japanese folding screen frames, which do not usually conform to a uniform scheme (Fig. 11). In the case of China, there are no known examples of folding screens in which the entire surface is covered in gold leaf. While the use of gold leaf is common in Japanese folding screens, these works are mainly formatted as distinct pairs of six-panel screens and do not exceed two meters in height. Fig. 11. Frame of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches (Fig. 1) (Detail of mounting) During the Korean Empire, on the other hand, it was not uncommon for painters to experiment with a variety of mounting styles with different national origins. In fact, there are examples of Korean-style mountings among paintings by Japanese artists held in the collection of the National Palace Museum of Korea. This indicates that either these Japanese painters produced artworks after arriving in Korea or else artworks brought from Japan were subsequently mounted on the Korean mainland. During this period, certain Japanese painters were invited to reside in Korea and produce artworks for royal use. Around 1915, Ōhashi Bi-shū (大橋美州, ?–?) was summoned to the Joseon royal court, where he produced the two-fold screen painting Pine Tree and Crane currently held in the Changdeokgung Palace collection (Fig. 12).18 Since this work also features gold leaf, it exudes the same kind of “golden aesthetic” found in the folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches. Additionally, another folding screen, Peaches and Two Cranes (Fig. 13) by Mashizu Shunnan (益頭峻南, 1851–1916), was presented to the royal court. Having contributed bird-and-flower paintings to the second and third iterations of the Japanese Ministry of Education Art Exhibition (日本文部省美術展覽會, Nihon Monbushō Bijutsu Tenrankai) in 1908 and 1909, Mashizu Shunnan was fully adept at bird-and-flower painting in the Japanese academic style. While Peaches and Two Cranes depicts the same topic as Sea, Cranes, and Peaches, Mashizu Shunnan’s brushstrokes are clearly divergent from Joseon conventions. Traditionally, Joseon painters differentiated between the colors depicting waves and those for the froth on top of the waves. They also applied a distinct border around the outline of the sun. In contrast, Shunnan represents the sun using the boneless method and does not apply additional colors within the presentation of the waves. One point of interest concerns the inscription and the seals that appear on Peaches and Two Cranes. The painting includes an inscription that ends in the term gyeongsa (敬寫) along with two seals in red and white characters, respectively. During the period of the Korean Empire, it was the practice to inscribe the term gyeongsa on paintings that were gifted to the court for royal use. This suggests that the Japanese painter inscribed the painting according to Joseon standards before presenting it to the royal family. Fig. 12. Pine Tree and Crane by Ōhashi Bi-shū. Folding screen. Color on silk. 142.5 × 52 cm (each). National Palace Museum of Korea Fig. 13. Peaches and Two Cranes by Mashizu Shunan. Folding screens. Color on silk. 142.5 × 52 cm (each). National Palace Museum of Korea A photograph of Sunjong in front of the Japanese-style folding screen Pine Tree and Crane (Fig. 14) instead of a traditional painting of the sun, moon, and five peaks has also drawn scholarly attention.19 It is impossible to confirm either the date of the photograph or the identity of the painter of this Pine Tree and Crane. However, many similarities can be found between the pine tree and crane depicted in the screen and the artworks that have already been discussed in terms of both subject matter and stylistic features. In particular, the crane from the right-hand panel is almost identical to the iconography found in Taki Katei’s (瀧和亭, 1830–1901) Pine Tree, Peaches, and Japanese Cranes (Fig. 15) that appeared at an exhibition at Deoksugung Palace in 1935. Although there is no evidence directly linking Pine Tree and Crane from the photograph with Taki Katei, at the very least this comparison reflects the way in which the national aesthetic developed by Japanese painters entered into the Joseon royal court (Buckland 2013). If we take into account the fact that Taki Katei’s Pine Tree, Peaches, and Japanese Cranes was once part of the Japanese imperial collection, we can assume that the iconography of the sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity was also popular at the Japanese court.20 These observations indicate that even though Sea, Cranes, and Peaches from the Honolulu Museum of Art is mounted in the Korean style and the motifs of sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity were favorites of the Joseon court, these features alone are insufficient to guarantee the national origin of the artwork (Table 3). Fig. 14. Photograph of King Sunjong in front of Pine Tree and Crane Fig. 15. Photograph of Taki Katei’s Pine Tree, Peaches, and Japanese Cranes. 1935 Table 3. Comparison of details of the cranes Table 3 provides a comparison between the depiction of cranes in Sea, Cranes, and Peaches with images of cranes created by Japanese painters and collected by the Joseon court. Referring to this table, we find that the posture and arrangement of the cranes are almost identical across all four examples. Among these, the HMA’s Sea, Cranes, and Peaches features the highest degree of detail and a precise depiction right down to the minute patterns on the feathers of the cranes. Furthermore, Taki Katei, Mashizu Shunnan, and Ōhashi Bi-shū use the face of the brush more, contributing to increasingly saturated colors. This analysis confirms that the Honolulu example differs from twentieth-century Japanese painting styles and more closely resembles the meticulous style of the Joseon court painters or the royal style of the Meiji period. The subject matter incorporated in Sea, Cranes, and Peaches also includes elements adapted from the Japanese tradition. Beyond elements from the ten traditional symbols of longevity, including the sun, rocks, clouds, lingzhi mushrooms, the sea, cranes, and peaches, we find representations of mandarin ducks (panels 8, 9), dandelion flowers (panel 5) and tiger lilies (panel 3) in the lower portion of the screen (Table 4). Not only are these elements unrelated to the tradition of longevity symbols, they are also rarely found in conventional Joseon bird-and-flower paintings. However, it seems more likely that these elements are connected to the wildflower motifs represented in Japanese folding screen paintings (Kamata 2008). The depiction of these elements not in deep pigments but rather in the Japanese manner of light coloring that resembles watercolors provides further support for this assumption (Table 4). Table 4. Tiger lilies, dandelions, and mandarin ducks from the lower areas of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches (Fig. 1) The themes of “pine trees and cranes,” “one hundred cranes,” and “sea, cranes, and peaches of longevity,” were not only favored by Joseon court painters, but were also regularly adopted by Japanese court artists who practiced the national school mode of painting. Likewise, gold leaf is not a uniquely Japanese material and was also frequently utilized in the Joseon royal court. With this in mind, the question remains: Was the screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches produced by a Japanese painter and presented to the Joseon royal family or was it the result of a collaboration between a Japanese artisan and a Joseon painter? A definitive answer to this question may never be available. However, an intriguing hint is provided by the sections of gold leaf that adorn Sea, Cranes, and Peaches. In the case of Japanese-style gold folding screens, squares of gold leaf measuring approximately 11.5 centimeters per side are generally attached across the entire surface of the screen and then a sketch and color is applied on top of the gold layer. In the case of the folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches in the HMA, however, squares of gold leaf measuring approximately 5 × 5 centimeters were attached to specific areas of the screen surrounding the colored sections of the painting. This means the gold leaf was affixed to the screen after the painting had been completed. In fact, there are sections of the painting in which the gold leaf overlaps areas of the color painting. Important to consider is that the size of the squares of gold leaf does not simply diverge from traditional Japanese conventions, it is radically smaller, measuring a mere one-quarter of typical Japanese examples. It is likely that the pieces of gold leaf were made smaller in order to facilitate the process of affixing them to the painting surface.21 These discrepancies suggest that Sea, Cranes, and Peaches was produced by a Korean painter imitating the Japanese style of applying gold leaf rather than by a Japanese artisan with expert knowledge of the Japanese method of affixing gold leaf. In addition to determining the salient features and date of production of an artwork, one of the main tasks of art history is to discover the identity of various painters. However, when a signature and/or seal are absent, it is difficult to track down the artist. In the case of the HMA’s Sea, Cranes, and Peaches, there is not even enough evidence to ascertain the painter’s national origin. This problem is reminiscent of the issues surrounding the Western court painters who served the Qing imperial court. Italian Jesuit missionaries operating as artists in the Qing imperial court are regarded as “Qing imperial court painters” and their works categorized as Chinese paintings since they subsumed their individual characters in order to create court art that reflected the aesthetics and tastes of the patron. Within the context of court art, even if a work reflects a foreign tradition or distinct national aesthetic, the artist’s nationality is not a viable standard for determining the national origin of an artwork. Therefore, until further clarifying evidence is found, it is difficult to provide any further insight as to this issue of national origin with regard to Sea, Cranes, and Peaches. What is more important is to address how this type of hybrid work came into being at that specific moment in time and discuss the painting’s historical significance. Imperial aspirations and the Korean Empire period Until the Japanese changed the name of the country back to Joseon following the annexation of Korea in 1910, the Korean Empire was striving toward becoming a modern country with national prosperity and military power. Since the royal family remained in power and abuses by the monarchy continued unabated, many refused to acknowledge the Korean Empire as a fully modernized nation state. That being said, Gojong’s efforts to transform the traditional notions of statehood and modify several Joseon institutions of government should not be ignored. Following the example of Kings Yeongjo and Jeongjo, he strove to maintain the legitimacy of the royal household while at the same time trying to achieve an equal footing with China, Japan, and the Western powers. At a point when China, the traditional hegemon in Asia, was relinquishing supremacy, Gojong sought to reinvent the Korean Empire as an independent nation state with imperial ambitions. In 1897, as Gojong was seeking to re-invent the country as the Korean Empire, he declared Gyeongungung Palace as the new seat of imperial rule. He subsequently set about equipping the imperial palace with Western-style furnishings. At nearly 2.7 meters in height, the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches folding screen is too large to be used in traditional Korean buildings. Considering that the folding screen Rock and Orchids (石蘭圖, sukrando) (Fig. 16) by Kim Eungwon measuring 209 centimeters in height only barely fit into the space of the hall known as Daejojeon when it was installed at Changdeokgung Palace during a 1920 restoration, it is impossible to imagine how Sea, Cranes, and Peaches could have functioned within traditional palace architecture. In addition, the brass feet attached to the legs of the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches folding screen suggest that it was used in a space designed for off-floor living, as opposed to a traditional lifestyle centered on sitting on the floor.22 It is highly likely, therefore, that the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches folding screen was housed in a building within the imperial palace that had been reconstructed according to Western architectural practices. By 1902, the buildings known as Dondeokjeon and Jeonggwanheon had already been constructed based on Western architectural models within Gyeongungung Palace. Jeonggwanheon was where Gojong sat for a royal portrait in 1902.23 The architecture of this hall reflects a modified Western style with a wide living room enclosed with panes of glass but topped with a traditional Korean-style roof.24 This type of architecture marrying Eastern and Western styles reflects the attitude towards culture and the arts during the Korean Empire period. Within this context, it can be imagined how the striking appearance of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches would have been well-suited to its architectural surroundings. Fig. 16. Photograph of Kim Eungwon’s Rock and Orchids at Daejojeon (Folding screens. Ink on silk. 188 × 41.3 cm (each). National Palace Museum of Korea) The history of the Korean Empire was brief but intense, giving rise to artworks that are difficult to fit into a linear progression of traditional Joseon culture. Sea, Cranes, and Peaches cannot be fully explained by positing a false dichotomy between the adaptation of Japanese artistic styles on the one hand and staying true to traditional Joseon practices on the other. One week after proclaiming the birth of the Korean Empire, Gojong issued a royal edict stating: “We must govern in a harmonious way by integrating new ideas without denying the ways of the past.”25 With this principle of statecraft in mind, Gojong reorganized the national rituals to follow the model of the Ming imperial court. He then attempted to boost national prosperity and military prowess and stimulate production and industry by following the Western prototype of modern nationhood that had already been adopted by Japan. This transformation not only affected the realms of politics, society, and the economy, but also influenced ceremonial rituals and art production.26 Likewise, the painted surface of Sea, Cranes, and Peaches embodies Gojong’s desire to preserve the past while looking toward the future. In the folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches, ten cranes are pictured in increasingly higher positions from the bottom-right to the upper-left. As a result, the viewer’s gaze is drawn across the painting following the progression of the cranes as they rise in a crescendo of movement. This arrangement culminates in the final panel, where a soaring crane confronts the rising sun. In traditional paintings of the ten longevity symbols, the sun and the moon are usually positioned on opposite sides of a symmetrical composition. When the moon is not included in a painting, the sun is almost always represented as emerging from the clouds in a position high in the sky. The depiction of the sun floating on top of foam cast up from the sea is a unique element rarely found outside the HMA example (Fig. 17). If we grant that the composition represented on the screen was born out of its historical circumstances and the overall zeitgeist, it is clear that the sunrise motif carries special significance. In traditional Joseon paintings, the symmetry of the sun and moon symbolizes the harmony of yin and yang while the eternal presence of the sun in the blue sky represents the unwavering hand of absolute authority. What then would this sunrise motif represent in 1902 during the Korean Empire period? For Gojong, Hwangsuseongjeol in 1902 meant more than a simple personal celebration of his birthday. He viewed it as an opportunity to promote the status of the country by performing royal ceremonies according to imperial ritual standards. Therefore, the Emperor’s birthday served as a vehicle to celebrate the birth of the Empire and voice the desire for national prosperity. Within this context, Sea, Cranes, and Peaches can be understood as a visualization of the aspiration toward a strong Korean Empire. The sunrise motif seems to signify the triumphant establishment of the Korean Empire and the promise of national prosperity. Fig. 17. Sunrising from Sea, Cranes, and Peaches (Fig. 1) The collecting history of the Sea, Cranes, and Peaches folding screen How then did the folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches, an artifact of the Korean Empire period, find its way across the Pacific to Hawaii? According to the Honolulu Art Museum, the museum’s founder, Anna Rice Cooke (1854–1934), donated the screen to the collection in 1927 (Fig. 18). Anna Rice Cooke began collecting Asian artworks in the 1890s, relying on various advisors and brokers to secure quality pieces for her collection. Not only did she consult with some of the most highly regarded brokers of the era, such as Nomura Yōzō (野村洋三, 1870–1965) and Yamanaka Sadajiro (山中定次郞, 1866–1936), she also sought the advice of scholars like Swedo Osvald Sirén (1879–1966).27 At present, 1,100 items out of the approximately 4,500 objects in the Asian art collection at the HMA are listed as Korean in origin. Anna Rice Cooke acquired the folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches from the New York office (Fig. 19) of Yamanaka & Company (山中商會, Yamanakashokai) on June 22, 1927.28 Yamanaka & Company was established in the early 20th century with its original store in Kyoto. It grew into an international enterprise dealing in artworks, with branch offices in Boston, New York, Chicago, Paris, and Beijing.29 Fig. 18. Photograph of Anna Rice Cooke’s (1854–1934) family Fig. 19. Photograph of Yamanaka & Company. New York The HMA states that Sea, Cranes, and Peaches belonged to Tomita Gisaku (富田儀作, 1859–1930) before it entered the possession of Yamanaka & Company (Fig. 20). When the Center for Artwork Production for the Yi Royal Family (Yiwangjik Misulpum Jejakso) was incorporated as the Joseon Center for Artwork Production (Joseon Misulpum Jejakso) in 1922, Tomita Gisaku assumed de facto responsibility (Choe Yeol 2006, 81, 154; Choe Gongho 1996, 31–48). Between 1921 and 1926, Tomita displayed his collection of primarily Joseon artworks in a gallery he operated near the Namdaemun area. However, economic difficulties caused him to reevaluate his art collection in 1926, and he transferred around 1,000 works to Yamanaka & Company in a bulk sale (Tomita 1936, 288–289; Abe 2002, 486–487; Takasaki, 2006, 78; Jeong Gyuhong 2005, 415–416; 2009, 203–206). It is likely that the folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches was among these sale items and was subsequently shipped to America. The screen has therefore been separated from its homeland for over eighty years. This relic of the Korean Empire that passed into Tomita Gisaku’s possession at a time when the Korean imperial house was being stripped of its titles found its way into the hands of Anna Rice Cooke in Hawaii by way of Yamanaka & Company. Fig. 20. Photograph of Tomita Gisaku in 1930 This turbulent moment in political history gave rise to a hybrid artistic style that fused disparate elements together into a single artwork. It reveals how an overall awareness of its historical period is essential to uncovering the significance of a given artifact. The process of reading the screen not only allows us to better understand the object’s art historical significance, it contributes to the understanding of the historical background in which it came into existence. The folding screen Sea, Cranes, and Peaches, long considered an outlier with regard to its Korean lineage, encourages us to once again confront the events and context of the period. Even though history contrived to overlook Sea, Cranes, and Peaches for many years, the Korean Empire style and golden splendor of the painting has not faded over the decades. Therefore, the rediscovery of this folding screen not only represents the recovery of a Korean cultural property in a foreign collection: it provides an opportunity to shed new light on the controversial position of Korean Empire art within the context of Korean history. Only after we free ourselves from prejudices regarding Japanese styles and the stultifying influence of nationalism does it become possible to fully comprehend the significance of the Korean Empire style and its contribution to Korean culture.

Production and Significance of Paintings of Tribute Missions to the Son of Heaven in the Late 18th Century

Park Jeong-hye(Professor, The Academy of Korean Studies)

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Citation

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2018.v12_05

A number of folding screens painted during the late Joseon dynasty (1392–1897) depict a figure seated in the throne hall of a Chinese-style palace receiving tribute gifts from exotically dressed foreigners (Fig. 1). These screens conventionally consist of eight to ten panels each and, when fully opened, present a grand panorama of a royal ceremony measuring 120–180 centimeters (47.2–70.8 inches) in height and 350–450 centimeters (137.7–177.1 inches) in length. Ten folding screens of Korean origin and addressing this theme of paying tribute are known to exist either within or outside the country. Fig. 1. Wanghoedo. Latter half of the 19th c. (before 1885). Eight-panel folding screen. Color on silk. 182.0 x 446.45 cm. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History Presuming that these paintings mounted on folding screens fall under the category of Joseon court painting, this paper proposes that they be referred to as Wanghoedo (Ch. Wanghuitu, 王會圖), or Painting of a Tribute Mission to the Son of Heaven. This is derived from the resemblance of these scenes of tribute gifts being offered to the Son of Heaven (the emperor or king) with wanghoe (王會, princely gatherings) that took place during the reign of King Wu of the Zhou dynasty. Surviving records state that Wanghoedo were produced in the court during the latter half of the Joseon period. Moreover, Wanghoedo shares stylistic characteristics similar to those of 19th-century decorative court-painted screens such as Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life (郭汾陽行樂圖, K. Gwak Bunyang Haengnakdo), Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond (瑤池宴圖, K. Yojiyeondo), and One Hundred Children (百子圖, K. Baekjado), which indicates that Wanghoedo is also a type of court painting. Following the introduction of a Wanghoedo screen in Evelyn B. McCune’s book Korean Screens (1983), the subject has been briefly treated by several scholars (Lee Eunmi 2010; Sascha Priewe 2010). However, no in-depth investigation or comparative analysis has yet been conducted. This article provides a comprehensive study of Wanghoedo as a painting type in terms of the origin of its iconography, purpose of its production and function, period of production, and content. It aims to identify its characteristics and significance from the perspective of court painting. Origin of Tribute Paintings: Jikgongdo and Wanghoedo The term princely gathering (K. wanghoe, Ch. wanghui) refers to a grand gathering of feudal princes and leaders from the four barbarian tribes that took place at Wangcheng during the reign of King Wu (1169–1116 BCE) of Zhou, a period of great peace. This occasion is recorded in a compendium of documents on the Western Zhou period known as Yi zhou shu (逸周書, Lost book of Zhou) and was first adopted as the subject for art during the Tang dynasty (618–907). According to Jiu Tang shu (舊唐書, Old book of Tang), during the time of Emperor Taizong (r. 627–649) of Tang, envoys from many diverse nations came to pay tribute wearing clothes that appeared highly strange at the court. This prompted an official named An Chou, the deputy head of the legislative bureau of the government (中書侍郎, Ch. zhongshu shilang) to suggest that a painting be made of the gathering. It is believed that this tribute painting, known as Wanghuitu, was produced to attest to the great virtue of Emperor Taizong by invoking King Wu, whose reign was renowned as an era of peace. This meaning implied within the painting is closely connected to the production of Wanghoedo in Korea during the Joseon period. Paintings of foreign envoys arriving to pay tribute to China actually appeared in the first half of the sixth century, long before Wanghuitu. A work entitled Illustration of Tribute Missions (職貢圖, K. Jikgongdo, Ch. Zhigongtu) shows foreigners arriving in China to pay tribute. It was created by Xiao Yi (later Emperor Yuan of Liang, 508–554) while he was serving in Jingzhou as regional inspector. Illustrated Tribute Mission to Liang (梁職貢圖, Ch. Liang Zhigongtu), housed in the National Museum of China in Beijing, is a copy of Xiao Yi’s original produced during the Northern Song period (Jin Weinuo 1992, 72–80) (Fig. 2). A Wanghuitu painting by the Tang court artist Yan Liben (601–673 CE) depicting tribute missions to the Emperor Taizong (Fig. 3), is considered to be another copy of Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu. Although Yan Liben’s painting is similar in style and content to Illustrated Tribute Mission to Liang, that fact that it is called Wanghuitu rather than Zhigongtu is worth noting. Fig. 2. Replica of Illustrated Tribute Mission to Liang. Northern Song. Color on silk. 25 x 198 cm. National Museum of China Fig. 3. A section from Wanghuitu by Yan Liben. Color on silk. 28.1 x 238.1 cm. Taiwan National Palace Museum Examining the titles mentioned in Chinese art history references, it becomes apparent that Zhigongtu was the broadest general name for paintings on the theme of paying tribute. However, paintings of foreign tribute missions to the Tang court during the reign of Taizong were known as Wanghuitu, resulting in a blurring of the distinction between the concepts of Zhigongtu and Wanghuitu (Kitano Yoshie 2008, 3–16). From the Song dynasty (960–1279) onwards, Zhigongtu and Wanghuitu were considered to be the same type of painting in that they both dealt with the theme of tribute and showed no clear distinction in their forms. It can be presumed that Wanghuitu, said to have debuted during the reign of Taizong at the suggestion of An Chou, would have taken the form of illustrations of various individuals as seen in the extant Illustrated Tribute Mission to Liang. During the Tang dynasty, tribute paintings featured a procession of foreign envoys bearing precious gifts. One widely known example of this processional type of painting housed at the National Palace Museum in Taiwan is attributed to Yan Liben and entitled Zhigongtu. As evidenced by Joseon Envoys on a Tribute Mission (Zhuyi Zhigongtu) by Qui Ying from the Ming dynasty, which is held at the Palace Museum in Beijing, it was a type actively adopted and pursued by artists of the Yuan and Ming dynasties (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Joseon Envoys on a Tribute Mission. Color on silk. 29.8 × 580.2 cm. Beijing Palace Museum Paintings on the theme of tribute were most actively produced during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor in the Qing dynasty. The form of the Liang Zhigongtu is well reflected in a colored copy entitled Zhigongtu that faithfully depicts the tribute relations during the Qianlong era. It was described in the book Huang Qing zhigongtu (皇淸職貢圖, Illustrated tributaries of the great Qing), which is part of Siku quanshu (Complete library in four sections) published by the Wenyuan Chamber (the Qing imperial library) in 1788 (Jeong 2011, 339–373). During the Qianlong era, the form of such paintings focusing on a procession paying tribute was recomposed to better fit within a vertically hanging format rather than a scroll to be opened horizontally. One prominent example is Ten Thousand Countries Paying Tribute to China (萬國來朝圖, Wanguo Laichaotu), which sets envoys from all over the world and from ethnic minorities within China, such as people from Taiwan, against the grand background of the Forbidden Palace while they await an audience with the emperor bearing their tribute gifts (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Ten Thousand Countries Paying Tribute to China by Yao Wenhan, Zhang Tingyan, and others. 1761. 322.0 x 210.0 cm. Beijing Palace Museum As described above, tribute paintings in China started out as state-commissioned court paintings featuring envoys and other people from foreign countries dressed in their respective exotic costumes, an infrequent event considered worthy of being recorded for posterity. Three main types of composition were produced: foreign envoys of exotic appearance standing at regular intervals within a row and set against an empty background; a procession of envoys coming to pay tribute against a natural or architectural background; and a procession of envoys gathered at the palace waiting to pay tribute to the emperor. All the extant tribute paintings from China fall under one of these three categories. Their unique attire and appearance and the distinctive tribute gifts they bear were key compositional elements of the paintings. Receiving and Understanding of Tribute Paintings in the Joseon Dynasty The king of Joseon and his scholar-officials gained a basic understanding of the background and purpose of Wanghuitu paintings produced during the reign of Taizong of the Tang dynasty through Zizhi tongjian (資治通鑑, Comprehensive mirror in aid of governance) , one of the major texts for training emperors in leadership (Kim Ilhwan 2003, 55–88). Such tribute paintings were created at a time of peace both internally and outside of the nation as a means to display the authority and virtue of the leader who had made this peace possible. Joseon scholars found ways of linking their experience on tribute missions to tribute paintings, such as the mention of Wanghoedo in a poem by the scholar Seong Hyeon (1439–1504) who had been dispatched to Beijing as an envoy in the late 15th century. Also, the writing of records on their tribute missions was compared to An Chou’s promotion of the production of Wanghuitu paintings. The scholar-officials of the first half of the Joseon period lacked the opportunity to view Wanghuitu in person, but they clearly perceived such paintings to be depictions of foreign civilizations and a reflection of an idealized political order during an era of peace and prosperity. From the latter half of the 18th century, scholar-officials’ vague understanding of Wanghuitu grew more concrete when wooden printing blocks for Huang Qing Zhigongtu were brought back by Joseon envoys to the Qing court. Huang Qing Zhigongtu was among the books cited by Han Chi-yun (1765–1814), who visited Beijing on a mission in 1799 (the 23rd year of the reign of King Jeongjo), when he wrote Haedong yeoksa (History of Korea). It was also among the books, calligraphy, and paintings that King Heonjong gathered at Seunghwaru Pavilion in Changdeokgung Palace. In the latter half of the 19th century, copies of Huang Qing Zhigongtu continued to be imported to Korea, and Yi Yu-won (1814–1888), who was dispatched to Qing China in 1875 (the 12th year of the reign of King Gojong), was gifted with eight volumes of the book. The inflow of this work into Korea in the 19th century can be extrapolated to some extent from Hwanyeong choyeong gimun, a Korean translation of the Chinese text currently held in the collection of the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 6) (Jeong Eun-joo 2011, 356–369). Fig. 6. Detail of Hwanyeong Chohyeong Gimun. Color on paper. 35.4 x 49.6 cm. National Museum of Korea Meanwhile, it is presumed that envoys who participated in tribute missions to Qing China observed firsthand Wanguo Laichaotu, or paintings of Ten Thousand Countries Paying Tribute to China. Actively produced during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor between the 1760s and 1780s, these were a new form of tribute paintings that became popular at the time (Jeong Eun-joo 2011, 93–125). Hong Yang-ho (1740–1820), who visited Qing twice on tribute missions in the late 18th century, compared a painting, Wanguo Laichaotu, that he saw in Beijing with the Joseon Wanghoedo in a text he wrote for Jo Sang-jin (1740–1820) as Jo was preparing for a mission to Beijing. The variety of foreign goods depicted in the Wanguo Laichaotu recalled for Hong the precious tribute goods displayed in the palace yard as depicted in the Korean Wanghoedo. Hence, the understanding of Chinese tribute paintings was deepened when Huang Qing Zhigongtu was introduced to Joseon in the latter half of the 18th century and as envoys developed firsthand experience with foreign cultures and civilizations. This inspired the production of Korean Wanghoedo paintings in the latter half of the Joseon period. Emergence and Use of Wanghoedo Screens in the Jeongjo Era It is difficult to determine precisely when the subject of wanghoe, or “princely gathering,” first came to be painted in the Joseon dynasty, but the late 18th century during the reign of King Jeongjo (r. 1776–1800) seems most likely. The era’s passion for Northern Learning (北學, Bukhak) boosted the envoys’ eagerness to experience new customs, and their testimonies incited great curiosity. Moreover, the missions allowed envoys an opportunity to obtain realistic visual images of foreign civilizations. King Jeongjo sought to produce “princely gathering” paintings in a folding screen format, an expression of strong royal authority in a reign of peace, which reflected the reality of Joseon at the time. It is thought that King Jeongjo’s commission was fulfilled by painters-in-waiting to the court (chabi daeryeong hwawon) attached to the Gyujanggak, the royal library. In 1796 (the 20th year of the reign of King Jeongjo), Wanghoedo was given as an exam subject to the painters-in-waiting as a means of determining who to provide with a regular salary (Kang Kwan-shik 2001, 156–157). Tests for artists on a similar subject were also administered during the reigns of King Sunjo (r. 1800–1834) and Heonjong (r. 1834–1849). “Envoys dressed in formal attire from many nations holding an audience with the emperor,” a subject similar to “princely gathering,” was used in various exams during Jeongjo’s reign. First coming to be painted in this way during Jeongjo’s reign, Wanghoedo remained in high demand at court through the reign of Gojong in the 19th century. For example, when Crown Prince Hyomyeong (1809–1830) entered Seonggyungwan, the national Confucian academy, and in 1879, when Crown Prince Yi Cheok (later Emperor Sunjong, r. 1907–1910) recovered from smallpox, government offices commissioned Wanghoedo screens to be presented to them (Park Eungyeong 2012, 81–83) as congratulatory gifts. No exact date of production is known for any of the surviving Wanghoedo screens. However, the eight-panel Wanghoedo screen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History (hereafter the “Smithsonian screen”) can be dated to the fourth month of 1885 (the 22nd year of the reign of King Jeongjo) at the latest (Figs. 1, 7). This screen was acquired by John B. Bernadou, a U.S. naval officer who served as the Smithsonian attaché to the U.S. legation in Seoul from the ninth month of 1884 to the fourth month of 1885 (Chang-su Cho Houchins 2004, 7–21). Fig. 7. Acquisition file written by Walter Hough (1859–1935), curator at the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History when they acquired its Wanghoedo screen in 1886 Bernadou acquired 180 items in Korea between 1884 and 1885. All were typical objects of ethnographic interest, including everyday clothing, kitchen items, farming implements, dishes, stationery items, leisure items, and folk items. Before leaving for Korea, he received a brief education in the categorization of 069 items related to material culture, and according to Smithsonian guidelines he collected objects within the framework of anthropological theory (Choe Hyeop 2008, 3–38). The paintings he acquired were mainly folk paintings or examples that featured a depiction of Joseon customs. Considering Bernadou’s standards, the Wanghoedo screen was a rare and unusual item in the collection due to its deep Chinese influence inconsonant with the collection guidelines. It is highly likely that the screen was presented to Bernadou, whose collection activity aided by Yun Chi-ho (1865–1945) fell within the range of official diplomatic activity. As described above, Wanghoedo screens began to be produced during the reign of King Jeongjo by court painters at the Gyujanggak. During the reign of King Sunjo, they were produced on celebratory occasions, and it appears that their usage gradually expanded throughout the reign of King Gojong (r. 1863-1907). The presentation of these screens to the king or crown prince indicates that, as paintings suited to quarters occupied by males, Wanghoedo were considered to exemplify a wish for strong royal authority and an era of peace. Moreover, it is possible that they were not only produced for domestic use but as gifts for foreign missions. Establishment of the Wanghoedo Screen Form All extant Wanghoedo paintings are in an eight- or ten-panel folding screen format. They feature a figure who appears to be an emperor sitting in the outer court of a royal palace while envoys from numerous foreign countries wait their turn to present tribute gifts. The respective screens constitute a single continuous image that can be divided into three main sections: the emperor seated in the throne hall of the outer court, a wide terrace and stairs in front where the envoys await an audience with the emperor, and the area outside the palace walls where the remainder of the envoys and their attendants are waiting their turn. Tribute-themed paintings in China generally took the form either of horizontal scrolls or of vertically hanging paintings. The adoption of this theme in continuous folding screens in Korea resulted from demand in the palace, where such screens were popular. The Wanghoedo screen format with each panel joined to the next to create a cohesive image was also popular in late 16th-century Japan, where the composition was reinterpreted. In comparison to Chinese and Korean Wanghoedo, Japanese versions differ in terms of point of view, picture plane, content, and expression (Kitano Yoshie 2008, 3–16) (Fig. 8). The Wanghoedo screen form that was introduced during the reign of King Jeongjo is highly likely to have been devised solely by painters-in-waiting at the Gyujanggak. Clearly, however, it was based on the composition and content of the Chinese tradition of tribute paintings. First, the location of the emperor and the procession ascending the stairs to honor him is borrowed from the form of the processional tribute paintings that were popular during the Ming dynasty (Fig. 4). In addition, the composition featuring a throne hall and terrace in the center with envoys waiting their turn for an audience demonstrates the influence of Qing documentary paintings such as Ten Thousand Countries Paying Tribute to China. The arrangement of palace buildings at one end of a long horizontal plane centered on the throne hall and terrace is highly similar to All Nations Coming to Court from a collection entitled Illustrations of the Great Celebration (Ch. Luhuan Huijingtu) produced in 1771 (the 36th year of the reign of Qianlong) to celebrate the 80th birthday of Empress Dowager Xiaoshengxian (1693–1777), mother of the Qianlong Emperor (Fig. 9). Fig. 8. Wanghoedo by Kano Eitoku. Late 16th century. Pair of screens. Six panels (each). Color on silk. Museum of Fine Art Fig. 9. All Nations Coming to Court from Illustrations of the Great Celebration. 1771. Color on silk. 97.5 x 380.0 cm. Beijing Palace Museum Considering that the number of panels in Joseon folding screens tended to increase over time, it is presumed that production of ten-panel screens would have started at a later date than that of eight-panel screens (Fig. 10). This notion is supported by the tendency toward more stylized and decorative expressions in ten-panel screens. Although the number of panels and the size of the picture plane are not always linked, most ten-panel screens feature considerable space. On ten-panel screens, there is some empty space near the lower part of the terrace and throne hall spanning the fourth to seventh panels where a number of tall trees have been arranged with figures thought to be members of the Mo tribe waiting to offer a gift of tapir. These figures are not included in eight-panel screens. Also, the height of the enclosure walls is lowered to provide a clear view of the envoys before the throne hall. As a result, compared to the eight-panel versions, the ten-panel Wanghoedo screens possess a reduced sense of depth and assume a low bird’s-eye view. Fig. 10. Wanghoedo. Ten-panel screen. Color on silk. 145.0 x 351.4 cm. British Museum One of the important aspects of Wanghoedo screens as paintings is their visual composition combining traditional perspective with an oblique bird’s-eye view. The use of perspective is clear, with objects growing smaller from the bridge outside the palace gate to the throne hall where the emperor sits. The viewer’s gaze thus follows the envoys standing outside the palace gate at the left and moves naturally toward the right to the outer throne hall, with the sense of depth expanding as it approaches the emperor at the highest part of the painting. Such realistic depiction of space was only possible from the reign of King Jeongjo, when the “ruled line” (界畫, K. gyehua, Ch. jiehua) method of depicting palace buildings had been mastered to the necessary extent. It reached its peak during the reign of King Sunjo in paintings such as Painting of the Eastern Palace (K. Donggwoldo) and Thriving City in a Peaceful Era (K. Taepyeong Seongsido) (Park Jeong-hye 2012, 254–271) (Fig. 11). That the refined artistry and skill were observed in court painting during the reign of Sunjo is not unrelated to the fact that artists such as Kim Hongdo (1745–after 1806), Shin Hanpyeong (c. 1726–after 1809), Jang Hanjong (1768–after 1815), Kim Deuksin (1754–1822), and Yi Inmun (c. 1726–after 1809) continued to serve as painters-in-waiting during his reign following the reign of Jeongjo, up to as late as 1822. Fig. 11. Thriving City in a Peaceful Era. Early 19th c. Eight-panel screen. Color on silk. 113.6 x 49.1 cm (each). National Museum of Korea As described, the form of Wanghoedo screens was established during the reign of Jeongjo. However, it is considered that court painters only achieved true mastery of the ruled-line technique for the depiction of palace architecture and natural representation of space that can be seen in Wanghoedo screens during the reign of Sunjo. Content and Iconography of 19th-Century Wanghoedo Screens Among the ten extant Wanghoedo screens, the Smithsonian screen provides a definitive example not only for its precise upper date limit of the fourth month of 1885 but also for its exquisite depiction of details. It additionally stands out in terms of iconography. The following section of this paper will analyze the content of Wanghoedo screens based on the Smithsonian example but will also present the variations and unique characteristics found in Wanghoedo screens through a comparison with the screen in the collection of the National Museum of Korea and the ten-panel screen in the collection of the British Museum. In the outer court presented on the second panel of the Smithsonian screen is a figure on a throne backed by a screen of the Sun and Moon and Five Peaks (K. Ilwol Obongdo) on the northern wall wearing a crown with beaded tassels and a long yellow robe. The yellow elements, such as the yellow roof, the yellow sunshade over the central figure, and the yellow sunshades to either side of him, indicate that he is the emperor (Fig. 12). However, the crown is decorated with motifs of the sun and moon, and the figure is not wearing the mianfu (emperor’s ceremonial costume) that accompanies the mianguan crown, which makes it difficult to conclude that the figure on the throne is in fact the emperor of China. The sun and moon motif on the crown is found on figures of kings (Jeong Byeongmo 2010, 29–65), including the kings in Buddhist paintings of the Ten Kings of Hell, King Mu of Zhou in Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond paintings, or Korean kings, such as in the portrait of King Gyeongsun of Silla painted in the latter half of the Joseon dynasty (Fig. 13). Elements in the arrangement of the figures around this emperor or king recall the princely gathering of King Mu of Zhou. First, the figure in a red robe standing to his right is Jiang Ziya (Tai Gong Wang), an aide to King Mu who was named a duke for his role in overthrowing the Shang dynasty and who eventually served as prime minister. To his left, the crowned figures standing side-by-side are considered to be Shu Yu of Zhou and Xun Shu, the younger brothers of King Cheng of Zhou, and the Duke of Zhou, the younger brother of King Wu. Fig. 12. Detail of the emperor on the second panel of the Wanghoedo screen. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History Fig. 13. Detail of King Mu of Zhou from Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond. Eight-panel screen. 19th c. Color on silk. 121.0 x 45.0 cm (each). Gyeonggi Provincial Museum The number and arrangement of figures surrounding the monarch in Wanghoedo screens vary slightly in each example. Unlike the Smithsonian screen, in the other paintings the central figure facing south (which indicates the ruler) is seated on a throne at a table rather than on a high platform, and two dukes kowtow before the table (Fig. 14). Another point of divergence from the Smithsonian screen is that the monarch and other nobles are all holding scepters. Fig. 14. Detail of the second panel showing the emperor from Myeongdang Wanghoedo. Eight-panel screen. Color on silk. 138.0 x 272.0 cm. National Museum of Art The central portion of Wanghoedo screens, the third, fourth, and fifth panels, features the envoys who have arrived to pay tribute. They can be divided into four groups. Though all are dressed differently and carry unique gifts, it is not easy to determine precisely from which countries they have arrived. However, the figure at the head of the procession who has reached the throne platform and is presenting a pair of white pheasants perched on a frame clearly appears to be representing the Yueshang people (Fig. 12). The Yueshang originated from the territory corresponding to the southern-central area of Vietnam today, referred to as Linyi in accounts of foreign countries in ancient history books. According to the “Annals of Emperor Ping” from Hanshou (Book of Han), when the Duke of Zhou was serving as regent for the young King Cheng, the Yueshang required nine interpreters to manage the languages of the territories they passed through before finally reaching Zhou to present the white pheasants. This old story, well known in Joseon both inside and outside the court, was understood by the people in the sense that the world was going to be peaceful when a good and wise king came. The reason why the old story of Yueshang was placed at the very front of the tribute procession, therefore, is seemed wishes for the manifestation of virtue in Joseon with the advent of a good and wise king. Although this tale of the Yueshang differs in time from the princely gathering of Zhou, the fact that the Yueshang envoy was placed at the very front of the tribute procession indicates that Wanghoedo screens were not painted to accurately illustrate a particular old story but as a symbolic representation of a peaceful reign. This is confirmed in the costumes of the envoys and the tribute gifts they carry, which are different in every version of the Wanghoedo screens. Apart from the Smithsonian screen, in all the others the people at the head of the procession offering a white pheasant are represented as still climbing the stairs and wearing either a fur hat or one with horns (Fig. 15). The Yueshang people bring additional tribute gifts aside from the white pheasants, such as large swords, animal horns, and mirrors. In other screens they are also depicted as carrying coral, tortoises, and Buddha’s-hand fruit. Fig. 15. Detail of the second panel showing the envoys from Ming Tang Wanghoedo. Eight-panel screen. Color on silk. 138.0 x 272.0 cm. National Museum of Art In the Smithsonian screen, the second mission is pictured ascending the stairs with its leader holding a tortoise and a piece of coral. In addition, the group also carries the seven Buddhist treasures, a heavenly peach, mushroom of immortality, incense burner, white rabbit, geomungo (six-stringed Korean zither), silk, and other objects inside wrapping cloths. The envoys are dressed in officials’ caps known as yanggwan and a ceremonial costume called jobok with a decorative rear panel. They also carry scepters. Their attire closely resembles the ceremonial costumes of Joseon officials, but there is a slight difference in the way it is worn. Furthermore, the gifts carried by the envoys do not conform to products of Joseon. The third mission is making its way up the stairs to the lower tier of the terrace wearing fur hats decorated with twin sets of long pheasant plumes. A piece of cloth is draped over their robes across one shoulder only and tied around the waist with a belt (Fig. 16). These envoys wear different types of feathers in their hats according to their rank, and each carries a pheasant and a long object in a red wrapping cloth. Although many nations or tribes can be noted in the Huang Qing Zhigongtu from Sancai tuhui (Collection of illustrations of the three realms), it is difficult to clearly identify from which region these particular envoys might have come. They were painted with a great deal of imagination rather than firsthand observation, and as most copies of the painting were based on a single model, it is possible that repeated copying caused the results to become blurred or far removed from the original. The other envoys lined up along the lower terrace are dressed splendidly in their respective costumes. Judging from their officials’ hats and the scepters they carry, the figures featured here are representatives of vassal states and not from the “barbarian tribes” (fanzu). Fig. 16. Detail of the fourth panel showing the lower tier of the terrace from Wanghoedo. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History The fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth screens show envoys from the barbarian tribes stretched out across the lower terrace with their gifts laid outside the palace walls. They await their turns along with their attendants in small groups with palanquins. The tribute gifts they bring include birds such as pheasants, geese, hawks, and peacocks, as well as a dazzling array of rare and precious animals in Joseon such as sheep, horses, white deer, haetae (a mythical animal), suanni (a lion-like animal), a monoceros, camel, elephant, lion, and hunting dogs. The wild birds are all being carried in mobile cages, while the tame birds are transported perched atop luxurious scepters with feeding trays on top. Most of these creatures are auspicious animals that represent good fortune. In addition, there are quite a large number of unidentified animals, most likely imaginary. For these fictional animals, reference would have been made to books such as Shan hiai jing (Classic of mountains and seas) and Sancai tuhui (Collection of illustrations of the three realms), but numerous variations were invented based on the artist’s imagination. Aside from the animals, the yard is filled with chests and colorful silk-wrapped parcels that may hold mirrors, copper dishes, jewels, and the like (Fig. 17). The sumptuousness of these diverse gifts in the imperial courtyard suggests the splendor and grandeur of the princely gathering. In comparison to the tribute paintings from China, the Joseon Wanghoedo screens are characterized by the large proportion taken up by this courtyard scene. They bring to mind depictions in Japanese folding screens of Edo (Tokyo) of gifts sent by the Joseon kings to Japan laid out along the Gejo Bridge or the depiction in Japanese nanban (meaning “foreigner”) screens of exotic goods brought by Dutch merchants as they disembark (Fig. 18). Fig. 17. Detail of the fifth panel showing the tribute gifts from Wanghoedo. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History Fig. 18. Detail of Edo Screen. Edo period. Six-panel screen. Gold and color on paper. 178.4 x 381.6 cm. National Museum of Japanese History In Wanghoedo screens, the imaginary or foreign animals rarely seen in real life are mainly depicted in outlandish manners. However, the camels and elephants, never seen in Korea, stand out (Fig. 19) for their relatively realistic depiction in the Wanghoedo screens. This suggests that information about these animals became more available in the country from the latter half of the 18th century. Envoys traveling to China on missions frequently came into contact with camels and elephants, and in their travelogues they recorded their impressions of the animals’ strange appearance (Chang Chin-Sung 2011, 163–175). An interest in exotic animals is reflected in the camel painting by the Qing artist Jin Fugui (active mid- to late-18th century) that was acquired by Kim Gwang-suk (1727–1797), as well as the camel painting by the Joseon artist Yi In-mun (1745–1824), who twice took part in a mission to China (Fig. 20). Camels and elephants also appear in folding screens titled Era of Supreme Peace (Taepyeong Seongsido), showing that the interest in these two animals was particularly high during the latter half of the Joseon period. Fig. 19. Detail of the fifth panel showing camel and elephant from Wanghoedo. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History Fig. 20. Camel by Yi Inmun. Color on paper. 30.8 x 41.0 cm. Gansong Art Museum In the case of Wanghoedo, the theme itself originated in China. Since the expression of the contents relied on only conceptual knowledge of foreign goods and the imagination, the screens were naturally given a Chinese mood. The long, narrow “fins” of the officials’ samo hats bend downwards and the belts on the officials’ robes hang down. Not only is the costume of the envoys rendered in a Chinese style, the depiction of the palace is also patently Chinese in the form of the buildings, the yellow coloring of the roofs, the decorative ceremonial implements on the walls, the high ornamental two-level terrace, the ceremonial columns (huabiao), and bronze lions. However, here and there in the Wanghoedo screens are scattered reflections of Joseon. These include the Sun and Moon and Five Peaks screen behind the ruler’s throne, the simplified ceremonial implements as ordered by King Yeongjo in the mid-18th century, and the costume of the officials holding them (Je Songhee 2012, 113–115) (Fig. 21). Fig. 21. Detail of the second panel showing ceremonial implements from Wanghoedo. Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History 19th-Century Wanghoedo Screens and the Court Painting Style The iconography and expression of extant Wanghoedo screens bear great similarities with the overall style of latter 19th-century court painting. Among examples of court paintings, they can most informatively be compared to Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond. In terms of the posture of the figure, his crown and costume, and the decoration of the tables, the iconography of the emperor in Wanghoedo closely resemble that of King Mu of Zhou in the Yoji Pond painting (Figs. 13, 14). The monoceros in the Wanghoedo screens, an attempted depiction of a rhinoceros, resembles the “blue cow” ridden by Laozi in the Yoji Pond painting (Fig. 22). In addition, the lion and elephant in the Wanghoedo screen can be compared with the lion and the elephant ridden by Manjushri and Samantabhadra, respectively, as they descend from heaven in the Yoji Pond painting (Fig. 23). Moreover, the expression of the guards standing on either side of the stone steps of the building in which the ruler is sitting in Wanghoedo screens is very much alike that of the Four Heavenly Kings descending from the sky while guarding the Buddha in the Yoji Pond painting. In the Wanghoedo screens, the grandly decorated palanquins left outside the palace walls after being ridden to the venue by the envoys are of the same type seen in the Yoji Pond paintings. The base and balustrade of the terrace in the Wanghoedo screens is closely similar in structure to the balustrade on the residence of Xiwangmu, or Queen Mother of the West, as seen in the Yoji Pond painting. The ornamentation is analogous as well, such as the shape of the relief carvings on the railings, the inlaid decoration on the mottled marble, and the base finished with stone slabs. Fig. 22. Detail of Laozi and the blue cow from Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond. Eight-panel screen. 19th c. Color on silk. 150.3 x 56.6 cm (each). Private collection Fig. 23. Detail of Manjushri and Samantabhadra from Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond. Eight-panel screen. 1800. Color on silk. 112.6 x 237.0 cm. National Museum of Korea The oddly shaped rock in the Wanghoedo screens is of the same style as the strange rock inside the stone chest depicted in paintings titled Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life (Fig. 24). On the other hand, they show stylistic differences to the balustrades and strange rocks of Yoji Pond paintings of the 18th century. The Wanghoedo screens are stylistically similar to court paintings of the latter half of the 19th century but have different style to the court paintings of 18th century. Fig. 24. Detail of Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life. Joseon. Color on silk. 143.9 x 52.7 cm (each). National Museum of Korea Also, the depiction of the buildings in the Wanghoedo screen shares stylistic features with the Guo Fenyang paintings from the latter half of the 19th century. In particular, the depiction of the roof, which is shaded, reflects a typical style that emerged after the mid 19th century. Along with the Chinese-style structure of the buildings and ornamentation, the bronze lion figures to the left and right of the stairs and ceremonial features such as the huabiao columns contribute to giving the screens a Chinese atmosphere. Joseon court artists had mastered the depiction of Chinese-style palace architecture through the study of paintings such as Immortals’ Feast on Yoji Pond, Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life, One Hundred Children, and Han Palace and applied that style within the framework of court painting. Conclusion The “princely gatherings” known as wanghoe date back to the Zhou dynasty of China, and paintings of such occasions, referred to as Wanghoedo (Ch. Wanghuitu), were first produced during the reign of the Taizong Emperor (r. 627–649) of the Tang dynasty. The concept of a princely gathering and the reasons for painting them were known to the court of Joseon and its scholar-officials since the foundation of the dynasty. However, the paintings were only briefly mentioned in writings intended to prepare those taking part in missions to China. In the early Joseon dynasty, there was no need to produce such paintings. Wanghoedo screens were first created in Joseon during the reign of King Jeongjo in the 18th century as a form of court painting. Jeongjo made efforts to seek out new subjects for decorative paintings for the court and develop the contents to suit conditions in Korea. The Wanghoedo screens were one of the outcomes of these efforts. Several influences at the time inspired the creation in Korea of paintings on the subject of princely gatherings, including the changed perception of the Qing dynasty, experience with foreign civilizations among the envoys who took part in missions to Beijing during the Qianlong Emperor era, firsthand observation of paintings of Wanguo Laichaotu, which were popular during the Qing dynasty, and transmission of the book Huang Qing Zhigongtu to Joseon. Though Wanghoedo screens were first produced in the late 18th century, the style and expression of the extant paintings correspond to that established during the reign of King Sunjo (r. 1800–1834). The surviving Wanghoedo screens are stylistically related both to the Donggwoldo theme that showcases expertise in the ruled-line painting technique used to depict palace architecture and to paintings of the Era of Supreme Peace, a comprehensive visual expression of the new culture and civilization of the latter Joseon period. This leads to the conclusion that they were painted at a point later than the Jeongjo era. It is presumed that, as with other decorative court paintings, the process of reproduction and repeated copying as a specified painting type would have caused the Wanghoedo screens to evolve in terms of style and expression and change in iconography. The most important concept for understanding Wanghoedo screens is taepyeong seongse, or the era of a peaceful reign. Since it was based on a princely gathering from ancient Chinese history, their contents were removed from the reality of Joseon, resulting in an emphasis on the representation of an ideal political space or the auspicious nature of an era of peace. The world depicted in Wanghoedo screens is a kind of virtual reality in which the real worlds of China and Korea are blended and where past and present coexist. The background of Wanghoedo screens being an ideal political space enhanced with a touch of imagination makes them an appropriate point of comparison for paintings of the Era of Supreme Peace, which depict an ideal living space for all people. In the latter paintings, the real worlds of China and Korea are also intertwined to produce a representation of an ideal city, providing multilayered implications. The auspicious nature of Era of Supreme Peace paintings is also linked to the Immortal’s Feast at Yoji Pond paintings, which show a multitude of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and Taoist immortals gathering from all directions to express their good wishes for the Queen Mother of the West and King Mu. In addition, it has been noted that the Yoji Pond paintings and Wanghoedo screens share considerable iconography. The two are also linked in that the Yoji Pond paintings represent an audience with the highest authority in the world of the immortals, while the Wanghoedo screens express respect for the highest authority in an ideal political world. Thus far, Wanghoedo screens have been examined as a type of decorative court painting of the 19th century that emphasizes auspiciousness and an idealized world. Unlike other decorative screens featuring peonies, Guo Fenyang’s Enjoyment of Life, Immortals’ Feast at Yoji Pond, or the ten symbols of longevity, all of which could be used by royalty and common people alike, Wanghoedo was a theme reserved exclusively for use in the royal palace. Even there, it was limited to the king and the crown prince. The significance of Wanghoedo screens can also be found in their expansion of the diversity of themes for court painting.

Collection

Study of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies in the National Museum of Korea

Lee Hea-gyeong(Assistant Curator, Chuncheon National Museum)

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Citation

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2018.v12_06

Throughout the Joseon (1392–1897) period, peonies were depicted in both bird-and-flower paintings and ceremonial folding screens, reflecting the widespread appreciation of their aesthetic and decorative value. The large blooms and vibrant colors of peonies positioned them as a favored subject in both Chinese and Korean art. They have been known in Asia since ancient times as the ‘king of flowers’ (花王, hwawang) and ‘flower of prosperity and nobility’ (富貴花, bugwiwha). Endemic to the Sichuan and Yunnan regions of China, peonies have been cultivated for medicinal purposes since before the Qin–Han period. They first appeared in early Northern and Southern dynasties texts as a flower purely for enjoyment but eventually came to represent China itself during the Tang period. The generous blooms commonly appear in May and measure 15–20 centimeters in diameter (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Peonies. Qiongshan Mountain, China In Korea, the earliest records of the peony are found in the tale of Queen Seondeok and the peony and in the fable of Hwawanggye (花王戒, Admonishment to the Flower King) written by Seol Chong (active late seventh–early eighth century), both of which appear in Samguk sagi (三國史記, History of the three kingdoms). Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon dynasty) also contains numerous references to the kings’ appreciation for the peony and to its blooming providing a positive omen (Kim Hongnam 1999, 77). In the “Nine Grades of Flowers and Trees” (花木九等品第, Hwamok Gudeung Pumje) section of the horticultural and gardening book Hwaam surok (花庵隨錄, Records on Hwaam) by the scholar Yu Bak (柳璞, 1730–1787), both herbaceous and tree peonies are classified along with the rhododendron, pomegranate, and hardy banana as symbols of wealth. This confirms that the peony continued to represent prosperity and nobility into the late Joseon period.1 Paintings that depict peonies can be divided broadly into bird-and-flower paintings and decorative screen paintings. Among the screens featuring peonies painted during the Joseon period, the surviving examples are mostly court and folk paintings from the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. This study will focus on Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which was first publicly displayed in 2010. It will examine the screen’s characteristics, preservation process, and production period.2 This screen is markedly distinct in style compared to other extant peony screens dated to the late nineteenth century or later. It can thus offer significant insights into the history and development of peony painting in the Joseon era. Development of peony painting during the Joseon dynasty Although it is likely that peony paintings date back as far as the Three Kingdoms period when the flower first appears in records, no examples have survived to today. The closest representation may be peony patterns in Goryeo celadon, such as those on maebyeong (Prunus vase). Among examples of peony paintings from China, there are tenth-century works such as Jade House with Wealth and Honor (玉堂富貴圖) attributed to the Southern Tang (937–975) painter Xu Xi (徐熙, 886–975) and several works from the Song dynasty (960–1279) (Fig. 2).3 In Jade House with Wealth and Honor, peonies in full bloom fill the surface of the painting, whereas the Song dynasty King of Flowers (花王圖, hwawnagdo) shows a lone peony tree atop a rock in a composition nearly identical to later court paintings of peonies from Joseon dynasty Korea (Fig. 3). However, this type of arrangement with peonies atop a rock positioned at the lower end of the painting, was rare in China. More popular were color or ink paintings that emphasized the peony’s opulent blooms (Fig. 4). In addition, folding screens with repeating patterns of peonies were never produced in China and remain unique to Joseon peony painting conventions. Fig. 2. Detail of Jade House with Wealth and Honor by Xu Xi. Southern Tang dynasty, ca. early tenth century. Color on silk. 112.5 x 38.3 cm. National Palace Museum, Taipei Fig. 3. King of Flowers. Song dynasty. Ink on silk. 117.2 x 72.3 cm. National Palace Museum, Taipei Fig. 4. Flowering Plants (花卉) by Yun Shouping (惲壽平, 1633–1690). Qing dynasty (1644–1912). Ink on silk. 54.2 x 116.2 cm. National Palace Museum, Taipei Peony paintings belonged to the tradition of bird-and-flower paintings and were popular during the early and mid-Joseon period. They were produced well into the final years of the dynasty, but with new subjects included, such as the butterflies seen in the paintings of Nam Gyeu (南啓宇, 1811–1890) that featured flowers and butterflies. Until the early eighteenth century, peonies were applied as part of the overall composition of bird-and-flower paintings along with rocks, trees, birds, and more. In the late Joseon period, peonies grew more prominent, and their sumptuousness was emphasized using a wet-splash ink effect and other techniques. Ink paintings of peonies by Shim Sajeong (沈師正, 1707–1769) provides a good example of such late-Joseon peony paintings (Fig. 5). Peonies also emerged as a sole subject matter for paintings. These examples can be seen in the decorative colored peony paintings by Shin Myeongyeon (申命衍, 1808–1886) and the orchid and peony paintings in ink by Heo Ryeon (許練, 1809–1893). As Joseon transitioned from its middle to late period, peonies were increasingly depicted independently rather than alongside other subjects. Fig. 5. Ink Orchids (墨蘭圖) by Sim Sajeong. Joseon, 1767. Color on paper. 136.4 x 58.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Peony paintings designated for ceremonial purposes were made into folding screens. Those used in the royal court were identified as “court peony screens” (宮牡丹屛, gung moranbyeong) and showed peonies in nearly identical shapes across four to ten panels (Fig. 6). Court peony screens were featured in the rites held at the Jongmyo royal shrine (宗廟儀禮), celebrations (嘉禮), funeral rites (喪禮), and on other important occasions, as well as at sites such as the royal portrait halls. Royal records concerning peony screens are found in Sohyeon seja garye dogam uigwe (昭顯世子嘉禮都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Royal Wedding of Prince Sohyeon) (1627) and numerous other references. The next section of this paper will more closely examine peony screens mentioned in the royal protocols known as uigwe. Fig. 6. Detail of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies. Joseon, late 19th–early 20th century. Color on silk. 174.2 x 48.0 cm (each). Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Peony screens played a role outside of the royal court at the private wedding ceremonies of commoners as well. This is demonstrated in the late-Joseon paintings of cycles of life (平生圖, pyeongsaengdo), particularly in scenes of sixtieth wedding anniversary celebrations, where peony screens are commonly depicted (Fig. 7). Peonies were also presented in folk paintings in combination with other auspicious indicators and widely appreciated by people of all classes over an extended period of history. Fig. 7. Detail of Scenes from the Cycle of Life. Joseon, 19th century. 130.0 x 36.0 cm (each). National Museum of Korea Features and condition of the Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies Each panel of the Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies in the collection of the National Museum of Korea measures 145 centimeters tall and 58 centimeters across. The panels are not mounted individually, and the screen shows a continuous image of peony blossoms and rocks that extends across all ten panels (Fig. 8). Peony screens in this type of unbroken format are very rare, and most show distinct images in each panel. The peonies in this decorative screen are painted on silk in deep-toned pigments. Rather than a pure repetition of exclusively peonies or peonies with rocks on each panel, the image depicts of a forest of peony trees set against a background of land and water. Each panel contains three peony trees on average, meaning there are about 30 trees in total. The flowers and leaves are outlined in ink and filled in with color (Fig. 8-1). Fig. 8. Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies. Joseon, 18th century. Color on silk. 145.0 x 58.0cm (each). National Museum of Korea Fig. 8-1. Detail of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies Each panel depicts peony blossoms and buds in red, yellow, pink, and blue. Beginning with the first panel, there are six, seven, eleven, eight, eight, ten, eleven, eight, eight, and nine differently shaped flowers in each panel.4 In reality, while peonies do come in the four colors depicted, they never appear together on a single tree as they do in the screen. This is a characteristic that the Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies shares with other surviving peony screens. The flowers themselves range from buds to full blossoms. Apart from the four colors of flowers growing from a single tree, this folding screen shows a relatively naturalistic composition of peony trees across the panels, appearing like an actual grove. Unlike the other conventional peony screens, this example does not contain one peony tree within each panel. The trees and flowers are all shaped differently and lean in different directions. The placement of the six oddly-shaped rocks also varies, with one stretching across the first and second panels, one in the third panel, one across the fourth and fifth panels, one in the sixth panel, one in the seventh panel, and one across the ninth and tenth panels. The rocks are respectively painted pink, brown, blue, dark brown, blue, and mauve again. A clear distinction is made between the fronts and backs of the leaves next to the flowers, with the front painted in clear green and the back in yellow-ochre and red. The flower petals are darker near the center and grow lighter toward the edges to produce a gradation effect. This same effect can be observed in the rocks, where protruding points are painted brighter to reflect the rugged surface of the rocks. In contrast to the highly pigmented flowers and rock, the land and water are only lightly colored. Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies is notable in this way for conveying the three-dimensionality of the flowers and rocks while adding light and shade to the background (Fig. 8-2, 8-3). Furthermore, instead of a repetition of nearly identical peonies, there is variation. In each panel the peony trees are positioned sometimes toward the front and sometimes toward the back. In particular, the peony trees and flowers in panels number nine and ten are set toward the back and thus quite small, which allows the screen to achieve a depth not seen in conventional peony paintings (Fig. 8-4). Fig. 8-2. Detail of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies Fig. 8-3. Detail of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies Fig. 8-4. Detail of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies Of all the extant peony screens, Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies contains the most verdant trees and luxuriant flowers. They fill the ten panels in a continuous image as if the screen were projecting a wish for the splendor and affluence of the peonies to continue forever. A closer inspection of the mounting shows that the light-blue silk margin on the upper section is wider at the lower margin. The top, bottom, and side edges are bordered in purple silk to complement the peony paintings and create a lavish overall effect. The following provides a brief introduction to the conservation treatment of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies. The National Museum of Korea acquired this screen for its collection in 1921. It was first displayed to the public from April 6 to June 20, 2010 after undergoing a six-month conservation process. Prior to the conservation, the mountings were soiled, parts of the painting had peeled away, the frame had been compromised, and there was a risk of damage from worms and other vermin (Figs. 9-1, 9-2). Fig. 9-1. Screen frame of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies before conservation treatment Fig. 9-2. Conservation process of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies All ten panels are connected, and the silk was painted only on the front. The technique of coloring the reverse side of the silk was not used. There was no sign of previous conservation attempts, so the screen retained its original form and traditional mountings. Therefore, the conservation effort focused on preserving and reproducing the entirety of the mounting in its original form. All the silk was reused. At the same time, the conservation sought to minimize future damage. The conservation process can be summarized as follows:5 1. Dismantling 2. Examining the screen’s condition (x-ray, infrared inspection to confirm the absence of back painting) 3. Strengthening of pigment adhesion 4. Removal of old backing paper 5. Replace lost fabric 6. Attachment of backing paper 7. Construction of frame 8. Color matching on repaired portions 9. Completion of conservation Description of the process - This peony screen retained its traditional mountings in their original form from when it was first made. However, there were signs of damage to the elements connecting the panels, partial losses, and damage to the frame from insects or vermin. - The painting was restored after being separated from the frame. The old backing paper was removed and replaced. - Damage on the painting was addressed using silk that had been artificially aged by electron beams to create a precise match with the original. - After surface losses were repaired, two layers of backing paper were attached to reinforce the painting. The first backing paper was bamboo paper, and the second was mulberry paper. These two papers with different grains were joined to form a secure bond. - The losses to the painting were treated with matching colors to minimize any difference from the original. - The old pine frame had been severely damaged by insects or vermin and had the additional disadvantage of being heavy once all ten panels were connected. A new frame was constructed out of cedar wood for the borders and Paulownia for the inner frame as a means to reduce the overall weight and minimize damage from insects and vermin. Additional ribs were added to the middle portion of the frame to prevent the painting from sagging in the future. - Once the treatment for each component was completed, the painting, the silk margins on the upper and lower parts of the screen, and the border strips were attached, in that order. Production period of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies Records As there is no record of the date or artist for Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies, so its production period must be inferred by analyzing the screen’s style and available pertinent records. The first recorded use of a peony screen at the royal court is found in Sohyeon seja garye dogam uigwe (昭顯世子嘉禮都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Royal Wedding of Prince Sohyeon).6 This protocol provides details on a ten-panel folding screen commissioned for this royal wedding, including its size and the names of the painters and artisans involved in making it. Peony screens are frequently mentioned in the royal protocol manuals known as uigwe, with 899 references in 76 uigwe (See pages 92–93). Interestingly enough, with the exception of the abovementioned royal wedding protocol, peony screens are generally mentioned in rites associated with death, as in protocols for state funerals, protocols for setting up a funerary hall and temporary spirit-tablet hall, protocols for the construction of a royal mausoleum, protocols for the relocation of a royal tomb, and protocols for bestowing posthumous titles. The only other references are found in the protocols for replication of the portraits of kings and in the uigwe dealing with revisions and amendments to the Seonwon gyebo giryak (璿源系譜紀略, Genealogy of the royal family). The uigwe that refer to peony screens are evenly distributed from 1627 to 1895, when Myeongseong hwanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe ([明聖王后]殯殿[魂殿]都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall [Spirit Hall] of Queen Myeongseong) was published. Peony screens that have survived to this day are mostly dated to the nineteenth century, which corresponds to the fact that more than half (44 uigwe) of the 76 uigwe mentioning peonies are dated to the nineteenth century or later. Records show that peony screens were frequently used in court events in the second half of the Joseon period. However, considering that the oldest surviving uigwe, Uiinwanghu salleung dogam uigwe (懿仁王后山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Ui-in), dates to 1601, there is a good possibility that peony screens were made for and used in court events prior to their first-known mention in the 1627 Sohyeon seja garye dogam uigwe (昭顯世子嘉禮都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Royal Wedding of Prince Sohyeon). Uigwe Mentioning “Peony Screens” 1) Sohyeon seja garye dogam uigwe (昭顯世子嘉禮都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Royal Wedding of Prince Sohyeon ), 1627 2) Injo binjeon dogam uigwe ([仁祖]殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of King Injo), 1649 3) Hyojong binjeon dogam uigwe ([孝宗]殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of King Hyojong), 1659 4) Hyeonjong binjeon dogam uigwe ([顯宗]殯殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall of King Hyeonjong), 1675 5) Seonwonrok gyojeongcheong uigwe (璿源錄校正廳儀軌, Uigwe for Genealogy of Royal Ascendants by the Repair Agency), 1680 6) Ingyeong wanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe ([仁敬王后]殯殿[魂殿]都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall [Spirit Hall] of Queen Ingyeong), 1681 7) Ingyeong wanghu gukjang dogam docheong uigwe ([仁敬王后]國葬都監都廳儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Queen Ingyeong), 1681 8) Myeongseong wanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe ([明聖王后]殯殿[魂殿]都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall [Spirit Hall] of Queen Myeongseong), 1684 Total number of the seventeenth-century uigwe: 8 9) Inhyeon wanghu honjeon dogam uigwe ([仁顯王后]魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Spirit Hall of Queen Inhyeon), 1702 10) Dan’uibin hongung dogam uigwe ([端懿嬪]魂宮都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Spirit Hall of the Crown Princess Danui), 1718 11) Minhoebin bokwi siho dogam uigwe (愍懷嬪復位宣諡都監儀軌, Uigwe for Reinstating Crown Princess Minhoe and Bestowing Her a Posthumous Title), 1718 12) Sukjong binjeon dogam uigwe ([肅宗]殯殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall of King Sukjong), 1721 13) Sukjong honjeon dogam uigwe (肅宗魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Spirit Hall of King Sukjong), 1721 14) Gyeongjong binjeon dogam uigwe ([景宗]殯殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall of King Gyeongjong), 1725 15) Seonui wanghu honjeon dogam uigwe ([宣懿王后]魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Spirit Hall of Queen Seonui), 1731 16) Seonwon boryak sujeongsi jongbusi uigwe (璿源譜略修正時宗簿寺儀軌, Uigwe for Revised Royal Genealogy by the Office of Royal Household), 1751 17) Hyosunhyeonbin bingung hongung ryangdogam yibang uigwe ([孝純賢嬪]殯宮魂宮兩都監二房儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Crown Princess Hyeon), 1752 18) Hyosunhyeonbin yejang dogam uigwe ([孝純賢嬪]禮葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Crown Princess Hyeon), 1752 19) Uisojo yeonggeoncheong uigwe (懿昭廟營建廳儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Shrine of Crown Grandson Uiso), 1753 20) Sunhoe seja sangsi bongwon dogam uigwe ([順懷世子]上諡封園都監儀軌, Uigwe for Bestowing the Posthumous Title to Crown Prince Sunhoe), 1755 21) Inwon wanghu gukjang dogam uigwe ([仁元王后]國葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Queen Inwon), 1757 22) Inwon wanghu honjeon dogam uigwe ([仁元王后]魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Spirit Hall of Queen Inwon), 1757 23) Inwon wanghu myeongreung sanreung dogam uigwe ([仁元王后]明陵山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Inwon), 1757 24) Jeongseong wanghu honjeon dogam uigwe ([貞聖王后]魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Spirit Hall of Queen Jeongseong), 1757 25) Sado seja bingung hongung dogam uigwe ([思悼世子]殯宮魂宮都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Crown Prince Sado), 1762 26) Jangjo Yeonguwon myoso dogam uigwe ([莊祖永祐園]墓所都監儀軌, Uigwe for Honoring Crown Prince Sado’s Yeonguwon Tomb), 1762 27) Yeongjo binjeon dogam uigwe ([英祖]殯殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall of King Yeongjo), 1776 28) Munhyo seja myoso dogam uigwe (文孝世子墓所都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Crown Prince Munhyo), 1786 29) Seonwon boryak gaejang sebo uigwe (璿源譜略改張洗補儀軌, Uigwe for Amended and Proofread Royal Genealogy), 1787 30) Jangheonseja hyeonryungwon wonso dogam uigwe ([莊獻世子]顯隆園園所都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Crown Prince Sado), 1789 31) Jangheonseja hyeonryungwon cheonwon uigwe ([莊獻世子莊祖]顯隆園遷園儀軌, Uigwe for the Relocation of Crown Prince Sado’s Hyeonryungwon Tomb), 1789 32) Seonwon boryak sujeong uigwe (璿源譜略修正儀軌, Uigwe for Revised Royal Genealogy), 1795 Total number of the eighteenth-century uigwe: 24 33) Jeongjo gukjang dogam uigwe ([正祖]國葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of King Jeongjo), 1800 34) Jeongjo daewang binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe (正祖大王殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of King Jeongjong), 1800 35) Jeongjo geonreung sanreung dogam uigwe ([正祖]健陵山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of King Jeongjo), 1800 36) Jeongsun wanghu gukjang dogam ujuso uigwe ([貞純王后]國葬都監虞主所儀軌, Uigwe for Queen Jeongsun’s Royal Funeral by the Office of Temporary Tablet), 1805 37) Jeongsun wanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe ([貞純王后]殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Queen Jeongsun), 1805 38) Jeongsun wanghu wonreung sanreung dogam uigwe ([貞純王后]元陵山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Jeongsun), 1805 39) Heongyeong hyebin sangrye dogam uigwe (獻敬惠嬪喪禮都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Mourning Rituals for Consort Heongyeong Hyebin), 1815 40) Heongyeong hyebin bingung hongung dogam uigwe (獻敬惠嬪殯宮魂宮都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Crown Princess Hye), 1816 41) Heongyeong hyebin hyeonryungwon wonso dogam uigwe ([獻敬惠嬪]顯隆園園所都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Crown Princess Hye),1816 42) Hyoui wanghu gukjang dogam uigwe ([孝懿王后]國葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Queen Hyoui), 1821 43) Hyoui wanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe ([孝懿王后]殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Queen Hyoui), 1821 44) Jeongjo geonreung cheonbong dogam uigwe ([正祖]健陵遷奉都監儀軌, Uigwe for Relocating the Tomb of King Jeongjo), 1821 45) Hyeonmok subin jangrye dogam uigwe ([顯穆綏嬪]葬禮都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Lady Bak), 1823 46) Hyeonmok subin bingung hongung dogam uigwe ([顯穆綏嬪]殯宮魂宮都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Lady Bak), 1823 47) Hyomyeong seja jangrye dogam uigwe ([孝明世子]葬禮都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Crown Prince Hyomyeong), 1830 48) Hyomyeong seja bingung hongung dogam uigwe ([孝明世子]殯宮魂宮都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Crown Prince Hyomyeong), 1830 49) Ikjong yeongyeong myoso dogam uigwe ([翼宗]延慶墓所都監儀軌, Uigwe for Bestowing the Title Yeongyeong to King Ikjong’s Tomb), 1830 50) Sunjo gukjang dogam uigwe ([純祖]國葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of King Sunjo), 1835 51) Sunjo binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe ([純祖]殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of King Sunjo), 1835 52) Sunjo inreung sanreung dogam uigwe ([純祖仁陵]山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of King Sunjo), 1835 53) Sunjong daewang silrok uigwe (純宗大王實錄儀軌, Uigwe for the Annals of King Sunjong), 1838 54) Hyohyeon wanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe ([孝顯王后]殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Queen Hyohyeon), 1843 55) Hyohyeon wanghu gyeongreung sanreung dogam uigwe ([孝顯王后]景陵山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Hyohyeon), 1843 56) Munjo sureung sanreung dogam uigwe ([文祖]綏陵山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Construction of King Munjo’s Sureung Mausoleum), 1846 57) Munjo sureung cheonbong sanreung dogam uigwe ([文祖]綏陵遷奉山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Construction and Relocation of King Munjo’s Sureung Mausoleum), 1846 58) Heonjong daewang binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe ([憲宗大王]殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of King Heonjong), 1849 59) Sunjo daewang chusangjonho daewangdaebijeon gasangjonho dogam uigwe (純祖大王追上尊號大王大妃殿加上尊號都監儀軌, Uigwe for Bestowing the Posthumous Title to King Sunjo and Presenting New Honorific Title to the Hall of Grand Royal Queen Dowager), 1853 60) Hwigyeongwon cheonbong dogam uigwe (徽慶園遷奉都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Relocation of Hwigyeongwon Tomb), 1855 61) Sunjo inreung cheonbong sanreung dogam uigwe ([純祖]仁陵遷奉山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Construction and Relocation of King Sunjo’s Inreung Mausoleum), 1856 62) Sunjo inreung cheonbong docheong uigwe ([純祖]仁陵遷奉都廳儀軌, Uigwe for the Relocation of King Sunjo’s Inreung Mausoleum), 1856 63) Sunwon wanghu inreung sanreung dogam uigwe ([純元王后仁陵]山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Sunwon), 1857 64) Sunwon wanghu gukjang dogam uigwe (純元王后國葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Queen Sunwon), 1857 65) Sunwon wanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe (純元王后殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Queen Sunwon), 1857 66) Sinjeonghu gojonho Hyojeonghu samjonho gasangjonho dogam uigwe ([神貞后五尊號孝定后三尊號]加上尊號都監儀軌, Uigwe for Presenting New Honorific Titles to Queen Sinjeong and Queen Hyojeong), 1863 67) Munjo Sinjeonghu sipyijonho Heonjong Hyojeonghu chil Cheolinhu Gojong chojon sangjonho dogam uigwe ([文祖神貞后十二尊號憲宗孝定后七哲仁后高宗初尊]上尊號都監儀軌, Uigwe for Presenting New Honorific Titles to Queen Sinjeong (Wife of King Munjo), Queen Hyojeong (Wife of King Heonjong), and Queen Cheolin (King Cheoljong) and the First Honorific Title to Empress Myeongseong (Wife of King Gojong)), 1873 68) Sunjeong wanghu gukjang dogam uigwe (神貞王后國葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Queen Sinjeong), 1892 69) Sinjeong wanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe (神貞王后殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall ofQueen Sinjeong), 1892 70) Sinjeong wanghu sureung sanreung dogam uigwe ([神貞王后]綏陵山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Sinjeong), 1892 71) Cheolin wanghu yereung sanreung dogam uigwe ([哲仁王后睿陵]山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Cheolin), 1880 72) Myeongseong hwanghu gukjang dogam uigwe ([明成皇后]國葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Empress Myeongseong), 1898 73) Myeongseong hwanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe ([明成皇后]殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Empress Myeongseong), 1898 74) Myeongseong hwanghu hongreung sanreung dogam uigwe ([明成皇后]洪陵山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Empress Myeongseong), 1898 75) Hyeonmok subin hwigyeongwon wonso dogam uigwe hwigyeongwon cheonbong dogam uigwe (徽慶園遷奉都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Construction and Relocation of Hwigyeongwon Tomb of Consort Hyeonmok Subin), 1863 76) Yeongjeong mosa dogam uigwe (影幀摸寫都監儀軌, Record of the Replication Process of Kings’ Portrait), 1901 Total number of uigwe produced in and after the nineteenth century: 44 Comparison of Peony Screens Court peony screens were produced throughout the Joseon period, but there is no artwork with a known production date to serve as reference point. A chronological order can be estimated based on a comparison of the styles of extant peony screens. The surviving court peony screens are all composed of four to ten individually separated panels. In other words, each panel contains a peony or peony-and-rock painting on a separate mounting (Fig. 10). Fig. 10. Eight-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies. Joseon, 19th–20th century. Color on paper. H. 195.5 x W. 57.5 cm (each). National Museum of Korea Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies in the National Museum of Korea’s collection differs markedly from these peony screens since it extends across the length of ten panels combined. Also, whereas other peony screens such as eight-panel screen show eight peony trees and eight rocks to correspond to their eight panels, Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies is less formulaic. There are indeed ten trees on the ten panels, but the trees and the six rocks are naturalistically scattered throughout the overall composition. The trees spread out across the panels, and the branches and flowers from different trees intersect, meaning the panels are not uniformly divided. The background provides another distinctive feature of this Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies. Other peony screens show either a peony planted atop a small mound or do not include any background. In contrast, Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies shows a more varied background of low hills, grass fields, streams, and more. There is even what seems like a low waterfall, although it appears to be a perfunctory drawing. In short, while other peony screens follow a schematized pattern, this ten-panel screen is far from mechanically repetitive (Figs. 8-5, 8-6, details of Fig. 8). Fig. 8-5. Detail of Fig. 8 Fig. 8-6. Detail of Fig. 8 This style described above compares to a four-panel peony screen also in the National Museum of Korea’s collection with a similarly non-formulaic design. Its background is simpler than that of the ten-panel screen, and peony images are not depicted throughout the four panels. However, small wildflowers have been added next to the peony trees, and the small rocks change shape in each panel (Fig. 11). The four-panel screen alternates regularly between wildflowers and rocks, but it differs from the repetitive pattern seen in other peony screens. The flowers are likewise not schematized but face different directions and have petals that seem to sway in the breeze. Fig. 11. Four-panel Folding Screen of Peonies. Joseon, 18th–19th century. Color on silk. 148.6 x 62.4 cm (each). National Museum of Korea In terms of the shapes of the flowers and trees as well as the number of flowers, each panel in the ten-panel screen contains a different number of flowers, from six to eleven. Other peony screens contain recurring designs, whether the exact identical design is reproduced in each panel or two or three alternate. Discovery of an Inscription Presuming that the screens with repeating flower and rock patterns were painted from the end of the nineteenth century to the early twentieth century, the National Museum of Korea’s ten-panel screen can be dated to this period. This hypothesis was complicated during the conservation process, however, by the discovery of an inscription on the back of the screen bearing the name of an individual who was active in the early nineteenth century. The paper that covered the back of the screen was found to have ink writing in both seal script (jeonseo) and regular script (haeseo). Among the inscriptions is the following: 啓功郞行司諫院正言臣李冕植 (Gyegongnang haeng Saganwon Jeongeon sin Yi Myeonsik) (Fig. 12). The writing is somewhat smaller than the other large characters (大字). Fig. 12. Inscriptions on the back of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies Yi Myeonsik, a member of the Jeonju Yi family, sat for the jeongsi (廷試, state examination held at the palace) version of the civil service examinations known as gwageo and obtained the byeonggwa (丙科, third group) ranking in 1814 (14th year of the reign of King Sunjo). Little is known about his private or public life. His name appears six times in the Joseon wangjo sillok between March 1, 1822, (22nd year of the reign of King Sunjo) and August 20, 1827, (27th year of the reign of King Sunjo) as a censor (正言, jeongeon) in the Office of the Censor-General (司諫院, Saganwon).7 No other record of Yi holding another public office is found in Joseon wangjo sillok beyond this five-year period. Yi’s name also arises in the uigwe. In the 1815 Heongyeong hyebin sangrye dogam uigwe (獻敬惠嬪喪禮都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Mourning Rituals for Consort Heongyeong Hyebin). Yi Myeonsik appears as an bongjukchaekgwan, an official who holds a bamboo book during an investiture ceremony, and is noted to have received a young horse. Yi again receives a young horse in 1821 according to Hyoui wanghu gukjang dogam uigwe ([孝懿王后]國葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral of Queen Hyoui). It is also known that in 1821 he attained the seventh senior rank position of scribe (注書, juseo) in the Royal Secretariat (承政院, Seungjeongwon). In 1822, Yi became a censor in the Office of the Censor-General. The inscription on the back of the peony screen reads “司諫院正言臣李冕植” (Saganwon Jeongeon sin Yi Myeonsik), which dates the production of the screen to the period between 1822 to 1827 when he held the position of Jeongeon. If the painting and screen were made in the same period, Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies may be an early nineteenth century work. If the painting and screen were produced at different times, meaning the painting was not at first prepared as a screen and some time passed before it was mounted, then the peony painting may be even older. These records indicate that Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies can be dated to the early nineteenth century, which would be consistent with its less-schematized design and formalized style relative to other peony paintings as described above. While most peony screens are believed to date from the late nineteenth century, the ten-panel screen can be confirmed to be considerably older. The screen retained its original mountings untouched, and assuming that the painting and mounting were produced at around the same time, the peony screen most likely was created in the 1820s. Conclusion Based on its size, the skill level manifested, rich colors, and other aspects of Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies, there is a strong possibility that it was used at the royal court. Furthermore, records indicate that peony screens were often produced for and used in ceremonies related to funerals, the relocation of tombs and mausoleums, the bestowal of posthumous titles, and the like. Among the peony screens presumed to have been used in the court, most of the remaining examples consist of panels with uniformly repetitive images that are nearly copies of one another. This ten-panel screen is striking for its presentation of a continuous scene extending across all its panels. The background also differs from the standard rounded design. Instead, peonies and rocks in various shapes and colors are positioned against a relatively naturalistic background of hills, fields of grass, water, more fields of grass, and water again. This suggests that the tenpanel screen predates other peony screens and was produced in the early nineteenth century. The production period is further verified by the mention of the name of an early nineteenth century official in an inscription on the back of the screen. Ten-panel Folding Screen with Image of Peonies provides a key source for understanding the history of Joseon-period peony screens since its style precedes the particular rigid design commonly found in the majority of the extant court peony screens. Going forward, closer examination of the numerous references to peony screens in the uigwe will make it possible to analyze aspects of peony screen production in the seventeenth to early nineteenth centuries.

Feature

The Production and Copying of Portraits of Meritorious Subjects: Portraits of Jo Gonggeun and their Related Drawings

Kwon Hyuk San(Assistant Curator, Naju National Museum)

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Citation

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2018.v12_07

During the Joseon dynasty (1392-1897), the title of gongsin was bestowed upon meritorious subjects who supported the royal family during political turmoil, war, and uprisings and rendered distinguished public service to the state. Kings appreciated their loyal service and considered them men of virtue and exemplary statemen. A number of meritorious subjects were awarded this title during the Joseon era (Bak Bongju 2005). Assigning a person the title gongsin involved honor, economic benefit, and administrative prestige, all of which could be passed down through the generations. It was considered the highest accolade to create a large-scale full portrait of a meritorious subject for posterity.1 Painted images of meritorious subjects were emblematic of the subject's loyalty. Accompanying the portrait was a list of honorable deeds and a royal edict confirming the status of the subject. Thus, portraits of meritorious subjects were treated carefully as precious objects (Sin Myeongho 2003, 321–327). Portraits of meritorious subjects were produced throughout the dynasty, spanning from a founding contributor during the earliest Joseon period to military officials who suppressed the uprising of Lee In-jwa in 1728. However, most of the paintings predating the Imjin War (the Japanese Invasions of Korea of 1592–1598) were destroyed by fire and only later copies survive today.2 In addition, the portraits of meritorious subjects were discarded if the achievements of the subjects were denounced and they were stripped of their gongsin titles. A total of six gongsin titles were rescinded during the Joseon era. In particular, four titles of gongsin bestowed during the reign of King Gwanghaegun (光海君, r. 1608–1623) were stripped away after the Injo Restoration of 1623. Following the related conventions, their portraits were incinerated. Nevertheless, some original copies of these portraits remain, indicating the discrepancy between the prescribed treatment of such portraiture and its value on a practical level. This essay investigates the production and removal of portraits depicting meritorious subjects in the seventeenth century during the reign of King Gwanghaegun by focusing on the significance of the portraits and their stylistic and formal characteristics. In particular, the styles and painting techniques of two portraits of Jo Gonggeun and thirteen related drawings that have recently been revealed to the public are thoroughly examined as case studies.3 Only a handful of portrait sketches have been discovered, and the scholarly research on this topic is scant.4 In this sense, the Portrait of Jo Gonggeun is considered a rare case where the original painting, a copy, and preparatory drawings have all been preserved. Therefore, a close examination of the two versions of the portrait allows us to conjecture on their relationships, functions, and dates of production. This in turn contributes to the understanding of how formal portraits of meritorious subjects and their later copies were produced. Meritorious Subjects and Their Portraits During the Reign of King Gwanghaegun Production and Destruction of Portraits of Meritorious Subjects during the Reign of King Gwanghaegun On the twelfth day of the third lunar month of 1613, five years after the enthronement of King Gwanghaegun, four gongsin titles were simultaneously granted. The title of gongsin was conventionally awarded to meritorious subjects soon after they had achieved some glorious exploit, but these four bestowed during the reign of King Gwanghaegun were assigned together regardless of when the pertinent virtuous action had taken place. The Royal Protocols Regarding the Office of Superintendency in Charge of Recording Meritorious Subjects’ Accomplishment was likely produced and bound at this same time. However, this document no longer exists. Over the history of the Joseon dynasty, a total of six gongsin titles were repudiated. Once the title was removed, the social prestige and benefits enjoyed by its recipient were rescinded and their portraits were destroyed. The titles of meritorious subject awarded during the reign of King Gwanghaegun were discontinued in the third lunar month of 1623 when the king was deposed in the Injo Restoration. Historical records indicate that the portraits of subjects who lost their gongsin titles were supposed to be destroyed by fire. According to Jungjong sillok (Annals of King Jungjong), several gongsin were later disgraced as traitors and their portraits and any records of their names and accomplishments were incinerated in the tenth lunar month of King Jungjong’s reign (1513). Furthermore, the contents related to the meritorious subjects recorded in the entries in the Gwanghaegun ilgi (Daily Record of King Gwanghaegun) for the tenth and eleventh lunar months during the first year of King Gwanghaegun’s reign (1608) were stricken from the official records. The entry on the twelfth day of the tenth lunar month of 1608 declared that “a portrait was burned only if the subject committed a grievous offense.” Under this provision, it seems that not all portraits of meritorious subjects who lost their gongsin status were destroyed by fire. Historical texts state that four lists that featured the names of meritorious subjects created in King Gwanghaegun’s reign were deleted, but there is no surviving record that indicates that their portraits were incinerated at the time.5 It is not certain whether the portraits were discarded or if the record of their incineration was simply omitted. In fact, several portraits of meritorious subjects produced during the rule of King Gwanghaegun have survived. Even after the final titles of gongsin ever awarded were given to loyal subjects who helped quell Lee In-jwa’s Uprising of 1728, the convention of destroying portraits of meritorious subjects who were deprived of their gongsin continued.6 The Stylistic Characteristics of Portraiture of Meritorious Subjects During King Gwanghaegun’s Reign Thirteen out of the twenty-eight gongsin titles conferred during the Joseon era were bestowed in the seventeenth century. Based on historical records, more than 300 portraits depicting meritorious subjects were produced during this period. The typical characteristics of seventeenth-century portraits of meritorious subjects can be summarized as follows: The figure is seated in a chair wearing a round-collared black official’s robe and a low-fitting black hat decorated with cloud-treasure patterns. The head is turned three-quarters to the right. The subject’s hands are encased in the sleeves, and his feet are placed on a footrest. The background is blank, and the floor is covered with a colored carpet. There is no representation of spatial recession. These portraits can be classified into four or five categories according to their formal characteristics (Jo Seonmi 2007, 44–99; Kwon Hyuk San 2007, 63–83). As mentioned previously, four portraits of meritorious subjects were concurrently commissioned in 1613, the fifth year of King Gwanghaegun’s rule, immediately after the titles of gongsin had been simultaneously conferred. Representative examples of portraits depicting meritorious subjects from this period include the Portrait of Yu Suk (Figs. 1 and 2), the (presumed) Portrait of Yun Hyojeon (Fig. 3), the Portrait of Im Jang (Fig. 4), the Portrait of Yun Jungsam (Fig. 5), the Portrait of Sim Huisu, the (presumed) Portrait of Yun Hyu, the Portrait of Yu Geun, and the Portrait of Yi Sanhae. The portraiture of meritorious subjects produced during the reign of King Gwanghaegun reveals that the position and height of the subjects’ shoulders were more accurately rendered compared to in preceding examples. A short-sleeve gown (dallyeong) and an overcoat with ruffles at the bottom (cheollik) can be seen through the left opening of the official’s robe with their contours drawn in straight lines. The front of the official’s hat has an angular form, but the back is rather round. The left arm of the chair bends toward the right and is connected to the back. The lower ends of the official’s robe are depicted in a triangular form and are draped over the chair’s arm. A portion of a patterned mat seen in these paintings slightly recedes into the background. Portraiture from this period displays almost identical formal features outside of the renderings of the faces and chest emblems (Figs. 2–5). Fig. 1. Illustration of Portrait of Yu Suk Fig. 2. Portrait of Yu Suk. Color on silk. 178.3 x 102.1 cm. private collection Fig. 3. Presumed Portrait of Yun Hyojeon. Color on silk. 179.6 x 106.5 cm. private collection Fig. 4. Portrait of Im Jang. Color on silk. 167.8 x 103.2 cm. Yonsei University Museum Fig. 5. Portrait of Yun Jungsam. Color on silk. 183.5 x 108.0 cm. National Museum of Korea Portraits of Jo Gonggeun and Related Copies Two official portraits and thirteen drawings of Jo Geonggeun (1547–1629), a scholar-official from the mid-Joseon dynasty, were recently revealed to the public.7 Considering that most of the seventeenth-century portraits known at present are later copies rendered after the eighteenth century, it is very rare for both original copies and their later versions to survive intact. This chapter aims to examine the style, formal elements, and painting techniques of the two copies of the Portrait of Jo Gonggeun. Portrait of Jo Gonggeun (The Original Version of 1613) The style, painting techniques, materials, clothing, and mounting of the Portrait of Jo Gonggeun (1613) reflect the typical characteristics of meritorious subject portraiture produced during the reign of King Gwanghaegun (Fig. 6). The subject’s face is seen from the left in a three-quarter view. This picture is a full-length portrait depicting the subject seated in a chair. Fig. 6. Portrait of Jo Gonggeun. 1613. 178.0 x 104.0 cm. Head House of Hanyang Jo Family, Hanheunggun Branch The black hat worn by the official sits relatively lower than is commonly depicted in the late Joseon-period portraiture (Fig. 7). The dark black hat consists of two tiers; the upper front portion has angular edges, and the back of the hat is gently rounded. Two wings attached to the rear of the hat are colored light black and decorated with cloud-treasure patterns. Interestingly, the left wing, which is closer to the viewer, is placed lower than the right wing. This may be considered an odd arrangement from a Western perspective. Fig. 7. Detail of the official hat, face, and chest from Portrait of Jo Gonggeun. 1613 The shading on the face is subdued, and the color of the contour lines applied on the face are close to the actual complexion. However, details such as the beard, facial moles, and age spots are all depicted in a realistic manner. The chest insignia appears on a large scale, occupying most of the upper body from immediately below the collar to the upper belt adorned with horn ornaments. This feature is a typical characteristic of seventeenth-century portraiture of meritorious subjects. The subject wears a black official’s robe with a round collar. White inner clothing can be seen between the neck and the collar, as well as at the ends of the wide sleeves. A blue garment and a green pleated coat show through the side slit of the outer robe that starts at the hips and reaches to the footrest. A triangular flap can be seen behind the top of the chair. These are characteristics of seventeenth-century portraits and appears in portraits of scholar-officials wearing an official robe (Fig. 8). Fig. 8. Detail of the official robe and colored carpet from Portrait of Jo Gonggeun. 1613 The colored carpet in this painting is depicted with the typical features commonly found in seventeenth-century portraiture of meritorious subjects. The vivid colors and geometric patterns on the rug lend a splendid atmosphere to the picture and complement the simple composition without becoming monotonous. The bottom is presented in a flat manner without perspective, so it resembles wallpaper, which is closely reflective of the style of the period. The mount that supports and ornaments the painting was preserved intact without any restoration and thus reveals the original mounting format of the seventeenth century (Fig. 9). The portrait is surrounded by white silk decorated with flower and plant patterns, while blue silk with peony decorations is attached to the white silk from the top to the bottom of the picture. The upper and lower scroll rods that would have been used for hanging the portrait on a wall are missing. Fig. 9. Detail of the mount from Portrait of Jo Gonggeun. 1613 Portrait of Jo Gonggeun (Copies Produced in the Late Joseon Period) This painting (Fig. 10) is considered a later copy based on the aforementioned Portrait of Jo Gonggeun (the original version of 1613). Except for minor details, including the painting techniques used and the dimensions of the scroll, this work is a faithful copy of the original in that its overall form, style, coloring, and the materials of the piece closely resemble those of the portrait of 1613. Only small discrepancies in the painting technique and the dimensions of the scroll can be detected. Fig. 10. Portrait of Jo Gonggeun. Copy from the late Joseon period. 150.0 x 94.0 cm. Head House of Hanyang Jo Family, Hanheunggun branch The accurate portrayal of the subject’s countenance (Fig. 11) proves that this copy was executed by a talented artist of great skill. The portrait reveals a realistic depiction of the subject’s facial features, including an elaborate rendering of his beard, wrinkles, and age spots. In comparison with the original painting of 1613 that shows a restrained shading effect on the face, this work presents a more realistic three-dimensional quality in the facial features. Fine lines are abundantly applied to the face to express the skin texture. Shadowing effects are cast on the areas where the body bends or twists and where the garment is folded. In sum, this copy follows the formal attributes ascribed to portraiture of meritorious subjects in the seventeenth century, but its execution is influenced by techniques developed in later periods. This suggests that the work was created between the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Fig. 11-1. Detail of face from Portrait of Jo Gonggeun from a copy of the late Joseon period Fig. 11-2. Detail of face from Portrait of Jo Gonggeun (1613) Portrait of Jo Gonggeun and the Process of Producing Portrait Sketches Method of Sketching for Half-length Portrait of Jo Gonggeun The most challenging task in portraiture is capturing the likeness of the face. A drawing known as a chobon is a preliminary step in drafting a composition and provides an outline for a completed version of the work. A portrait sketch is produced in the preliminary stages of painting and refers to a drawing that graphically demonstrates a subject. Twelve sketches ofa half-length portrait of Jo Gonggeun have survived. They all depict half of the figure from the official hat to the chest on similar-sized paper. The existence of the twelve drawings naturally leads to the following questions: first, for which painting were these sketches made? Second, why did the artists create twelve copies in three different styles? Regarding the first point, these half-length portrait sketches were seemingly in preparation for the official portraits bestowed by the king to meritorious subjects. The reason for producing multiple copies lies in the fact that the sketches did not sufficiently resemble the subject or the artist failed to capture his essence. Slight changes in the size, angle, and position of the eyes, eyebrows, and lips can lead to entirely different renderings of the facial features. In contrast, later copies do not require multiple drawings since the original copy provides a model for the later production. A sketch for a later copy could be rendered without difficulty as the artist simply traced the lines and formations visible through semi-transparent oilpaper placed over the original painting. Therefore, multiple drawings were made only when the original official portrait was produced. Secondly, there are two possible reasons why three different painting techniques were employed in creating the portrait sketches. One explanation is that three painters executed the drawings, and a preferred artist was then chosen to draw the official portrait. The practice of testing artists’ talent to select the most capable painter was used in the production of king’s portraiture during the Joseon dynasty (Yi Seongmi 2012, 244–245). The other feasible reason is that a number of painters were involved at various stages of drawings to complete a sketch. If the first draft was unsatisfactory, a second drawing was made or different painters took the place of the previous artist. Portraits of meritorious subjects were also known to have been produced using this method.8 Categorization of Half-length Portrait Sketches of Jo Gonggeun 1. TheHalf-length Portrait Sketches Classified as Group A Four drawings clustered as Group A (Table 1) were executed in a manner similar to the representation of the official portrait and thus present a more accurate rendering of the subject’s countenance than do the sketches belonging to other groups. The contours of the face and the shading effects are subdued and red washes of paint have been lightly applied to the cheekbones. The depiction of the beard is realistic enough for viewers to feel as if they are viewing the actual subject. The black hat features a low crown with a steep angular front and a gently rounded back. The hat’s right wing is attached at the rear. Its top starts at the upper middle portion of the hat and its bottom ends somewhere between the eyebrow and eye. The left wing is placed in a slightly lower position than its counterpart and extends halfway to the left ear. With the exception of A-1, the other examples have wings decorated with cloud-treasure patterns. The drapery lines are depicted only in A-1. Table 1. Group A: Half-length portrait sketches of Jo Gonggeun Among the drawings associated with Group A, A-1 does not show any particular marking. A-2 has “○” in the upper-right corner of the front paper, and A-3 and A-4 respectively bear inscriptions reading “First Yi” and “Yi” at the three o’clock position on the rear paper (Table 2). Although the information these inscriptions provide is insufficient, it is probable that a painter whose family name is Yi executed these pieces. Since the four drawings in Group A do not include any clues that indicate the sequence of their production, it is impossible to speculate in which order these were made Table 2. Markings of Group A: Half-length Portrait Sketches of Jo Gonggeun 2. TheHalf-length Portrait Sketches Classified as Group B Thesketches for half-length portraits assigned to Group B share similar styles and modes of representation (Table 3). The red color washes on the face are enhanced, and the outlines of the facial features and wrinkles are drawn in a relatively bold dark brown. This creates a striking contrast with the drawings in Group A. Multiple angles rather than one fixed perspective are applied to depict the ears, eyes, mouth, and nose. Many portraits from the Joseon period were produced without relying on a single viewpoint. Still, this distinguishes the sketches in Group B from the other examples. For example, the eyes and lips are painted in a frontal view, the nose is seen in an 8/10 or 9/10 view, and the ears are shown from the side. Table 3. Group B: Half-length Portrait Sketches of Jo Gonggeun The black hats are fully divided into upper and lower portions outlined with ink and colored in relatively light ink washes. No patterns appear on the wings. The heights of the two wings are equal, and their starting and ending points are even. The drapery is depicted schematically without detail. Among the drawings in Group B, B-1 has “○” on the back side of the paper; B-2, B-3, B-4, and B-5 carry characters reading “Kim, two,” ”Kim, three, soil(?),” “Kim, four,” and “Kim ○, five,” respectively (Table 4). This likely means that these sketches were performed by a painter surnamed Kim and the inscribed numbers refer to their order of creation. Although B-1 has neither a character “Kim” nor a number, considering the pattern of inscriptions found in the drawings in Group B, it can be presumed that B-1 was the first drawing by this painter named Kim. Table 4. Markings of Group B: Half-length Portrait Sketches of Jo Gonggeun 3. TheHalf-length Portrait Sketches Classified as Group C Three sketches for half-length portraits affiliated with Group C present different aspects compared to the drawings in Groups A and B (Table 5). It is highly possible that the sketches in Groups A and B were each the work of a single artist based on the similarities in their styles and formal elements apparent within each group. However, it is unclear whether the drawings in Group C were executed by the artists who produced the sketches in Groups A or B, or if other touches were added to them in a later period. Otherwise, a third party—a painter or painters from succeeding generations—may have rendered these works. What is clear is that the drawings from Group C feature more advanced stylistic elements relative to the works in Groups A and B. The shading effects on the face are enhanced and the outlines are bolder and clearer than anything found in Groups A and B. In particular, both the contours of the face (C-2) and the outlines of the right side of the face are rendered in dark ink (C-3), something rarely seen in portraiture from the seventeenth century. The red hues around the cheekbones are also distinct from the renderings in the sketches in Groups A and B. These features are not characteristic of 17th-century portraiture. Table 5. Group C: Half-length Portrait Sketches of Jo Gonggeun The shape of the black hat in the Group C sketches differs from previous examples in that light and dark ink washes are separately employed in the upper and lower parts to provide features distinct from those in the drawings in Group A. In addition, unlike in the sketches in Group B, the bottom line of the hat is not clearly delineated. The lower portion is painted using a slightly dark color. There is an I-shaped pattern applied in dark ink at the center of the upper part, which divides the hat equally into right and left halves. The wings of C-2 and C-3 are decorated with cloud and treasure patterns, the most common design found in seventeenth-century portraiture. However, the wings of the hat in C-1 bear plant and flower decoration, which was rarely seen in seventeenth-century paintings. This suggests that this sketch was repainted in a later period. C-1 and C-2 bear the character 不 at the nine o’clock position in the upper right corner on the back of the paper. C-3 has an inscription reading “painted by the painter Yi Eonhong” at the twelve o’clock position in the left lower section of the back side (Table 6). The active dates for Yi Eonhong are unknown, but in 1604 his name was mentioned in the Royal Protocols regarding the Office of Supervision in Charge of Recording Meritorious Subjects’ Accomplishment during the Imjin War. Table 6. Markings of Group C: Half-length Portrait Sketches of Jo Gonggeun Which of these groups of drawings served as drafts for the official portrait? Considering the overall forms and renderings of the subjects, the drawings in Group A most closely resemble the official portrait (Table 7). This perspective is manifested in the black hat in that recession is represented in accordance with the shape of subject’s head, the width of the hat, and location of the right and left wings. The hat’s right wing is placed slightly higher than the left wing, as shown in the sketches of Group A. The right wing starts from the middle of the lower portion of the hat and ends somewhere between the eyebrow and the eye, while the left wing begins slightly lower spot and extends to the middle of the ear. The two hat wings in the drawings of Groups B and C remain rather horizontal, both starting from the upper portion of the lower hat and having a similar height. In addition, the white inner garment that separates the face from the body differs in Group A compared to its depiction in drawings from Groups B and C. In the drawings associated with Group A, with the sole exception of A-3, the lower jaw of the subject is farther from the round neck collar, whereas the collar touches the lower jaw in the sketches of Groups B and C. Ink lines are applied to establish the figure’s contours and the drapery of the robe in A-1. The white inner clothing and the representation of the shoulder lines most closely resemble the corresponding elements in the official portrait. Table 7. Comparison of ears from Portrait of Jo Gonggeun and Half-length Portrait Sketches of Jo Gonggeun Most prominently, the similarity between the official portrait and the drawings in Group A can be found in the depiction of the subject’s ears (Table 7). This area includes the hat’s wing, the ears, and the neckline connecting the head and shoulder. The neckline starts at the lower or rear part of the ears and continues to the shoulder. The neck in the official portrait and in the drawings in Group A is not outlined, but it is colored in white. In Groups B and C it is outlined in ink. The shape of the ears is almost identical in the official portraits to the sketches in Group A. The considerable similarities between the official portrait and the drawings classified as Group A indicate that it was these works that served as drafts for the final version of the official portrait. Once a draft copy was completed, translucent silk was placed over the drawing. The sketch lines and composition could be seen through the translucent silk and copied onto it. Through this process, the official portrait could precisely mimic the drawing but there are bound to be a few discrepancies between a painting and a sketch. Only the outlines defining the overall form and composition and not the details should be transferred intact in the final version of the official portrait. Multiple drawings with slightly different outlines were prepared to select the most suitable version for the painting. For this reason, creating multiple sketches benefits the production of superior portraiture. Sketch for the Full-length Portrait of Jo Gonggeun The Sketch for the Full-length Portrait of Jo Gonggeun (Fig. 12) is an ink drawing on oilpaper. The oilpaper opacifies and browns over time. As a result, it becomes earthier and less transparent. In this drawing, the black hat and round neck collar, which appear clearly and at a large scale in the official portrait, are painted with bold, dark lines. In contrast, the facial features, beard, and detailed patterns of the collar and the colored carpet were rendered in light, thin lines. Fig. 12. Sketch for the Full-length Portrait of Jo Gonggeun. Ink on oilpaper. 172.0 x 100.0 cm. Head House of Hanyang Jo Family, Hanheunggun branch Two sheets of oilpaper were pasted together to create the horizontal sections of the canvas (Fig.13). To conserve oilpaper, the double sections were used only from the feet to the shoulder and a single width of paper was pasted on to accommodate the face and official hat, which also reduced the blank space. The entire ground consists of alternating lengths of paper glued to each other in order to evenly distribute the joints and enhance adhesive strength. It is interesting to note that leftover paper surrounding the shoulder was cut away and reattached at the left side of the hat to create additional space for the left wing. Fig. 13. Arrangement of oilpaper for Sketch for the Full-length Portrait of Jo Gonggeun It is also noteworthy that color, shading, and the technique of coloring the back of the silk canvas were not used at all in the Sketch for the Full-length Portrait. In general, oilpaper was used for a charcoal sketch or for a later copy of an original portrait in order to get a sense of the finalized version by testing the technique of back coloring. However, if an original copy already existed, there was no need to use oilpaper for a drawing to examine the form, coloring, and background coloring effects. In addition, if a sketch depicting the entire length of the figure was required, it was not necessary to use oilpaper; a more common paper would have been sufficient to meet this requirement in its place. Considering all this, this sketch of a full-length portrait was based on the original portrait of Jo Gonggeun of 1613 and probably served as a draft for a later copy of the Portrait of Jo Gonggeun produced in the late Joseon era. A comparison of the depiction of the neck in the official portrait, in the later copy, and in the sketch for the full-length portrait further supports this assumption (Table 8). In the drawing of the full-length portrait, the cloud patterns on the official robe are executed in a sophisticated manner. The robe area in the sketch where the figure’s neck connects to the chest emblem more closely resembles the later copy than the original version of 1613. This is because the overall outlines of this drawing are faithfully modeled after the original version, but small details such as the cloud decorations were added at the painter’s discretion. The later copy exactly replicates this drawing without any changes. Another example of a sketch and full-length portrait can be found in An Official Portrait of Choe Deokji and A Sketch for the Portrait of Choe Deokji (National Museum of Korea 2007, 42–44). Table 8. Comparison of cloud and treasure patterns adorning robes around the neck, details from Portrait of Jo Gonggeun Conclusion: The Significance of Portraits of Jo Gonggeun and their Related Drawings The two portraits of Jo Gonggeun, the twelve half-length portrait sketches, and Sketch for the Full-length Portrait of Jo Gonggeun provide rich information for investigating the characteristics of Joseon portraiture. The original versions of portraits of meritorious subjects produced after a gongsin title was been conferred are very rare after the seventeenth century. However, quite a number of original versions created during King Gwanghaegun’s rule remain. There are several reasons for this. First, while the gongsin titles he awardedwere revoked, the portraits of meritorious subjects were preserved. It was supposed to be the practice for portraits of meritorious subjects to be destroyed once the title of gongsin has been stripped from its holder. After King Injo’s Restoration in 1623, King Gwanghaegun was dethroned and all gongsin titles bestowed during his reign were rescinded. However, no historical records state that the images were destroyed at that time. Second, portraits of meritorious subjects were frequently used in ancestor worship. When an original painting became damaged, a new copy was made to replace it. However, the portraits of meritorious subjects produced during King Gwanghaegun’s reign were supposed to have been incinerated and were thus rarely displayed either on formal or informal occasions. For this reason, these paintings remained in a relatively good condition and there was no need to reproduce the image in later generations. The version of Portrait of Jo Gonggeun that is a copy made in the late Joseon period imitates the original portrait in terms of its overall composition, the rendering of the subject, and other details. Only a few variations in the shading of the face, the garments, and the color patterns can be observed. The later copy not only mimics the original, but it also reflects a contemporaneous style. Thus, the copy demonstrates an artistic value independent of the original. The discovery of the twelve half-length portrait sketches of Jo Gonggeun is unprecedented in the history of the study of Joseon portraiture. These sketches were performed by at least three different artists, with each artist responsible for producing various copies at the same time. These works include inscriptions and numbering that allow conjecture on the identity of painters and the order of production. In addition, unlike other sketches for late Joseon portraiture, the technique of coloring the back of the silk was not applied to these drawings. The Sketch for the Full-length Portrait of Jo Gonggeun was likely used as a draft for the copy of the Portrait of Jo Gonggeun executed in the later Joseon period. The use of oilpaper without coloring indicates that this sketch was not a draft for the original official portrait, but instead a drawing made in preparation for copying the original version. Although the gongsin titles bestowed in the mid-Joseon era were withdrawn, the original version of Portrait of Jo Gonggeun survives. The twelve drawings show unique aspects distinct from those of sketches made in the late Joseon period. These works illuminate the process of producing portrait sketches, which had previously been known only through written texts. Examination of the later copy allows the contemplation of the high level of achievement of such pieces, which can be comparable to the original paintings. It is possible to conjecture on how the later copy was produced based on an investigation of the Sketch for the Full-length Portrait. Fruitful results can be anticipated from further research that explores the various aspects, characteristics, and the significance of portraiture of meritorious subjects throughout the Joseon dynasty with the discover of further valuable resources including paintings and relevant records.

The Production Method and Characteristics of the White Birch Bark Mudguard Flaps from Cheonmachong Tomb

Chang Yongjoon(Assistant Curator, Gimhae National Museum),
Kim Jongwoo(Assistant Curator, National Museum of Korea)

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Citation

https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2018.v12_08

A pair of white birch bark mudguard flaps featuring a now-famous image of a heavenly horse was discovered in 1973 during the excavation of Cheonmachong Tomb (Cultural Heritage Management Bureau, 1974). These flaps, which were likely applied as saddle attachments, were designated National Treasure No. 207 in 1974. Cheonmachong Tomb is a royal tomb located in Gyeongju, the capital of the Silla Kingdom. Originating in the southeast corner of the Korean Peninsula, the ancient kingdom of Silla endured for 992 years from 57 BCE to 935 CE. It is known that Cheonmachong Tomb was constructed in the early sixth century, but the identity of its occupant remains a mystery. Mudguard flaps are used to keep a rider’s garments clean and protect the rider from injury. They also help to prevent harm to the horse from the stirrups. Mudguard flaps were valuable objects that were included among prestige or grave goods by the Silla royalty and aristocracy, as evidenced by their discovery in Cheonmachong Tomb and Geumryeongchong Tomb (Chang Youngjoon 2015a, 62-73). However, the study of mudguard flaps (and particularly of their production process) has been limited due to the minimal number of related finds. The image featured on the mudguard flaps from Cheonmachong Tomb, on the other hand, has been intensively examined (Moon Gyeonghyun 2006, 1-38; Lee Songran 2002, 71-106; Lee Jaejoong 1991; 1994, 5-41; 2000, 23-59; 2002, 423-441), and it can now be identified with confidence as portraying a heavenly horse and not a Chimera Qilin (Chang Yongjoon 2015b, 74-95). Little is known about the mudguard flaps from Cheonmachong Tomb apart from the fact that they were made from the bark of a white birch tree and that they feature a painted image. The flaps were found with one on top of the other. The heavenly horse image widely known among the public comes from the flap placed beneath. This lower flap was in a relatively good state of preservation since it had been protected by the flap on top. Conservation work had not previously been performed on this upper flap, but it was undertaken in preparation for the “Cheonmachong, a royal tomb of Silla” Special Exhibition organized by Gyeongju National Museum in 2014 and for the publication of Mudguards with Heavenly Horse Design from the Cheonmachong Tomb of Silla in 2015. This provided an opportunity for the study of the production method of both the upper flap and lower flap to take place. This paper intends to examine the characteristics of the white birch bark used in the flaps in order to explore how mudguard flaps were manufactured during the Silla period. The dating of the wood that provided the bark will also be considered. Various experimental and observational methods were applied to establish how the mudguard panels were made and to identify any differences that may exist between the images on the respective flaps. Three-dimensional scanning technology was also utilized in order to reconstruct how the mudguard flaps would have appeared at the time of their manufacture. Mudguard Panel Dimensions and Materials The two flaps are respectively referred to as the upper flap and the lower flap (Figs. 1–6) according to their position at the time of discovery. Each mudguard flap was made using three pieces of bark (one large and two small pieces). Fig. 1. White birch bark mudguard flap from Cheonmachong Tomb (upper flap). Silla. Bark. Gyeongju National Museum Collection Fig. 2. Infrared photo of the upper flap Fig. 3. White birch bark mudguard flap from Cheonmachong Tomb (lower flap). Silla. Bark. Gyeongju National Museum Collection Fig. 4. Infrared photo of the lower flap Fig. 5. White birch bark mudguard flap from Cheonmachong Tomb (upper flap) Fig. 6. White birch bark mudguard flap from Cheonmachong Tomb (lower flap); The mudguard flap featuring a heavenly horse image widely known in Korea Mudguard Flap Panel Dimensions The front panels of both the upper and lower flap were each made from a single piece of bark. The back panels, in contrast, were made by connecting two pieces of bark, each of which was slightly larger than one-half of the front panel piece. The measurements for the panel pieces differ according to the point being measured, but the general dimensions are as follows. The front panel of the upper flap, in its extant state, measures 73.4×54.7 centimeters. The back panel measures 72.6×52.6 centimeters. Of the two pieces forming the back panel, the left is 44×52 centimeters, and the right is 54.5×38.4 centimeters. The thickness of the front and back panels of the upper flap combined is 4–8 centimeters. The thickness of a given piece of bark can vary at different points due to the natural peeling of the surface or its intentional trimming during manufacture. The mudguard flap panels are irregularly shaped due to the shrinkage of the bark components, making it difficult to precisely measure their dimensions. However, measurements taken with a ruler and thread to accommodate the curved surfaces of the bark make it possible to estimate that the mudguard flap would have been 75.0 centimeters high, 56.8 centimeters wide, and 0.81 centimeters thick at the time of its production, slightly larger than its current size. The thickness of the front and back panels attached together is approximately 4.5 millimeters. However, at its thickest point, along a vertical line through center, the flap measured approximately 7–8 millimeters. This is the area where the two bark pieces forming the back panel overlap so the flap consists of three sheets of bark. The front panel of the lower flap measures 73.2×55.2 centimeters in its present state. The left and right bark pieces forming the back panels measure 39.1×52.4 centimeters and 39.5×52.6 centimeters, respectively. The combined thickness of the front and back panels of the lower flap measures around 4–8 millimeters, varying at different points as in the case of the upper flap. It is estimated that the mudguard flap would have been 74.2 centimeters high, 56.0 centimeters wide, and 0.8 centimeters thick at the time of its production. Based on the above, it can be established that the two mudguard flaps were similar in size at the time of their manufacture. Mudguard Flap Materials and Characteristics In the excavation report for Cheonmachong Tomb, the mudguard flap was identified as having been made from the bark of a white birch tree. The surface of a tree is conventionally covered by an outer and an inner bark (also known as phloem) (Fig. 7). The inner bark is formed from live parenchyma cells that serve to transport and store photosynthates and are sometimes active in carbon fixation. The outer bark is made up of dead tissues or cork structures which serve to protect the inner bark.1 The bark panels of the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flaps were made from the outer bark of a white birch tree (Fig. 7). Fig. 7. Bark structure However, the outer bark used for the mudguard flap panels could not have been obtained from simply any convenient white birch tree. Ideally, bark should be obtained from a tree with a clean and even surface free from significant knots, as shown in Figure 8. Birch bark that peeled off in single or multiple layers, as birch bark characteristically tends to do, or that shows a dirty surface or an excess of knots would not have been suitable for crafting these mudguard flaps. Therefore, it can be surmised that few knots, limited peeling, and an absence of branches would have been important factors in selecting outer bark for the manufacture of the mudguard flaps. Fig. 8. The bark and knots of a birch tree (from a birch grove in Inje, Gangwon-do Province) (Photograph by the author in January 2004) Late April or early May when the sap is flowing is considered the best time to harvest the bark of a white birch tree. Outside of this season, it is impossible to obtain good quality outer bark from these trees. The clean state of the inner surface of the outer bark used in both of the mudguard flaps. The absence of traces of discharge from the inner bark indicate that the bark is likely to have been obtained during this sap flow period (Fig. 9). Fig. 9. Method of detaching bark from a white birch tree It is also important to estimate the age of the tree that provided the bark for the mudguard flaps, which can be done through an examination of tree rings. The thickness of the outer bark differs according to the growth conditions experienced by the tree, but if it is assumed that a new ring is formed each year, a supposition can be made regarding the age of a white birch tree by examining the layers of the outer bark.2 The layers of the bark used in the mudguard flaps were counted through microscopic observation. The thickness differed at points due to the natural peeling of the bark layers or as a result of human actions performed while processing the bark for use. In the case of both mudguard flaps, the bark forming the front panels was thinner than the bark used for the back panels. The bark used in the front panel of the upper flap consisted of 34–36 layers, which indicates that the bark came from a white birch tree at least 36 years old. The bark used in the back panel showed 48–50 layers, indicating that the tree that provided the bark was at least 50 years old. In the case of the lower flap, the bark of the front panel consisted of at least 41 layers, and the thicker back panel consisted of at least 52 layers, thereby indicating respective minimum ages of 41 and 52 years old for the white birch trees that provided the bark. The bark used for the back panels was thicker than that for the front panels. The reason for this is unclear, but it could be that due to difficulty with obtaining bark of high quality for the front panels, the back panels were made using two pieces of bark. In this regard, using thicker bark would have enhanced the strength of the panels and their ease of manufacture. The likelihood of this requires further consideration. Production of the Mudguard Flaps Connecting the bark pieces for the front and back panels 1. Overlapping the bark pieces for the back panel The two bark pieces forming the back panel were connected before it was attached to the front panel (Figs. 10–12). Fig. 10. The back side of the front panel of the upper flap (outer surface of the outer bark) Fig. 11. The back side of the back panel of the upper flap (inner surface of the outer bark) Fig. 12. The back side of the back panel of the lower flap (inner surface of the outer bark); the patterns observed are an imprint of the saddle blanket that was found beneath the lower mudguard flap at the time of its discovery Processing the bark cannot entirely obscure the lenticels. Traces of them can clearly be seen on the surface of the bark used for the mudguard flaps. The front panel of the lower flap features lenticel traces running vertically, whereas the traces on the bark pieces forming the back panel run in a horizontal direction as they would have originally been oriented on the tree. In the case of the upper flap, the inner surface of the outer bark was used for the front panel. The back panel was formed by placing two overlapping bark pieces (with the right-hand piece partially covering the left), and the entire panel was then stitched together at even intervals (Fig. 10). The back panel for the lower flap was made from two overlapping outer bark pieces with the inner surface facing outwards; this formed the back of the mudguard flap. The two bark pieces overlap by approximately 4.5–5.5 centimeters, with the right piece partially covered by the left and the overlapping area loosely stitched together. A thread consisting of two strands of fibers, similar to that used to attach the front and back panels of the mudguard flap, was applied to stitch together one-third of this overlapping section. The remaining two-thirds of the overlapping section of the back panel was stitched together using a single-fiber thread. 2. Combining the front and back panels The bark used in the lower flap shows a greater number of traces of large knots compared to the upper flap. In particular, the back panel features larger knot traces, and the state of its surface is in a poorer condition compared to the front panel, possibly because the front side of the back panel would have been covered by the front panel and not exposed. It is the front side of the front panel, crafted from the inner surface of the outer bark, that features the painted image. If the bark surface had been left unworked, it would have been difficult to bind together two bark panels with their outer surfaces facing towards each other due to the uneven surfaces caused by knots. For this reason, the outer surfaces of the outer bark panels in both mudguard flaps were smoothed and flattened using a knife and other tools. Preventive measures were also taken to ensure that gaps did not appear between the two bark panels when they were bound together. It does not appear that any special adhesive was used when connecting the two pieces forming the back panel or when combining the front and back panels. In order to bind the two pieces more securely, the two panels were adjusted to ensure that their lenticels alternated (Figs. 11–12). A quilting method was used to combine the two bark pieces forming the back panel and the single bark piece forming the front panel. This establishes that the method of quilting using a running stich was applied 1,500 years ago. The stitching was performed by first carving grooved lines into the surface of the bark according to the intended final pattern. The width of the grooved lines was set so as to ensure that the threads did not protrude too much beyond the bark surface when the quilting had been completed. It is presumed that the grooves were cut into the surface using a metal tool such as a blunt knife. Given the thickness of the threads and the estimated size of the needle hole, it is also possible that the lines may have been established using the head of the needle. The stitching was executed at intervals of 0.2–0.4 centimeters. Each stitch is of a regular length (approximately 4 millimeters) and was made in a diagonal direction. Fourteen quilted lines run at an angle of approximately 45 degrees from the upper right to the lower left, and 15 quilted lines run from the upper left to the lower right. This is the case for both of the mudguard flaps. The stitching did not involve the prior punching of holes for the needle to pass through; the holes were made by the needle at the moment of stitching. This can be established based on the fact the holes were observed to have been punched in alternating directions (as can be seen from their shape), which is to be expected when using a running stitch (Fig. 13). The stitching technique can also be established based on the shape of the holes: The needle first pierced the panel in an upward direction and then in a downwards direction. Fig. 13. Sewing traces and direction as seen in the cross section of the mudguard flap Each section of the diamond-shaped pattern that was formed by the quilting tends to be around 6 centimeter long, although the lengths vary in between 5.5–6.0 centimeters. This level of regularity indicates that the intersecting intervals of the grooved lines for stitching were carefully measured beforehand. Efforts were made to follow the grooved lines when stitching, but there were instances in which it was not properly observed and stitches strayed from the line. The grooved lines would have marked the place where the needle was to have penetrated the bark panel. It can be observed from the lower flap that the direction of the stitches for the individual quilting lines could differ when required. The stitching directions in the upper flap and lower flap were found to vary (Figs. 14–15). In addition, there appears to have been no particular pattern to the knotting of the thread, as can be seen from the lower flap. It is possible to observe that the thread was knotted where it ran out or unexpectedly broke. Fig. 14. Stitching direction used when quilting together the front and back panels of the upper flap Fig. 15. Stitching direction used when quilting together the front and back panels of the lower flap; the dotted circles denote the points where the stitches end and new stitches begin Framing the mudguard flaps The mudguard flaps were bordered using leather on top and silk underneath. Different bordering techniques were used according to the material. 1. Underlying silk border The silk used to border the mudguard flaps was a strip approximately 1.2 centimeter wide in the upper flap and 1.3 centimeter wide for the lower flap. The silk used to border the edges was fixed in place with stitches at intervals of approximately 5 millimeters. The silk was stitched to both the front and back sides of the flaps. Attempts were made, sometimes unsuccessfully, to align the stitches in a straight line. Observation of the boundary between the silk border and leather border reveals that the silk was covered by leather, which indicates that the silk was attached first. The absence of paint traces along the perimeters of the panel covered by the borders indicates that the mudguard flaps were bordered prior to their painting. Several different types of fibers were used (Park Seungwon 2015, 194-201). In the case of the upper flap, a warp-faced compound woven silk (經錦) of combined construction, which is a figured cloth, and hemp were used. The woven silk for the back side of the upper flap is the same as that for the front. The silk covered an area 1.2 centimeter wide along the perimeters of the flap. The hemp thread is a loose right-twist thread. Decorative thread was also applied, as was the case for the front side of the flap. This yellow thread has an average diameter of 0.17 millimeters and is a loose right-twist thread. 2. Leather border The upper edge and sides of the mudguard flaps were additionally bordered with leather 2.5–2.7 centimeters in width attached by weaving a leather cord through pre-punched rectangular holes (Figs. 16–17). The leather cord was 3.7 millimeter wide and 1.3 millimeter thick. Fig. 16. Detail of the stitches and the treatment of the leather frame edges of the upper flap Fig. 17. The stitches and the treatment of the leather frame edges of the upper flap The paired perforations for the leather cord form sets approximately 3 millimeters apart. In the underlying silk border, the distance between two stitches ranged from 1.3–1.5 millimeters. The holes were found to be located in a relatively regular manner. The type of leather used could not be identified, but deer leather, which is supple and easy to manipulate, was often used for horse harnesses at the time. The upper perimeters of the mudguard flaps were bordered with leather due to the gap between the front and back white birch bark panels, which made additional measures necessary in order to obtain a single edge. In addition, the leather served to protect the perimeters of the mudguard flaps from wear during use. The leather border also prevented the surface of the white birch bark from peeling off, which it tends to do, and restricted the bark panels from warping with fluctuations in temperature and humidity. Finally, the leather border also served to enhance the ornamental quality of the mudguard flaps. The thickness of the front and back panels attached together would have been substantial enough to allow the mudguard flaps to serve a practical function. Production of the image 1. Marking out the composition of the image The area where the painting was to be made was marked onto the surface of the white birch bark using a pointed implement, such as a knife. The impressions can still be observed beneath the painted layer on the mudguard flap. Two types of incised lines guided the painting: those that divided the inner from the outer border of the mudguard flap and the grooved lines that guided the quilting stiches joining the front and back pieces. The grooved lines for the quilting stitches played an important role in structuring the composition of the painting. The front side of the mudguard flap, which had been formed by combining the front and back panels, was composed of the inner surface of the outer bark layer of a white birch tree. The painting was made on this side. The background of the painting is a light yellowish-orange color, which is close to the natural color of the inner surface of the outer bark of a white birch tree, and it is quilted throughout. Pigment analysis carried out on this background revealed that it had not been painted. It is believed that this unpainted background would have originally been lighter in shade. Such a light background color would have been ideal for successfully expressing the white color of the cheonma (天馬, heavenly horse). 2. Painting the image 1) Types of pigments Previous analysis of the mudguard flap paintings and the bird painting (瑞鳥圖彩畵版, seobongdochaewhapan) from Cheonmachong Tomb revealed the use of white, red, and black pigments. Traces of malachite, which produced a green color, were also found (Yoo Hyeseon and Shin Yongbi 2015, 202-205). No remains of pigments were observed on the background of the mudguard flaps, indicating that it had been left unpainted. Four pigments were used in the painting on the flap: white lead for white, cinnabar for red, black from an ink stick, and malachite for green. The red appearing in the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flap paintings and the bird painting was found to have been produced using a mixture of white lead (Pb) and cinnabar (Hg). In contrast, the red used in a horse-rider painting found in the tomb was produced by mixing iron oxide and lead. Similarities in the color composition and theme of the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flap paintings and the bird painting suggest that they were created using the same pigments. 2) Producing the image It had previously been believed that the surface onto which the heavenly horse images were painted was the outer surface of the outer bark of a white birch tree. However, it was possible to confirm that the surface was in fact the inner surface of the outer bark. The inner and outer surfaces of the outer bark could be distinguished through differences in the knots, lenticels, color, and state of the epidermis. The images were painted onto an inner surface in the case of both the upper and the lower flap. On the upper flap, attempts appear to have been made to avoid areas with knots while painting the images. Compared to the lower flap, the knots on the upper flap are smaller and less prominent. The lower flap, on the other hand, features relatively large knots, even on the front side where the image of the heavenly horse was produced. The rear portion of the horse is partially rendered over a knot. It is impossible to obtain birch bark strips that are entirely devoid of knots. However, the knots are less perceptible on the inner surface of the outer bark, resulting in a smoother surface. The inner surface of the outer bark also includes lenticels, but they are not highly visible through the painted surface and close inspection is required to identify them. The outer surface of the outer bark of the white birch tree requires treatment prior to painting since it tends to peel off in layers. This peeling can also occur naturally during the treatment, painting, and drying process. The inner surface of the outer bark, on the other hand, is smooth and of an even color, offering more favorable conditions for painting. The lenticels of white birch bark cannot be entirely erased, even when layers of bark are peeled away. A more advantageous base for rendering the painted image would have been obtained if the full surface of the bark panel had been treated with a background color, but this was not the case. In addition to the risk of the bark peeling, one possible reason for the lack of a background may have been considerations related to the pigments. One of the four colors employed was a white produced with white lead. This white pigment was used for the key image on the mudguard flap, the white heavenly horse, and the lotus flowers as well. This white heavenly horse could not have been properly expressed against a white surface on the birch bark. It is therefore possible to presume that the painter limited the use of white pigments to ensure that the white heavenly horse would provide the focus of interest. It is likely due to such considerations, along with the condition of the bark surface and the characteristics of the pigments, that the mudguard flap paintings were rendered onto the inner surface of the white birch bark. The painting sequence was as follows: peripheral images were produced first (this can be established based on the relationship between the hoof of the left foreleg and the right foreleg of the horse, and the peripheral lotus-flower patterns nearby), followed by the heavenly horse, and finally the four lotus buds featured within the lotus-flower pattern boundary. Black pigments were applied first in the painting of the lotus and arabesque pattern, followed by red and then by white. 3) Comparing the images of the upper and lower flap The two mudguard flaps each featuring an image of a heavenly horse were attached one at either side of the saddle. It is interesting to note that each horse was painted facing in the same direction, which would have meant that when the mudguard flaps were attached to the saddle, one of the horses would have faced forwards while the other faced backwards. In order to identity the differences between the two heavenly horses on the mudguard flaps, the two images were rendered in different colors and overlapped (Fig. 18). It can be observed that the two images are broadly similar in terms of composition. The interior space framed by the band of patterns running along the boundary of the flap features images of a heavenly horse, clouds, and lotus flowers. The peripheral band consists of lotus-flower and arabesque patterns, lotus-bud patterns, and mountain-shaped patterns. However, differences can be identified in terms of the detailed form and size of the patterns, as well as other factors. This merits further discussion. Fig. 18. Overlapped images of the paintings from the upper and lower mudguard flaps; the upper flap image is in blue and the lower flap image is in red Firstly, in the case of the heavenly horse image, both horses are similar in size but unique in terms of their detailed patterns. The horse on the upper flap has a somewhat slighter build, while the chest of the horse on the lower flap is expressed in a more voluptuous manner. The location and number of crescent shapes on the bodies of the horses are also similar. However, three locks of hair can be seen on the chest of the upper-flap horse, but not on the horse on the lower flap (Fig. 19). Fig. 19. Differences in the images of the upper and lower mudguard flaps In the case of the horse on the upper flap, the left leg is bent to nearly a right angle, whereas the left leg of the horse on the lower flap is bent further towards the body. In addition, the joints and hoofs of the upper-flap horse are expressed in a more angular manner. Various other minor discrepancies are apparent. Differences can also be identified in the location of the breath depicted as being expelled from the horses’ mouths. The ears of the horse on the lower flap are expressed in a clearer manner, and the mane decorations above the forehead are longer and rendered in a more dynamic style (Fig. 19-4). The tails are of a similar length, but their positions vary slightly (Fig. 19-7). There is one area where a noticeable distinction can be observed in the patterns: the fern-shaped expressions of condensation emanating from the horses’ bodies located between the rear leg and tail are curled in opposite directions (Fig. 19-8). It is between the lotus and arabesque patterns forming the peripheral bands of the mudguard flaps that the images diverge most significantly (Figs. 19-1, 19-2). The upper portion of the peripheral band of the upper flap consists of seven arabesque and lotus-flower sections, but only six are apparent in the lower flap. The starting positions of the arabesque and lotus-flower sections also differ: the lotus-flower section furthest to the left points upwards in the case of the lower flap, but downwards in the upper flap (Fig. 19-1). The lower portion of the peripheral band consists of an equal number of arabesque and lotus-flower sections (six each) in similar starting positions for both the upper and lower flap. Based on this fact, it is possible that both the upper and lower parts of the peripheral band had been intended to contain six arabesque and lotus-flower sections. Due to the slightly smaller size of the arabesque and lotus-flower motifs in the upper part of the peripheral band of the upper flap, an additional section had to be added in order to fill the gap in the band of patterns. The fact that the arabesque and lotus-flower section located second to the left on the upper part of the peripheral band of the upper flap is considerably smaller than the other sections provides evidence for this supposition. In addition, a single lotus bud can be found between the second- and third-left arabesque and lotus-flower sections in the lower flap, which is lacking in the upper flap (Fig. 19-1). As can be seen in section 9 in Figure 19, some of the lotus buds have their petals expressed while others do not. In the case of both mudguard flaps, the left portion of the peripheral band consists of four arabesque and lotus-flower sections. However, the uppermost flower faces to the left in the upper flap and to the right in the lower flap. The size of the individual arabesque and lotus-flower sections also differs: The sections of the lower flap are slightly larger than those of the upper. The right part of the peripheral band demonstrates the greatest degree of uniformity in terms of the number, size, and positioning of the arabesque and lotus-flower sections. The only difference is the unique addition of lotus buds on the left part of the peripheral band of the respective flaps. Based on the above, it can be considered unlikely that the images of the two flaps were produced by the same person. Clear differences can be seen in the detailed brushstrokes in the paintings and the techniques applied. However, it is difficult to know for certain whether the paintings referenced a common base sketch with the differences stemming from faulty execution. It would be expected that the appearance of the heavenly horse or the orientation of the peripheral band patterns would be the same if a base sketch had been referenced, but this is not the case. What is clear is that if both are copies of the same image, then one was a less-than-faithful reproduction. The attachment of horse ornaments The horse ornaments attached to the mudguard flaps are all heart-shaped. The existence of these horse ornaments was unknown before their discovery during the preservation and reconstruction process. The rings of the ornaments were made of iron covered with gilt bronze. The central portion of the ornaments includes a silver covered heart-shaped design to enhance their decorative function. Each mudguard flap featured a pair of ornaments that were attached at the final stage of production. Production of a replica of the mudguard flaps Three-dimensional scanning, infrared photography, X-ray photography, and observation with the naked eye were performed on the lower flap, which was relatively well preserved relative to the upper flap. These processes were used to craft a reproduction of the mudguard flap in its original state (Figs. 21–22). Fig. 20. Diagram of the production process of the mudguard flaps Fig. 21. Creation of polygon meshes Fig. 22. Polygon mesh of the mudguard flap information Firstly, due to the uncertainty surrounding the original shape of the mudguard flap (given that it may have warped after it was buried), a detailed measured drawing of the mudguard flap was first produced using a 3-D scanner, and precise measurements were made to enhance the accuracy of the reproduction. Three-dimensional scanning was accomplished using a VIVID 910 scanner. The production of artifact drawings using a 3-D scanner has been widely applied to various artifacts on display, and the resultant information on the dimensions and colors of artifacts can contribute of the establishment of a database on such information. Three-dimensional scanning can involve direct and indirect contact; the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flap underwent the latter. The data obtained through 3-D scanning can be directly accessed through a computer. If any of the resulting measurements or other types of data were unclear, the scanning was repeated. In the case of curved surfaces, the optical displacement measurement sensor was moved to a second position to scan and obtain measurements from an additional direction. Following the completion of the scanning, the data was edited using Rapidform software to create CAD models. The polygon meshes generated using Rapidform software were compared with the X-ray images, infrared photos, and RGB data to make minor adjustments to the measured drawing, resulting in the final version. This measured drawing was compared with the actual mudguard flap, and color and detailed characteristics were then applied to produce a final reproduction (Fig. 23). Fig. 23. Proposed reconstruction of the lower mudguard flap Conclusion Various experiments and forms of observation were performed in order to establish facts concerning the production process of the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flaps, which had previously been unexamined. As a result, the following information could be obtained that provides important insights into the understanding of ancient cultures on the Korean Peninsula. First, the bark used in the mudguard flaps came from a white birch tree and not a Korean birch (Betula costata). It should be noted that white birch is not indigenous to the Korean Peninsula. Second, the mudguard flap image was painted on the inner surface of the outer bark rather than the outer surface. Third, the background of the image was not painted, and the natural color of the inner surface of the outer bark of the white birch tree was utilized. Four different pigments were used: white lead for white, cinnabar for red, an ink stick for black, and malachite for green. Fourth, the two heavenly horse paintings from the pair of mudguard flaps were not identical imitations of a single model. Their compositions are similar, but differences can be observed in the details of the iconography. It is possible that the pair of mudguard flaps may have been produced by the same person. However, given the complex nature of the detailed manufacturing process, a more likely scenario is that several people were involved in their manufacture through a division of labor. Fifth, the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flaps may be regarded as an assemblage of diverse technologies that were in use in the ancient Korean societies of the time. The manufacturing process of the mudguard flaps took place in ten stages from the preparation of the white birch bark panels to the attachment of the horse ornaments. Some of these phases were complicated and involved several steps. For example, two pieces of bark were required to craft the two front panels and four were needed to make the two back panels. Finally, a reproduction was created in order to reconstruct a pair of Silla mudguard flaps from the Three Kingdoms Period. These mudguard flaps would have been magnificent indeed at the time of their production. The heavenly horse is not only dynamic in nature, but almost seems to emanate a sacred aura. This work represents the first stages of further study on these mudguard flaps. Additional research will be undertaken in order to supplement the limitations of the current paper.

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