The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

Gyeongju served as the capital city of Silla, an ancient Korean kingdom that endured for a nearly a millennium (c. first century to 935 CE). During its tenure as the Silla capital, the city was known by a variety of names, including Seorabeol (徐羅伐), Geumseong (金城), and Geumgyeong (金京). Silla developed out of Saroguk (斯盧國), a small-scale early state based primarily in the Gyeongju Basin that emerged around the late second century BCE. Saroguk engaged in a fierce competition with its neighbors—early states that were similar to it in size and nature—before successfully consolidating the region and accordingly modifying its system of control. This ultimately led to Saroguk’s development into an ancient kingdom in the mid-fourth century CE. With the founding of the Silla dynasty, the former Gyeongju Basin territory of Saroguk became firmly embedded as the site of its capital and was never once relocated. In the seventh century, Silla and Tang Chinese forces managed to conquer Goguryeo (37 BCE–668 CE) and Baekje (18BCE–660CE), two ancient Korean kingdoms with which Silla had contested since the fourth century, and successfully established the first unified kingdom on the Korean Peninsula. Following this multifold expansion of Silla’s territory and population, plans were made to abandon the narrow confines of the Gyeongju Basin and transfer the government to a more suitable area for a capital city. Dalgubeol (達句伐), an inland location 70 kilometers to the west of Gyeongju, was the candidate site for this new center. However, this plan was soon abandoned and no other relocation was ever attempted. It can be presumed that the Silla ruling establishment, conservative in nature and with deep ties in the Gyeongju region, had been strongly opposed to this effort. However, another factor that may have influenced the decision to maintain the capital on its existing site could have been the practical observation that a location closer to the coastline, as opposed to a deeply inland area, would provide better prospects for the kingdom. This belief may be manifested in the way in which Silla’s history subsequently unfolded, with the significance of maritime endeavors increasing dramatically following unification. As such, it appears that the decision concerning the location of the Unified Silla capital may have paradoxically resulted from an openness towards change on the part of the Silla elite who had emerged victorious in the war of unification rather than stemming from an attachment to their traditional power base. Fig. 1. Daereungwon Tomb Complex It is rare for the capital city of a kingdom to be maintained in the same location for a thousand years, as was the case with Gyeongju. A similar example could be the capital of the Roman Empire, which remained the same from its beginnings as a small city-state, through its unification of the Italian Peninsula, its regional expansion, and its emergence as a grand and prosperous empire spanning the Mediterranean world and beyond. The cradle of this empire, the city of Rome, remained its capital for many centuries. Although Silla did not similarly become an empire with hegemony over much of a continent, simply the fact that Gyeongju functioned as a capital city for such a long period of time is in itself of great significance and a phenomenon worthy of study. It is interesting to note that, as did its capital city, Silla’s royal palace remained rooted in a single site. The royal palace was established on a long, narrow platform-like area formed naturally alongside the Namcheon River (南川) as it flowed through the southern part of the Gyeongju Basin. With the addition of earthen walls in the fourth century, the fortified site came to be known as Wolseong Fortress (月城). Around the late fifth century, the seat of government was temporarily transferred to Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress (明活山城) above the eastern reaches of the city in anticipation of an attack by a formidable Goguryeo army. This provided an opportunity to repair and embellish the area within and outside Wolseong Fortress. After a 13-year absence, the Silla royal court was reestablished within Wolseong and remained there for the rest of the kingdom’s existence. There was a brief attempt to build another royal palace complex in the mid-sixth century at a site not far from Wolseong Fortress, perhaps because it had become too cramped to house all of the buildings and institutions that Silla had come to require with its rapid development. The spot earmarked for the new royal palace was a marshy location close to both the center of the capital city and Wolseong Fortress. At the time, the area was known as Yonggung (龍宮, meaning ‘dragon palace’) since it was fed by a spring and waterlogged throughout the year, conditions traditionally associated with dragons. However, after the completion of foundation work at the site, which involved the infilling of the boggy land, the plan was suddenly abandoned and a decision was made to erect a Buddhist temple on the site. According to written records, this was due to the appearance of a yellow dragon (‘hwangryong’ in Korean). It is likely, however, that there is another reason for this change and the story of the dragon was invented to justify the shift in policy. The temple that arose on the site after many years of construction was named Hwangryongsa Temple (皇龍寺) and came to take on a central role in Silla Buddhism. The temple complex grew into the largest of any in the kingdom. Although the details of why the site came to house a temple instead of a royal palace remain unclear, the fact that plans to build a new palace had been initiated in the first place could be taken as an indication that problems concerning the availability of space had arisen due to the constraints on the site of Wolseong Fortress. An examination of the layout of East Asian cities that share ideological roots in Chinese practices reveals that there were two different conventions for siting a royal palace: it could be located either at the center of the capital city or at its northernmost point looking southwards over the city’s well-ordered districts. Ancient cities generally adopted the former pattern, but starting in the late fifth century this gradually came to be replaced by the latter system. Drawing upon this, it can be suggested that the plan to relocate the royal palace to a more central location might have resulted from a desire to adjust the layout of the capital city, given that Wolseong Fortress was located too far to the south within the Gyeongju Basin. However, any plan to amend the layout of the city would have had to be fundamentally rethought with the abandonment of the palace relocation plans. The unique solution to this was to build several secondary compounds throughout the capital city in order to supplement the main palace at Wolseong Fortress. Due to the constraints of the natural platform-like area upon which Wolseong Fortress had been built, it was difficult to expand the perimeters of the royal grounds with the emergence of new needs. Wolseong Fortress was narrow along its north-south axis and spanned wide on its east-west axis. It was flanked by the Namcheon River (南川, also 蚊川) to the south, and to the north was a burial ground that had been in use for approximately 150 years and featured large earthen mounds. These constraints on the site also influenced the unique and unprecedented appearance of the Silla royal palace. Both the Silla capital city and royal palace were, in this way, ingrained within the same place. In this sense, Gyeongju provides an unprecedented opportunity to observe the accumulation of one thousand years of Silla history and trace its development. Recent findings from active archaeological investigations have contributed to improving the understanding of this ancient site. The Silla dynasty came to an end in 935 with its surrender to the Goryeo dynasty (918–1392), which had been established in the Songak region (around present-day Kaesong in North Korea) at the furthermost periphery of the Silla Kingdom. It had proclaimed itself the historical successor to the Goguryeo Kingdom. Goryeo adopted a policy of absorbing the Silla elite, and the final Silla king, Gyeongsun, was granted the position of Sasimgwan (事審官), reserving for him administrative control over his former capital of Geumseong. It was at this point that Geumseong was renamed Gyeongju (慶州), meaning ‘district (州) of happiness (慶)’, indicating how Silla’s surrender represented for Goryeo the opening of the unification of the Later Three Kingdoms. The cultural standards of Silla during its period of florescence in the eighth century were held in high esteem by the Tang dynasty of China, which referred to it as a ‘Kingdom of Gentlemen’ (君子國). The deep pride and self-esteem of the Silla ruling class is displayed in their deliberate referrals to their capital city of Geumseong as ‘Donggyeong’ (東京 or 東都, meaning ‘Eastern Capital’), a reference to ‘Xijing’ (西京 or 西都, meaning ‘the Western Capital) as a term for Changan (長安), the capital of Tang China. In the early Goryeo period, Donggyeong was granted the official administrative name of Gyeongju in an effort to enhance the city’s status. During the Goryeo period, the former early Silla territory came to be known as ‘Gyeongsang-do Province’ (慶尙道), a name created by combining the ‘gyeong’ (慶) from Gyeongju with the ‘sang’ (尙) in Sangju, Silla’s main provincial city. During the Joseon dynasty (1392–1910), Gyeongju at one point functioned as the political and administrative center of Gyeongsang-do Province. In later times, the Gyeongju-based scholar Choi Jaewoo (崔濟愚, 1824-1864), who felt threatened by the influx of western civilization collectively referred to as ‘Seohak’ (西學, meaning ‘western learning’), founded a new religion in a conscious attempt at resistance. This new creed was called Donghak (東學敎), and its canonical text was Donggyeong Daejeon (東經大全). The fact that this attempt to resist Western influences emerged in Gyeongju illustrates how the historical legacy of this ancient capital city had been maintained. Samguk sagi, the official historical record of the Three Kingdoms focused on Silla, and Samguk yusa, an unofficial historical record of the Three Kingdoms, were both written during the Goryeo dynasty. These two texts were reprinted upon the founding of the Joseon dynasty and once again in 1512. In both cases, the reprinting took place in Gyeongju. This can also be seen as a reflection of the city maintaining its historical and cultural traditions. Gyeongju's Geopolitical Location As outlined above, the Gyeongju Basin early state Saroguk developed into the Silla Kingdom by successfully consolidating its surrounding competitors. Afterwards, it conquered Goguryeo and Baekje to establish the first unified kingdom on the Korean Peninsula. From its beginnings to its demise, Silla lasted for approximately one thousand years. However, due to Gyeongju’s location in the its southeastern corner of the peninsula, the city was somewhat of a cultural backwater. Silla’s degree of political development was also stunted compared to the other kingdoms of the region. Nevertheless, Saroguk managed to emerge victorious from its struggle with competing polities of a similar nature, and Silla was also the ultimate winner of the struggle for hegemony over the Korean Peninsula. What made this possible? This is a riddle that has yet to be fully solved. Likely, a number of factors led to this result, but it is difficult to identify the details involved. Nevertheless, there are two significant factors that can be noted, while taking into consideration the conditions in the other competing areas. One is the natural and geographical environment, and the other is leadership that proved capable of maximizing the potential of this environment. We will begin by focusing on the former. In the context of the Korean Peninsula, Silla and its forerunner Saroguk were located in the southeastern reaches and therefore unfavorably situated for contact with and adoption of elements from more developed cultures. Looking at Saroguk alone, however, it should not simply be assumed that this situation was purely negative. In some respects, Saroguk’s location was more favorable than that of its neighbors, and in fact this may have played an important role in allowing Saroguk to outpace them and ultimately dominate the region. Mountainous terrain covers more than 70% of the Korean Peninsula, and it features more significantly in the Korean landscape than does flatlands. The Taebaek Mountain Range (太白山脈 or 白頭大幹), which forms the spine of the peninsula, is situated close to the East Sea but branches off at several points in a westward direction as it extends from north to south. Located in the valleys formed by mountain ridges descending from the Taebaek Mountain Range are the headwaters of rivers that flow in a generally westward direction into the Yellow Sea. At a key point near the center of the Taebaek Range, a large subsidiary range splits off and trends southwest in a bow-shaped trajectory before reaching the southern coastline. This is the Sobaek Mountain Range which cuts across the southern portion of the peninsula to form a clear natural boundary. A clearly distinct cultural sphere developed in the region to the east of this barrier. It is in this eastern region—commonly referred to as the ‘Yeongnam’ (嶺南) region since the Goryeo dynasty—that Saroguk, and later Silla, developed. This region’s partition from the rest of the peninsula by its mountainous border led to the formation of a unique language, customs, and other cultural elements. Fed by numerous streams draining the Sobaek Mountain Range to the north, the Nakdonggang River flows across the Yeongnam region and forms alluvial plains before emptying into the Korea Straight in the Gimhae area. The banks on either side of the Nakdonggang River provide favorable living conditions and were consequently home to a considerable portion of the region’s population. This river has been called the lifeline of the Yeongnam area since it functioned as the main artery for transportation and connected inland and coastal areas. Gyeongju is located away from the Nakdonggang River region and therefore has long been regarded as suffering from unfavorable geographic conditions. This may be true in terms of the Nakdonggang River. However, a shift in viewpoint and a closer examination of the evidence indicates ways in which Gyeongju’s location was in fact quite fortuitous. Firstly, Gyeongju was a strategic hub for regional land transportation. In order to enter the Yeongnam region from the far side of the Sobaek Mountain Range, a mountain gap such as the Jungnyeong (竹嶺) or Joryeong (鳥嶺) Pass must be traversed. Transportation routes naturally formed along the passageways provided by these passes, and the structure of the land was such that the southwards routes naturally converged at Gyeongju. For this, the Gyeongju Basin can be regarded as a node where various routes merge. In ancient times, the northern reaches of the peninsula were home to more developed cultural elements. In times of political upheaval, the populations of these northern regions would flee to the south, bringing with them the products of more advanced civilizations. These migrating groups were highly likely to pass through Gyeongju. The area may have provided an ideal spot for these migrating groups to gather and for the cultural elements that they carried to accumulate. It seems evident that its geographic background played an important role in establishing the foundations for Saroguk’s growth. One other factor that should be taken into consideration is proximity to the East Sea. Gyeongju is located in the southeastern corner of the Yeongnam region, which means that it was not far from the coast. Gyeongju had to be traversed to reach the inland areas of the Yeongnam region from the East Sea coast. Its geological structure includes a number of fault systems, including the Ulsan Fault and the Yangsan Fault. Several of the tectonic lines formed by these fault systems meet in the Gyeongju Basin. The Yangsan Fault passes through Gyeongju and extends through Angang and Shingwang towards Yeongdeok. The Ulsan Fault extends from the Ulsan Bay area and passes through Gyeongju and Geoncheoon on its way towards Yeongcheon. It can be expected that the site where these tectonic lines meet would prove to be a strategic transportation hub. Indeed, Gyeongju is connected to a northern inland transportation route which extends beyond the Sobaek Mountain Range, as well as to eastern and southern routes that reach respectively to the East Sea coast and the mouth of the Nakdonggang River. Although Gyeongju is located at a distance from the Nakdonggang River watershed, it served as a gateway through which the various products of maritime culture had to pass in order to reach the region’s inland areas. In this sense within the context of the Yeongnam region, Gyeongju’s location can actually be considered quite propitious. This awareness comes with a change in perspective from considering the Korean Peninsula as a whole to the Yeongnam region in particular. It is this foundation that provided Saroguk, which originated in the Gyeongju Basin, with a critical advantage that helped it to grow into a much larger political entity and successfully gain dominion over competing political groups of a similar nature. This geographic edge also played an important role in Silla’s efforts to become the ultimate victor in the struggle for unification that began with the political crises that sprung up in the northern regions of the peninsula in the early fourth century. This perspective is supported in both the archaeological record and written sources. In terms of the overall Korean Peninsula, the southward migration of the people and products of a more advanced civilization had been a general trend up until the early fourth century when the Han Commanderies of Lelang and Daifang fell to attacks from Goguryeo forces. It is around this time that Saroguk actively utilized its advantageous location as a transportation node and gateway between the inland and eastern coastal areas to consolidate its neighboring polities, thereby developing into Silla. This represented a qualitative leap in terms of its nature as a political entity. Although details of this process have yet to be fully revealed, the extraordinary capabilities of the elite in organizing and manipulating human, military, and economic resources would certainly have played a major role. This aspect became clearer as Silla’s fierce competition with Goguryeo and Baekje intensified. Driving Force behind Silla’s Development and Unification of the Three Kingdoms As described above, the fortuitous geographical conditions in the Gyeongju Basin played a key role in the Saroguk phase, but these conditions did undergo some changes in the next phase of Silla’s evolution. Each of the early states that had been developing independently throughout the peninsula came to be involved in regional struggles for political consolidation, which ultimately led to the emergence of ancient states. By around the mid-fourth century, three main kingdoms had appeared: Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. Gaya, unable to overcome the divisions within its polities, remained a confederacy. In other words, the ‘Three Kingdoms’ had been established. From this point onwards, the geographic location of Silla in the southeastern part of the Yeongnam region, cut off from the rest of the peninsula by the Sobaek Range, came to take on a different meaning compared to in the earlier Saroguk phase. Silla’s capacity for development was choked off by difficulties in communication and exchange with the world beyond the Sobaek Mountains. The most advanced civilization of the time was the North and South dynasties of China. The Three Kingdoms of the Korean Peninsula contended in adopting the products of this advanced civilization through their contacts with China. The unfortunate geographic situation of Silla meant that they fell behind in this regard and immense efforts had to be made to overcome this limitation. In response, Silla chose a strategy of cultivating its human resources and increasing their competency in foreign relations. A pool of skilled individuals and a national diplomatic capacity cannot be nurtured overnight—a steady accumulation of experience and the human resources to apply it is required. It appears that while working to overcome the handicap of its geographic position over a long period of time, Silla naturally came to understand the importance of strengthening its diplomatic service. A tripod firmly supported by its three legs is extremely stable and cannot be easily tipped over. The situation in the Three Kingdoms was similar. Whenever one of the kingdoms grew more powerful, the other two would ally to sustain the balance of power and keep the more powerful kingdom in check. When two kingdoms were equally strong and a third weak, each of the powerful kingdoms would attempt to woo the weaker player over to their side. This was the status quo throughout the Three Kingdoms Period from the fourth to the seventh century. Faced with two powerful rivals, Silla generally took the initiative in proposing cooperation with either of the other two in order to secure its survival. Goguryeo and Baekje, whose elite shared a belief in their common ancestral roots, competed fiercely and ultimately became involved in a war of mutual annihilation. In order to dominate the other, each of these kingdoms actively pursued alliance with Silla. Silla’s position became increasingly advantageous as the struggle between Goguryeo and Baekje intensified since they enjoyed the option of choosing a side. In the mid-fourth to fifth century, Silla maintained close ties with Goguryeo – the more powerful of the other two kingdoms at the time – and used it as a protective shield. Under Goguryeo’s umbrella, Silla actively adopted products from this more advanced civilization to create a springboard for political development. Via Goguryeo, Silla was able to adopt advanced cultural elements from a wide range of regions, including Central Asia and the Northern Steppe regions, and even from as far as Rome to the distant west. With Goguryeo’s guidance, Silla was also able to dispatch, at least for a time, envoys to Earlier Qin in northern China, thus making its presence known on the international stage for the first time. However, the above arrangement eventually became an obstacle for Silla. Goguryeo’s role as a protector led to excessive political interference, as well as posing a difficult economic burden. In response, Silla attempted to improve its relationship with Baekje, with whom it had continuously maintained a hostile status, in an attempt to counter Goguryeo’s interference. Silla subsequently managed to maintain a friendly stance with Baekje for more than a century, notwithstanding the occasional crisis. During this period, Silla applied Baekje’s assistance to forge a formal diplomatic relationship with Liang, one of China’s Southern dynasties, and was introduced to their developed culture. Through this medium, Silla was able to make great strides both politically and culturally. Over time, however, this amicable relationship between Silla and Baekje also began to experience internal conflicts as well. Silla must have made the determination that it would not emerge the winner if its arrangement with Baekje remained static. Accordingly, as soon as its improved internal foundations were stabilized, Silla set out to conquer the Hangang River region, an area disputed by all three kingdoms. This manifested Silla’s drive to self-reliance and to free itself from the influence of the other kingdoms. The Hangang River region had been the cradle of Baekje and was of strategic geopolitical importance as the site of exchanges in all sorts of products and people. As can be expected, Silla’s conquest of the Hangang River region made enemies of both Goguryeo and Baekje and was therefore an extremely risky enterprise. However, this great gamble would ultimately advance its fate. At first it would have been difficult to foresee Silla’s future success since it had acquired two powerful enemies in a single stroke. Its actions may have initially seemed reckless and the results of an impulsive greed. However, given the events that followed, Silla’s decision appears to have been quite strategic and based on a calculation of the favorable odds involved. Silla’s long experience with the other two kingdoms made it confident that Goguryeo and Baekje would not form a coalition and attack. Given this, Silla appears to have decided that it could defeat each of the kingdoms on an individual basis. Silla’s actions appear to have been based on a precise analysis of internal conditions in Goguryeo and Baekje, as well as of broader international dynamics. Silla had gambled its fate on control over the Hangang River region because it judged that a great advantage would follow. In this regard, we must note that it was control over this region that allowed Silla to establish direct diplomatic relations with both the Northern and the Southern dynasties of China. The ability to independently maintain exchanges and diplomatic relations meant that it could actively adopt the new products of developed civilizations to its heart’s content. In doing so, Silla overcame its geographical disadvantages and achieved a longstanding goal. It can be expected that when Silla, the relatively weaker side, made adversaries of both Goguryeo and Baekje, it had already been making plans to establish friendly relations with China across the sea in order to keep these two foes in check. The manner in which Silla actively approached the North and South dynasties and the unified dynasties of Sui and Tang can be taken as evidence. An era in which Silla played an important diplomatic role in the greater East Asian arena had begun. This new international dynamic well suited Silla, which was accustomed to surmounting its geographical limitations by making strategic use of Goguryeo and Baekje as needed. Silla could now apply its foreign connections not only as a channel for importing advanced cultural elements, but also to exercise its diplomatic capacity to the fullest. Silla established close relations first with the Sui dynasty and then with the succeeding Tang dynasty, eventually forging a military alliance. This served to lay a foundation for Silla’s ultimate victory in the struggles between the Three Kingdoms. Unlike Goguryeo and Baekje, which had maintained a rigid diplomatic policy grounded in tradition, Silla did not passively accept the limitations of its geopolitical status and worked actively to overcome it. This proved the decisive factor that allowed Silla, the weakest of the Three Kingdoms, to emerge as the eventual hegemon. An institution responsible solely for international relations was founded, and great efforts were put into cultivating the personnel needed to fulfill these diplomatic duties. Consisting exclusively of young men, the hwarang organization (花郞徒) was founded in an effort to foster the human resources required in this new era. As the overall situation evolved, the gukhak (國學) was established as a central institution of higher learning for educating a new generation of Silla youth in the principles of Confucianism. This was part of the wider endeavor to overcome the limitations of Silla’s position. In this sense, it can be said that Silla’s geographic handicaps actually stimulated its will to overcome adversity, thereby contributing to the basis that made the unification of the Three Kingdoms possible. Of course, this could not have been possible without leadership at the grassroots level and beyond. The Geographic Environment and Silla Culture As noted previously, Silla’s geopolitical situation did not remain static, but was in fact fluid and responded according to the context of the times. It would therefore be a mistake to approach Silla’s geographic position from a fixed determination—to assess it as being either fortunate or disadvantageous—without considering the process of conditions changing over time. From the perspective of the Yeongnam region alone, the placement of Saroguk was quite advantageous. It was able to apply local conditions toward its eventual development into the Silla state. On the other hand, Silla’s placement in the southeast corner of the Korean Peninsula was a burden on this greater political entity and its expanded territory. It led to a lag in adopting the advancements of other civilizations and to difficulties in shedding the more retrograde elements of Silla culture. The Silla elite took great pains to overcome this limitation, and the result was the skilled manipulation of its more advanced neighboring powers. Silla had no choice but to constantly observe and remain knowledgeable of the internal conditions in these nations and the state of international affairs. In so doing, Silla managed to naturally and steadily cultivate its diplomatic aptitude. When the time finally came to compete directly with Goguryeo and Baekje, it was able to use its accumulated capacity to great effect. Migrants that arrived later in the basin brought with them elements of advanced foreign civilizations and played a key role in guiding Silla’s growth and development. These newcomers rapidly infiltrated the Gyeongju Basin up until the early fourth century and won over the existing groups to gain hegemony in the region. The ethnic backgrounds of these earlier and later groups did not differ fundamentally. The Korean Peninsula and greater Manchuria at the time were populated by members of a wide range of ethnicities, consisting of the Joseon (朝鮮), Han (韓), Ye (濊), Maek (貊), Yemaek (濊貊), Mohe (靺鞨), and more. These groups all emerged from a common ethic base but came to be called by different names according to their area of residence. Mainly, it was the various branches of the Han (韓) people, such as the Joseon tribe, that arrived in the Gyeongju Basin in successive waves and merged into the existing population. This was facilitated by the area’s location at the crossroads of various transportation routes. The Gyeongju Basin is where two tectonic valleys running different directions met. One valley from Ulsan to Gigye merged with the other from Yangsan to Angang. A large stream originates in the southern part of the basin and flows north. Fed by numerous small waterways draining the mountain valleys, it forms a river that arrives at Pohang where it empties into the East Sea. The common name of this waterway is the Hyeongsangang River, but it is referred to as Seocheon (西川, West Stream) while passing through the Gyeongju Basin. Bukcheon (閼川, North Stream) and Namcheon (蚊川, South Stream), which respectively originate in the eastern and southeastern valleys of the Gyeongju Basin, flow west to feed the Seocheon. The area defined by these three streams served as the main urban center for the Silla capital. This area was not originally ideal for human settlement. The transportation routes radiating out from the Gyeongju Basin made the area difficult to defend. In addition, wetlands formed by natural springs were scattered throughout this area, and the Bukcheon was prone to flooding. This meant that habitation outside the hilly zones of the area would have been difficult in the absence of adaptation efforts. As such, the population of Saroguk and of Silla in its early phase did not concentrate in the central portion of the basin. Their settlements were commonly established along the piedmonts or the hills and afforded a view of the lowlands below. Only a few burial mounds were constructed in the central area, which was devoid of residences. As the Gyeongju Basin developed as the Silla capital from the fourth century onwards and Wolseong emerged as the royal residence, people began to congregate in the central flatlands. However, the residents of the capital at the time were not politically united. There were six local administrative units, which would later become the bu (部) districts, and each maintained its own semi-independent base. The important issues facing the Silla state were collectively debated and acted upon by a council consisting of representatives of each of the six bu districts. The sovereign, known as the ‘Maripgan’ (麻立干) presided over this council and acted as its chair in his or her capacity as the head of the takbu (喙部), the strongest of the bu districts. However, the role of the Maripgan was simply that of a political leader. The ruler had yet to wield absolute power. All members of the six bu districts participated in common ancestral rites for the progenitor of Saroguk. Accordingly, all of their tombs were established within a common burial ground. The large but compact cluster of tombs located to the north of the palace (Wolseong) represents this shared facility for members of five of the bu districts (members of one of the six bu traditionally buried their dead elsewhere). Most of the tombs constructed within this burial ground demonstrate a distinctive internal structure that has led them to be called ‘wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds’ (積石木槨墳). Since this burial ground had been established in the central area of the capital city, its eventual growth posed a considerable obstacle to urban planning. A fundamental shift took place in the early sixth century with the development of a new government structure with the king at its apex. A subsequent reorganization of the urban layout became inevitable. Tombs now came to be sited in the western peripheries of the city and in other surrounding districts. The plan to relocate the palace to a more central position and the eventual construction of Hwangryongsa Temple in its stead, as described, were all part of this attempt to restructure the urban design. The wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds constructed within a particular district in the Gyeongju Basin have long been a subject of great interest for their distinctive structures and grave goods that shed light on the origins of Silla culture. These tombs consisted of three main components: an inner core featuring a wooden coffin placed within wooden chamber; a stone cairn over the wooden structure; and a layer of earth that covered the stone structure. The distinctive nature of these tombs, which have no identified counterparts in the broader region, has led to the opinion that they must have originated elsewhere. This viewpoint has been hotly contested by those who argue for their indigenous development within the region. The artifacts recovered from these tombs are highly distinctive. In addition to large volumes of pottery, weapons, and horse tack, the richly furnished tombs have yielded numerous decorative ornaments made with precious metals. These include gold and gilt-bronze crowns, as well as golden earrings, belts, and shoes, all of which were prestige objects reflecting the authority of the deceased occupants of the tombs. Such metal artifacts do not appear in archaeological contexts predating the fourth century, which suggests that they were introduced to the region with the foundation of the Silla Kingdom around this time. Of particular interest are the recovered examples of Roman glassware in various forms and colors that originated in different workshops throughout the Roman Empire. The majority of all the glassware found was not created indigenously and appears to have been imported. Some of it seems to have come from Goguryeo, but it is more likely that it was actually obtained through Goguryeo. In this sense, they can be regarded as material evidence of Silla’s relationship with Goguryeo as noted in written sources. In addition, they shed light on the nature of Silla’s adoption of advanced cultural products during the fifth century. Silla’s great interest in importing development through contacts and interaction with the outside world can be observed through these grave goods and the architectural structure of the tombs. While maintaining friendly relations with Goguryeo, the opening of routes along the Eurasian steppes allowed for the adoption of cultural elements from a vast area, including the Northern Steppes and even the Roman Empire. Such cultural elements played an important role in fueling Silla’s development. By cutting relations with Goguryeo and establishing friendly connections with Baekje instead, the importance of the sea increased for Silla. Their gamble of seizing the Hangang River region was part of an effort to break free from existing geographic constraints. It also allowed Silla to gain a better knowledge of international dynamics and expand its perspective on the wider world, thus boosting its diplomatic capacity. Concluding Remarks By overcoming its geographic constraints, Silla was able to emerge as the eventual victor in the struggle among the Three Kingdoms. Throughout this process, it achieved an understanding of the measures that it could pursue and further develop in order to actively surmount future obstacles. Of particular interest is the way in which Silla, as the weaker player, adroitly made use of its stronger neighbors. Through this experience, Silla was able to enhance its diplomatic capabilities and emerge triumphant. In this sense, the unification of the Three Kingdoms can be appreciated as a diplomatic victory. It may be expected that Silla’s geographic constraints in the southeastern periphery of the Korean Peninsula would have led the kingdom to lag behind its neighbors and become traditionalist. However, this did not prove to be the case, and it fails to explain Silla’s eventual achievement of hegemony. Its backwater status actually encouraged Silla to more actively engage with the outside world and adopt elements from advanced foreign cultures. This provided the background for the open but ambitious nature of the Silla people and their pioneering spirit. This can also be witnessed in the way in which Silla dispatched numerous students and monks to study outside the region, although in later times their destinations were narrowed to Tang China. The fact that quite a few Silla monks overcame the extensive obstacles to successfully journey to India for the purpose of study, or the presence of the great Silla seafarer Jang Bogo in the maritime canon of the ninth century can also be better understood within this context.

‘Royal capital’ is a term applied to the capital cities of pre-modern states. It designates the site from which the state was governed and consequently carries great political significance. Silla’s royal capital was located in what is now the city of Gyeongju and was known by various names, including Geumseong (金城), Daegyeong (大京), Geumgyeong (金京), and more. The history, culture, and spirit of Silla, a kingdom that survived for nearly one thousand years, are preserved there. The Namsan District has been regarded as an outdoor museum of sorts for its numerous Buddhist remains. In the Wolseong District where the Silla royal palace once stood are various sites including Wolseong Fortress, the East Palace grounds, Wolji Pond, and Cheomseongdae, the oldest astronomical observatory in the Eastern world. The Daereungwon District is home to a complex of great tombs where the kings, queens, and elite of Silla were laid to rest. The Hwangnyongsa Temple District encompasses both the eponymous temple and the stone pagoda of Bunhwangsa Temple. Finally, Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress served as the main mountain stronghold protecting the royal capital. These traces of Silla’s cultural heritage were designated the Gyeongju Historic Areas UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2000. No longer to the exclusive property of the Korean people, they have become a global legacy to be appreciated, enjoyed, and protected by the entire world. The Silla royal capital remained in one location for a thousand years after the state’s foundation. Multiple spatial reorganizations of the city were undertaken in several phases. It is, however, difficult to establish the details of these reorganizations due to the limited nature of written resources available. Fortunately, the continuous excavations carried out in the royal capital area have uncovered a stream of new sites and artifacts. By integrating information from written sources with the results of excavations, this paper aims to trace the development of the royal capital over time until its reorganizations were finalized in the seventh century. In addition, it aims to highlight the historical significance of Silla’s royal capital. The results of this research will contribute to expanding the foundation for the understanding of Silla history and culture. A Brief History of the Silla Royal Capital The origins of Silla can be traced back to the statelet of Saroguk, which was founded in 58 BCE when the heads of six villages (the yukchon) chose a figure named Hyeokgeose as their ruler. The political center of Saroguk at this time appears to have been located south of the Namcheon River, in the area of the Changrimsa Temple site. Saroguk subsequently expanded its territory by conquering and consolidating neighboring polities, including Eumjeupbeolguk (located in present-day Angang), Apdokguk (located in present-day Gyeongsan), and Golbeolguk (located in present-day Yeongcheon). As a result, the Saroguk heartland (the Gyeongju Basin, where Saroguk’s capital was located) emerged as the royal capital and the newly consolidated areas became Saroguk’s ‘local’ regions. Saroguk officially changed its name to Silla in the fourth century and established a political center in Wolseong Fortress. A moat was dug around the fortress to enhance its defenses. The area of the royal capital at this time was bordered by the foot of Namsan Mountain to the south, the Seochoen River to the west, and the Bukcheon River to the north. A palace, administrative quarters, and settlements were all established within this area. Also located here were royal tombs in the form of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, a type of large tomb with a high mound that was commonly constructed up until the fifth century. This cluster of such tombs is now known as the Daereungwon Tomb Complex (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Aerial photograph of the Gyeongju city center and key sites In the fifth century, the strengthening of centralized power led to efforts to reorganize the urban structure of the royal city based on the bangri (坊里) unit. However, the great tombs that had already been constructed and the presence of waterlogged areas made it difficult to systematize the urban layout. In the sixth century, a full-fledged reorganization of the royal capital was undertaken. The impetus for this was the need to create space for Buddhist temples following the official recognition of Buddhism. As a result, levees were constructed along the banks of the Bukcheon River for flood prevention and waterlogged areas were filled to create usable land. The adoption of Buddhism triggered a change in the perception of death, based on which royal tombs that had previously been constructed within the city limits came to be established in mountainous locations along the peripheries of the royal city. This freed up useable land within the urban center. The newly available land was organized in a grid-like manner wherever possible, and districts for government administration and temples were established in accordance with the grids. The units of space that were marked out according to such a system are referred to as bangri. In the seventh century, Silla conquered neighboring Baekje (18 BCE–660CE) and Goguryeo (37 BCE–668 CE) to achieve the unification of the Three Kingdoms. Its territory and population increased significantly and yet another reorganization of the royal capital took place. One of its key objectives was to display the royal authority of what was now a unified kingdom. The new layout for the capital referenced Changan, the capital of the Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE). Changan faithfully adhered to the urban planning guidelines laid out in the ‘Kaogongji’ (考工記) section of the ancient Chinese ritual text Zhouli (The Rites of Zhou). Its city wall, which features twelve gates, measures 9.7 km along its east-west axis, 8.6 km along its north-south axis, and five meters tall. Taiji Palace (太極宮), where the emperor resided, and Huangcheng (皇城), where the central administrative agencies were concentrated, were located in the northern section. The main street of the capital city, which ran north-south, was referred to as ‘Zhuque Dajie Street’ (朱雀大街). Fifty-four spatial units known as bang (坊) were respectively established to the east and to the west of this main street in a symmetrical fashion. Each bang unit featured various facilities and residences (Fig. 2). Fig. 2. Map of Changan in Tang Dynasty A roof tile with the inscription ‘Uibong sanyeon gaeto’ (儀鳳四年皆土) establishes that the reorganization of the Silla royal capital in reflection of the layout of the capital of Tang China took place on a wide-scale basis around the fourth year of the Yifeng (儀鳳) reign period (679 CE). These efforts involved the expansion of both the palace district and city limits. Palace facilities had originally been limited to the area within Wolseong Fortress. However, due to a lack of space, the moat surrounding the fortress was filled in and the boundaries of the royal palace were extended to beyond the former perimeters of the moat (Figs. 3–4). As a result, the East Palace and the Imhaejeon came to be located outside the boundaries of Wolseong. Fig. 3. Changes made to the Wolseong Fortress moat Fig. 4. Moat surrounding Wolseong Fortress as restored and maintained in the present day The population of the capital city increased significantly after unification and necessitated an extension of the city limits. The newly expanded royal capital was bordered by Namsan Mountain to the south, Myeonghwalsan Mountain to the east, Seohyeongsan Mountain to the west, and Hyeongsan Mountain to the north. Seohyeongsan Mountain was located beyond the Seocheon River, and Hyeongsan Mountain beyond the Bukcheon River. The bangri system was applied to establish a grid-like network of roads throughout this newly enlarged area. This is evidenced by the fact that bangri units have been identified in areas beyond the Namcheon, Seochoen, and Bukcheon Rivers. Zones around the royal capital which provided economic and military support to the capital were known as ‘royal domains’ (王畿). Two units, Daeseonggun and Sangseonggun, were set up as royal domains and six military camps were established within them to guard the capital city. These are known as the six royal domain camps (六畿停, yookgijeong). The Samguk sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms) states that the Silla royal capital was 3,075 paces long and 3,018 paces wide, equivalent to 5,424 meters in length and 5,323 meters in width. Alongside the royal palace at Wolseong were various administrative institutions, ritual facilities, temples, roads, ponds, domestic complexes and villas of Silla aristocrats, commoner’s dwellings, and areas for production. Mountain fortresses were constructed for defensive purposes along the perimeters of the royal capital. It is said that there were luxurious seasonally occupied villas (四節遊宅) and 35 opulent domestic complexes within the royal capital. According to the Samguk yusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), the population of Silla’s royal city peaked at 178,936 households. Government Institutions Royal Palaces: Wolseong and Manwolseong Geumseong (金城), Wolseong (月城), and Manwolseong (滿月城) are the names of the palaces established within the royal capital. They reflect the changes that the Silla palaces underwent. Geumseong was Silla’s first palace, but its location remains unclear. Wolseong, also known as Banwolsong (Half-moon Fortress) or Sinwolseong (New Moon Fortress) for its shape reminiscent of a half or crescent moon when seen from above, emerged in the fourth century as the main palace (Fig. 5). The discovery of a roof tile featuring the inscription ‘jaeseong’ (在城) confirms that a royal palace had indeed been situated within Wolseong Fortress. The surviving sections of the fortress measure 890 meters in length (east-west), 260 meters in width (north-south), and 10–20 meters in height. The circumference of the outer walls is 2,340 meters, and the area within the walls measures 193,845 square meters. Twelve gate sites have been identified thus far; the northeast gates were single-story roofed structures measuring one kan in the front and two kan along the sides. Fig. 5. Bird’s-eye view of Wolseong Fortress Following the unification of the Three Kingdoms, the palace boundaries were extended beyond Wolseong to include Anapji Pond to the east, Cheomseongdae Observatory to the north, and Woljeonggyo Bridge to the west. The Namcheon River formed the southern boundary of the palace. ‘Manwolseong’ is the name applied to this newly expanded palace in order to distinguish it from earlier iterations. With its expansion, Wolseong became a ‘main palace’ (大宮) and auxiliary palaces were constructed in the form of the South Palace (南宮), where the Gyeongju National Museum now stands, and the North Palace (北宮) or Yanggung Palace (壤宮) in the area of the Old Building Site in Seongdong-dong (城東洞殿廊址, Seongdongdong jeolrangji). In addition, an ‘East Palace’ (東宮) was newly established in the area of Wolji (月池) Garden and Pond (Fig. 6). Fig. 6. Expansion of the palace grounds Various palace buildings, including Pyeonguijeon (平議殿), Jowonjeon (朝元殿), Sungryejeon (崇禮殿), Gangmujeon (講武殿), and Imhaejeon (臨海殿) were constructed within the expanded grounds. Palace gates, such as Gwijeongmun (歸正門), were also erected. Finally, a structure containing the drum that was struck to announce the time was established, along with Cheonjeongo (天尊庫), which housed royal treasures. A ground-penetrating radar investigation of the area within Wolseong has revealed structures of various sizes and forms, including gates, large buildings, and structures with floor plans shaped like inverted triangles. In addition, excavations are currently being carried out on the area within Wolseong. These will hopefully provide further information on the palace buildings that once stood within its grounds (Fig. 7). Fig. 7. Excavations within Wolseong Fortress Various structures have also been identified within the Old Building Site in Seongdong-dong, which measures 225 meters along its east-west axis, and 93 meters north to south. These include six palace buildings, six long covered corridors, two gates, three walls, and a single well. These structures appear to have been associated with the North Palace. Government Offices The central area of the royal city was home to various government offices, including the Chancellery Office (Jipsabu, 執事部) that oversaw state affairs, the Office of War (Byeongbu, 兵部), the Office of Finance (Jobu, 調府), and the Office of Rites (禮部). The Naeseong (內省) was the department that oversaw palace operations. Under its auspices were offices such as the Naesajeongjeon (內司正典), which inspected palace personnel, the Sangmunsa (詳文師), which was responsible for diplomatic documents, and the Cheonmunbaksa (天文博士) which made astronomical observations. Cheomseongdae Observatory was overseen by the Cheonmunbaksa. The Royal Guards, or Siwibu (侍衛府), who protected the palace were headquartered here as well. Excavations undertaken on the area between Wolseong and Cheomseongdae Observatory (i.e. the eastern, southern, and northern portions of the Gyerim area and the zone south of Cheomseongdae) have revealed the presence of approximately fifty buildings with stone post foundations and covered corridors. The building cluster located in the eastern section of Gyerim, situated to the south of an artificial waterway, consisted of buildings standing in four rows parallel to the north wall of Wolseong Fortress. The buildings located beyond the west wall were also laid out parallel to this wall. These structures are likely to be government buildings dating to the Unified Silla Period. Government offices associated with the East Palace include the Donggunga (東宮衙), which oversaw administrative duties, and the Eoryongseong (御龍省) and Setaek (洗宅), which were responsible for documents. Excavations in the eastern section of the district known as ‘Wolji Pond and the East Palace of Gyeongju’ have revealed the presence of large buildings, walls, roads, a drainage system, and stone foundations. These facilities all appear to have been associated with the East Palace (Fig. 8). Fig. 8. Presumed grounds of the East Palace and Wolji Pond Ritual Facilities Royal Ancestral Shrine, Altar for the Gods of Soil and Grains, Shrine to the Dynastic Founder, and the Divine Palace State rituals were among the most important procedures for pre-modern societies. Jongmyo (宗廟) is the term for a shrine where the spirit tablets of previous rulers were housed, and jongmyoje (宗廟祭) refers to the rituals carried out for them. In Silla, the omyoje (五廟制) system of performing ancestral rites for the dynastic founder and four direct generations of ancestors came to be established in the seventh century. The Sajik was an altar for the Gods of Soil and Grain, with ‘sa’ (社) meaning the God of Soil and ‘jik’ (稷) referring to the God of Grain. When establishing the layout of the capital city, the royal ancestral shine was placed to the left of the royal palace, and the Altar for the Gods of Soil and Grains was sited to its right. The Shrine to the Dynastic Founder (sijomyo) was dedicated to Hyeokgeosae, the founding father of the Silla Kingdom. The coronation ceremonies for Silla rulers were carried out here. The Divine Palace, which was established after the Kim clan claimed the Silla kingship, was a shrine to their ancestors. The precise location of these ritual facilities remains unclear, but excavations in the northern section of Gyerim and the area south of Cheomseongdae have revealed the presence of one building aligned east-west and fourteen running on a north-south axis (Fig. 9). Of these, twelve were constructed after the end of the seventh century. Five jars, which appear to have been votive offerings intended to ward off evil spirts during the construction process, were found nearby alongside a linear stone feature to the south of the area. The distinctive layout of the buildings and the presence of these jars seem to indicate that this complex was in fact the royal ancestral shrine. If this is the case, then the Altar for the Gods of Soil and Grains would have been located to its west. Fig. 9. Restored foundations of buildings located to the south of Cheomseongdae Observatory The well where the dynastic founder Hyeokgeosae is said to have been born has also been investigated. Excavations carried out in the area of the well, known as Najeong (蘿井), revealed the presence of an octagonal building dating to the seventh century (Figs. 10–11). The scale and shape of the building suggest that it may have been used for rituals. It is highly likely that the building was the Divine Palace, the shrine for the ancestors of the ruling Kim clan. Fig. 10. View of Najeong Well prior to excavation Fig. 11. Foundations of an octagonal building identified through excavations at the Najeong Well site Three Mountains and Five Peaks The Silla royal family believed that the Mountain Gods residing in the mountains and streams held the power to protect the kingdom and the royal family. Rituals for the Mountain Gods were organized into Great Rites (大祀), Middle Rites (中祀), and Small Rites (小祀). Great Rites were held for the Three Mountains (三山): Nangsan (狼山) (also known as Naryuk (奈歷)), which was located within the royal capital; Golhwa (骨火), located in Yeongcheon; and Hyeollye (穴禮), found in Cheongdo. Nangsan appears to have been revered as a sacred mountain since it was also referred to as ‘Sinyurim’ (神遊林), meaning ‘forest where the Gods wandered' (Fig. 12). Fig. 12. Nangsan Mountain in Gyeongju and the Tomb of Queen Seondeok Middle Rites were held for the Five Peaks (五岳), Four Rivers (四瀆), Four Seas (四海), and Four Mountains (四鎭), which were the most important mountains, rivers, and seas in the local regions. They were evenly distributed throughout the northern, southern, eastern, and western reaches of Silla territory. Of central importance were the Five Peaks, which included Tohamsan Mountain (the East Peak), Seondosan Mountain (the West Peak), and Geumgangsan Mountain (the North Peak)—all close to the royal capital in the period prior to the unification of the Three Kingdoms. With the expansion of Silla territory following unification, the Five Peaks were reassigned in order to incorporate mountains from the former lands of Gaya, Goguryeo, and Baekje. Tohamsan Mountain remained the East Peak, but Gyeryongsan Mountain (once in Baekje) became the West Peak, Jirisan Mountain (formerly in Gaya) became the South Peak, and Taebaeksan Mountain (previously held by Goguryeo) became the North Peak. Palgongsan Mountain, which was located within Silla’s original territory, became the Central Peak. Urban Structure of the Royal Capital Bangri Up until the sixth century, the limits of Silla’s royal capital extended to the area of Myeonghwalsan Mountain to the east, the Seochon River to the west, the southern section of Gyerim to the southeast, and the Bukcheon River to the north. This zone was incorporated into Silla’s administrative system and consisted of six bu (部, districts established according to traditional political divisions), 55 ri (里, villages), and 360 bang (坊, blocks). In the seventh century, the boundaries of the royal capital pushed out to Geoncheon in the west, the area stretching from Sacheonwang Temple to Mangdeoksa Temple in the south, and the area extending from Hwangseong-dong to Yonggang-dong in the north. As a result, the number of bang units in the royal capital surged to 1,360. The bangri system was influenced by the Chinese capital model (都城制) in which roads are laid out in a grid with a main boulevard extending along a central north-south axis. Due to the pre-existing urban structure of the Silla capital city, it was impossible to organize all of the urban districts to suit. Instead, the bangri system was simply adopted wherever possible. The distinctive layout of the city, which can be identified through aerial photography, provides evidence of the application of the bangri system (Fig. 13). Fig. 13. The area around Hwangnyongsa Temple site where traces of the urban layout of the Silla period can be observed The basic unit for the bangri system was the block, referred to as a ‘bang’. Bang were formed by straight roads running north-south and east-west. Bang units have been identified through excavations at the Hwangryongsa Temple site (locations S1E1 and 376), the Dongcheon-dong 7B/L location site, and the Moryang-ri urban site. The bang units were not uniform in size, but differed according to their locations. At the S1E1 location, the distance between the center points of roads was found to be 172.5 meters (from north to south) and 167.5 meters (from east to west). The bang identified at Dongcheon-dong measured 160 meters by 125 meters. Each side of the bang identified at Moryang-ri was 120 meters long (Fig. 14). Fig. 14. Photo of the Moryang-ri urban site Roads The individual bangri units were connected by roads. Some of the names of these roads are known, such as ‘Road that passes in front of Heungryoonsa Temple’ (興輪寺前路), ‘Road that passes in front of Yeongmyosa Temple’ (靈廟寺前路), ‘Northeast road of Yeongmyosa Temple’ (靈廟寺之東北路), and ‘Great Road that passes in front of the Sacheonwangsa and Mangdeoksa Temple sites.’ The fact that the names of many of the roads are associated with temples indicates how temples served as an important reference point in laying out the road network. The royal capital’s central road ran north-south from Wolseong, where the main palace was located, to the area of the Old Building Site in Seongdong-dong to the north. It was ten meters wide, and therefore appears to have been the main road. King Jinheung’s plan to construct a new palace in an area outside of Wolseong in the sixth century resulted in the establishment of a new central road running north-south. Reaching from the perimeters of the Hwangnyongsa Temple site to what is now the grounds of the Gyeongju National Museum, this avenue had a width of 23 meters and can be regarded as a secondary main road. Over forty road sites have been identified through excavations. All of them were found to be straight and paved with pebbles mixed with a clay or sandy soil mixture that was subsequently tamped and reinforced. Drains were also established alongside the roads. The widths of the roads vary from three to 23 meters. Large roads are usually more than 15 meters wide, medium roads around ten meters wide, and small roads around five meters wide (Fig. 15). Fig. 15. Road features identified in the area of Bonghwangro Road in Gyeongju Several bridges were also constructed around the royal capital, with major examples including Muncheongyo Bridge, Chunyanggyo Bridge, and Woljeonggyo Bridge. All three of these spanned the Namcheon River near Wolseong Fortress. The piers and foundations of auxiliary facilities have been identified for Chunyanggyo Bridge and Woljeonggyo Bridge. The latter, which has recently been reconstructed, had four piers and a length of 60.5 meters (Figs. 16–17). Fig.16. Excavation of the foundations of Woljeonggyo Bridge Fig. 17. Reconstruction of Woljeonggyo Bridge In the period after unification, five main traffic routes known as the five tong (通) connected the royal capital to the local regions. They were the Bukhae Route (北海通), Yeomji Route (鹽池通), Donghae Route (東海通), Haenam Route (海南通), and Bukyo Route (北徭通). The entrance gates of the royal capital, known as the five munyeok (門驛), were the Geon Gate (乾門驛), Gon Gate (坤門驛), Gam Gate (坎門驛), Gan Gate (艮門驛), and Tae Gate (兌門驛). Located in the center of the royal capital was an additional gate, the Gyeongdo Gate (京都驛). The Bukhae Route began at Gan Gate and reached the East Sea coast in the northeast region. The Donghae Route stretched between the Gon Gate and Ulsan in the southeast. The Haenam Route ran from the Tae Gate to the southern coast via Yangsan. The Bukyo Route connected Geon Gate and Daegu. The Yeomji Route began at Gam Gate and proceeded toward Uisong. These tracks allowed Silla to mitigate its geographical limitations as a capital located in the southeast corner of the Korean Peninsula. Aristocratic Residential Complexes, Domestic Houses, and Production Spaces Aristocratic Residential Complexes Aristocratic urban complexes, temples, and purely domestic homes were built within the urban areas divided by roads according to the bangri system. Silla society was rigidly organized along the bone rank system, which included rules on the permitted size and decoration of houses. The walls surrounding the houses of jingol (‘true bone’) aristocrats, who were of the highest rank, could not exceed 24 chuk (尺) in height. The limits were 21 chuk for those of the sixth head rank and 18 chuk for those of the fifth head rank. The houses of commoners of below the fourth head rank could not exceed 15 chuk. One cheok is equivalent to 30 centimeters. In addition, jingol aristocrats could not use dangwa (唐瓦) roof tiles or have eves that curved up (飛簷). They were forbidden from decorating their houses with gold, silver, brass, or any of the ochae colors (五彩) (blue, yellow, red, white, and black). Dual stairs could not be used in the houses of those under the sixth head rank, and house gates and doors facing in all four directions were forbidden to those under the fifth head rank. The walls surrounding the grounds of the house could not exceed 8 chuk for those of the sixth head rank, 7 chuk for the fifth head rank, and 6 chuk for the fourth head rank (Fig. 18). Fig. 18. Brick with decoration of buildings. Silla. 8th century. Excavated from Nongso-dong Tomb, Ulsan. Earthenware. W. 6.3cm. Gyeongju National Museum, Korea Dangwa roof tiles are green-glazed roof tiles. Such tiles have mainly been found on the grounds of palaces (such as Wolseong Palace, Wolji Pond, and East Palace) and at temple sites (such as the Hwangnyongsa Temple and Gameunsa Temple sites). This demonstrates that the regulation prohibiting even jingol aristocrats from using dangwa roof tiles was indeed obeyed. During the Late Silla Period, government authority was weakened by conflicts over the succession to the throne. As a result, the above regulations were no longer followed and dangwa tiled houses abounded in the royal capital. The luxurious villas of high-ranking aristocrats, referred to as ‘villas for each season’ (四節遊宅), and opulent residential complexes decorated with gold (represented by the ‘thirty-five gold covered houses’) (35金入宅), came to be built around this time. Bang Unit Houses The houses in the royal capital were established within bang units. A typical example of a bang unit was identified at the Hwanhryeongsa Temple site S1E1 location, which measured 172.5 meters north to south and 167.5 meters east to west for an area of 28,700 square meters. The area of the domestic space within the walled bang unit totaled 18,500 square meters. Eighteen households resided within this demarcated domestic space, with each household possessing a well and between five and eight buildings. Of the buildings serving the households, approximately thirty-five were aligned along an east-west axis, and seventy-one along a north south axis (Figs. 19, 19-1). Fig. 19. Hwangnyongsa Temple site S1E1 location after excavation and plan of the bang unit Fig. 19-1. Map of Hwangnyongsa Temple site S1E1 location, showing bang unit Household 1 was the largest, with a central building measuring about fifty-three pyeong in area(one pyeong measures approximately 3.3 square meters), and around ten lesser buildings of ten to twenty pyeong. However, no indoor heating facilities were found. In the case of Households 2 and 8, the layouts of the respective gates were well preserved. Located within Households 3 and 6 were foundations of rectangular buildings with a single or double layer of river stones, each measuring around 30 centimeters in diameter. Such a foundation was also observed in Building 5 of Household 4. In Household 13, a jar was discovered dug into the ground and neatly surrounded by stones. Such findings have been interpreted as toilets. Each household had its own well. In the case of Household 2, a drain was located next to the well and would have expelled household wastes from the domestic complex into the public drainage that had been established between the roads and the bang units that comprised the urban space (Fig. 20). Fig. 20. The well and drain of Household 2 at Hwangnyongsa Temple site S1E1 Wells and Ponds Wells were a necessity for ensuring a constant supply of drinking water and over 245 wells have been investigated at sites within the royal capital. Some of these wells were well preserved, such as the stone well in Bunhwangsa Temple, the well located within the grounds of Gyeongju National Museum, the well serving Wolseong Fortress, Jaemaejeong Well (財買井), and the stone well at the Namgansa Temple site, making it possible to examine their structures. The majority of these wells were lined with stones. The well located within the grounds of Gyeongju National Museum is 11 meters deep. A roof tile with the inscription ‘南宮之印’ (stamp of the South Palace) was found at a point 7.5 meters from the mouth of the well; the skeletal remains of a child were found alongside numerous animal and fish bones at a point eight meters deep; and a well bucket and a wooden strip with the characters ‘龍王’ written upon it, which means the ‘Dragon King,’ was discovered at a point nine meters down. The animal bones are likely the remains of offerings made during rituals carried out at the well, and the child’s skeleton seems to indicate the practice of human sacrifice. The rituals that took place at this well, located in what would have been the grounds of the South Palace, are likely to have been dedicated to the Dragon King God of the well (Figs. 21–22). Fig. 21. Well located on the grounds of the Gyeongju National Museum during excavation Fig. 22. Human skeleton recovered from the well located on the grounds of the Gyeongju National Museum Ponds have generally been found within palace and temple grounds, and several of them have been identified in excavations. Wolji Pond, created in the fourteenth year of the reign of King Munmu (674), was located within the grounds of the Palace Garden. Three artificial islands representing the three sacred mountains of the Taoist Sages located in the seas (海中仙山) were built within the pond, and exotic birds and animals are said to have been kept on them. Several buildings were erected around Wolji Pond, the central one of which was the structure known as “Imhaejeon” (臨海殿), which means “building situated along the shore of an island located within the sea of the Taoist Sages.” Excavations at the pond have yielded numerous artifacts that help shed light on the daily lives of those who used it, including gilt-bronze Buddhist figures and other gilt-bronze objects, wooden building materials, iron locks, iron helmets, pottery inscribed with “辛心龍王,” an ink stone featuring the characters “椋司,” and a large jar inscribed with “十石入甕.” Wolji Pond was where the king or queen interacted with the Silla aristocracy, celebrated events of national significance, and hosted banquets for foreign envoys (Fig. 23). Poseokjeong Pavilion was a leisure villa that formed part of Poseoksa Shrine, which was responsible for rituals of the Royal Palace (Fig. 24). Fig. 23. Reconstruction of Wolji Pond Fig. 24. View of the Poseokjeong Pavillion The pond at Yonggang-dong possessed a curved shoreline made of stacked stones and featured two artificial islands. The fact that a pavilion once stood at the site and the traces of bridges that would have connected the artificial islands to the shoreline make it highly likely that this pond was part of the North Palace. The pond at Guhwang-dong was found to have a two-tiered, overlapping stacked-stone shoreline and auxiliary facilities, as well as a ‘ㄹ’-shaped waterway system and a plaza. Approximately 1330 artifacts were recovered from this pond, including a gilt-bronze panel with a seated Bodhisattva, roof tiles decorated with lotus flower patterns, and a handle in the shape of a duck’s head. This pond is likely to have been either associated with Bunhwangsa Temple or part of an aristocrat’s garden. The petite pond located on the present-day grounds of Gyeongju National Museum appears to have been a component of a small garden attached to the South Palace. Production and Distribution Spaces Located within the urban space of the royal capital were a number of craft production workshops supporting the daily activities of the capital’s inhabitants. According to historical records, there were workshops affiliated with the royal household, including for creating silk cloth (錦典), combs (梳典), brassware (鐵鍮典), fur clothing (毛典), and leather (皮典). The main spaces for production activities in the period prior to unification were located in the areas of Songgok-dong and Mulcheon-ri. Excavations at these locations have revealed the presence of clay pits, workshops, kilns, and various tools related to craft activities. These facilities appear to have been in operation from the fifth to seventh centuries. Production facilities dating to the period following unification have been identified at Cheonbuk-myeon, Geumjang-ri, and Hwacheon-ri, respectively located in the northeast, northwest, and southeast regions of the royal capital (Fig. 25). Fig. 25. Pottery kiln at the Hwacheon-ri site during excavation Workshops where bronze items were produced were mainly centered in the Dongcheon-dong area. These workshops appear to have been part of a bronzeware production complex operated by the royal household. The five pits associated with bronzeware production discovered in the area of a garden pond in Guhwang-dong and the smelting furnace found at the Bunhwangsa Temple site appear to have been facilities associated with workshops overseen by Buddhist temples. The traces of burnt earth, charcoal, slag, and bronze crucibles discovered at Building 6 of Household 8 in the Wanggyeong S1E1 area indicate that a crafts workshop producing items for jingol aristocrats was located here. Markets provided a space for the buying and selling of goods. The first market was established in the Silla royal capital in 490 CE. It is recorded that the increase in the population of the royal capital following unification led to the establishment of the West Market (西市) and South Market (南市) in 695, but the exact locations of these markets remain unknown. Buddhist Temples of the Royal Capital Establishment of Buddhist Temples and Seongjeon Monasteries Buddhism was officially recognized as the state religion of Silla in 531 CE following the martyrdom of Ichadon. Silla kings encouraged the spread of Buddhism as it could be used as a means of displaying royal authority and dignity. Consequently, many Buddhist temples came to be established around the royal capital (Fig. 26). Heungryunsa Temple was established in 544 CE, and the construction of Yeongheungsa, Hwangnyongsa, Siljesa, Bunhwangsa, and Yeongmyosa Temples followed soon thereafter. Among these temples, the grounds of Hwangnyongsa Temple and Bunhwangsa Temple have been excavated, revealing that they were organized according to the ‘single pagoda and three main hall’ layout. Fig. 26. Distribution of key temples within Gyeongju’s city limits Following unification, numerous temples, including Sacheonwangsa, Gameunsa, Mangdeoksa, Goseonsa, Bulguksa, and Seokbulsa Temples, were established in the peripheral areas of the royal city as its borders expanded. They were organized according to a ‘twin pagoda’ layout in which a pair of pagodas were established to the right and left of a central main hall. The twin pagodas of the Gameunsa Temple site and Bulguksa Temple’s Seokgatap and Dabotap Pagodas provide prominent examples of this layout (Fig. 27–28). Fig. 27. View of Gameunsa Temple site, Gyeongju Fig. 28. View of Bulguksa Temple site, Gyeongju A seongjeon was a managerial department established within a temple to oversee the operation and repair of temples. Following unification, such managerial facilities were established in Sacheonwangsa, Bongseongsa, Gameunsa, Bongdeoksa, Bongeunsa, Yeongmyosa, and Yeongheungsa Temples. As a result, these temples became known as seongjeon monasteries (成典寺院). In the Late Silla Period, a managerial department was also established at Hwangnyongsa Temple. Buddhist rituals for the well-being of the royal family and state were carried out at such monasteries. Hwangnyongsa and Sacheonwangsa Temples The central state temple in the Silla royal capital prior to unification was Hwangnyongsa Temple. The site of Hwangnyongsa Temple had originally been intended to house a new royal palace, but the project was switched to a Buddhist temple after a yellow dragon (‘hwangnyong’) made an appearance at the construction site in 553 CE. An East Main Hall and West Main Hall were added in 583, resulting in a ‘one pagoda and three main hall’ layout. A nine-story wooden pagoda, reaching a height of approximately 80 meters, was erected within the grounds of Hwangnyongsa Temple in 645. Its construction was an expression of Silla’s determination to unify the Three Kingdoms through the power of the Buddha. However, Silla’s builders of the time did not have the expertise to erect such a large pagoda and the Baekje master craftsman Abiji (阿非知) had to be invited to Silla to assist in its completion. Three Buddha statues measuring sixteen chuk units were enshrined within the Central Main Hall of Hwangnyongsa Temple, and a sarira casket was placed in the center of the nine-story wooden pagoda’s foundation stone. Along with the Jade Belt of King Jinpyeong Received from Heaven (天賜玉帶) (r. 579–632), the Sixteen Chuk Buddha Statues and Nine-story Pagoda of Hwangnyongsa Temple were revered as the Three Treasures of Silla. The Hwangnyongsa Temple wooden pagoda was lost to fire in 1238 during the Mongol Invasions of Korea and has yet to be reconstructed. Excavations undertaken at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple have made it possible to identify the limits of the temple grounds, along with the locations of the main halls, pagoda, and covered corridors. The temple site has been presented to the public accordingly (Fig. 29). Fig. 29. Hwangnyongsa Temple site after the restoration of the grounds The central state temple in the period after unification was Sacheonwangsa Temple. This temple was established in 679 CE based on a desire to harness the power of the Buddha to defeat Tang forces. It was located at the foot of Nangsan Mountain on the outskirts of the royal capital. The ‘twin pagoda’ layout, which would become widespread after unification, was first applied here. Excavations at the temple site have revealed the presence of an East Pagoda and a West Pagoda flanking the main hall with a Left Sutra Pavilion (左經樓) and a Right Sutra Pavilion (右經樓) to their north. Bricks featuring the inscription sacheonwang were found at the sites of the pagodas. In addition, fragments of a stele which appears to have recorded the history of the temple were discovered in excavations conducted in the area of the tortoise-shaped stele base stone (Fig. 30). Fig. 30. Sacheonwangsa Temple site during excavation Royal Burial Grounds Royal Burial Grounds in the Center of the Royal Capital: Wooden Chamber Tombs with Stone Mounds The royal burial grounds represented the realm of the dead, an area in which deceased kings resided in their tombs. The layout and distribution of these royal burial grounds changed over time, as did the types of tombs that were created. From the first century BCE to the first century CE, wooden coffin tombs were used in the Gyeongju region. Such wooden coffin tombs have been identified at the Tap-dong site in the heart of present-day Gyeongju; in the surrounding areas they have been found at the Hwacheon-ri and Sara-ri sites (Geoncheon area), at the Jukdong-ri and Ipsil-ri sites (Owe-dong area), and the Deokcheon-ri site (Naenam area). From the mid-second century until the early fourth, wooden chamber tombs were constructed in the Gyeongju region and its environs. They have been excavated at sites including Gujeong-dong, Deokcheon-ri, Hwangseong-dong, and Joyang-dong in Gyeongju. Wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds were used from the late fourth century until the early sixth century. These tombs are concentrated in the Wanggyeong District and in Geumchuk-ri in the Geoncheon area. The cluster in the Wanggyeong District, the heart of the royal capital, were formed as the Silla elite once scattered throughout the Gyeongju Basin began to congregate in the center and establish burial grounds there (Fig. 31). Fig. 31. Distribution of mounded tombs within Gyeongju’s city limits One of the wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds of enormous scale is Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, a gourd-shaped double tomb 120 meters in length, and 22 in height. A great volume of grave goods was recovered here, including gold crowns, gold belts, gold earrings, horse tack, and iron weapons (Fig. 32–34). Another, Geumgwanchong Tomb, also yielded a gold crown, which inspired the tomb’s name (‘geumgwan’ means ‘gold crown’). Houchong Tomb was so named due to the discovery of a Goguryeo hou vessel within it. At Cheonmacong Tomb, saddle flaps decorated with paintings of a heavenly horse, called a cheonma, were uncovered. Fig. 32. View of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb Fig. 33. Main burial chamber of the South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb during excavation Fig. 34. Key artifacts recovered from Hwangnamdaechong Tomb Transfer of the Royal Burial Grounds to the Outskirts: Stone Chamber Tombs with Corridor Entrances Through the promulgation of rules and regulations and the official recognition of Buddhism, Silla came to establish the foundations of a centralized government system in the early sixth century. The wooden chamber tomb with stone mound type of interment facility came to be replaced as the stone chamber tomb with corridor entrance became the representative tomb type of this period in conjunction with these changes. Stone chamber tombs with corridor entrances were constructed in the mountainous outskirts of the royal capital, a key example being the Tomb of King Muyeol and four other tombs, which together form a row in the Seoak-dong area of Gyeongju (Fig. 35–36). Fig. 35. Tomb of Taejong (King Muyeol) and other tombs of the Seoak-dong burial ground Fig. 36. Tortoise-shaped stele stone base and stele capstone located in front of the Tomb of King Muyeol The presence of a corridor entrance in these tombs made it possible for additional burials to be conducted at a later date. In addition, these stone chamber tombs with corridor entrances were smaller in scale and contained fewer grave goods compared to the preceding wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds. It is believed this change was associated with the stabilization of royal authority, which no longer required ostentatious displays of power. Cremation also made an appearance in this period due to the influence of Buddhism. The fact that King Munmu was cremated and his ashes spread into the East Sea indicates that this new burial practice was adopted in Silla. In the eighth century, the earthen mounds of some of the royal tombs came to be surrounded by protective stonework consisting of stone slabs decorated with images of the twelve animals of the Chinese Zodiac. Stone handrails were constructed around the protective stones in some cases. In addition, altar stones, stone lion statues, stone guardian statues depicting civil and military officials, and a ‘spirit road’ or epitaph stele stones were erected in front of the tombs. One informative illustration of this is Gwareung Tomb. The Royal Capital’s Defense System Dodangsanseong Fortress, Jakseong Fortress, Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress (earthen wall phase), and Guseong Fortress Capital cities in East Asia were typically furnished with city walls (naseong) that served to demarcate the inner and outer areas of the royal capital. However, no city walls were ever constructed for Silla seat of power. Instead, defensive fortresses were established in surrounding areas. With the expansion of the royal capital’s city limits, the location of these strongholds also changed. Fortresses constructed in the fourth and fifth centuries include Dodangsanseong Fortress, from which a broad view of the royal capital could be obtained; Jakseong Fortress in the area of the Geocheon River, which defended the western side of the royal capital; Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress (earthen wall phase), which looked after the eastern section of the royal capital; and Guseong and Yangdongsanseong Fortresses, which together were responsible for the north. The walls of Dodangsanseong Fortress were made of rammed earth, but Namsantoseong Earthen Wall Fortress had earthen walls over a stone core (Fig. 37). Fig. 37. Location of Dodangsanseong Fortress and Namsantoseong Fortress Among these, Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress (earthen wall phase) functioned as a palace fortress for thirteen years from 476 to 488 CE. Faced with a growing threat from Goguryeo, the Silla king at the time judged the defensive capacity of Wolseong Fortress in the flatlands to be insufficient and removed the Silla royal palace to Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress. Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress (stone wall phase), Seohyeongsanseong Fortress, Namsansinseong Fortress, and Goheoseong Fortress Defensive fortifications came to be established in the zone beyond the Namcheon, Seocheon, and Bukcheon Rivers in the fifth and sixth century. These were all large-scale mountain fortresses, and the majority were equipped with stone walls. Located in the cardinal directions around the royal capital, these defensive structures functioned as a naseong of sorts. The pre-existing earthen walls of Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress were renovated into stone walls in 551 CE. Subsequently rebuilt in 593, Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress defended the eastern portion of the royal capital in the pre-unification period (Fig. 38). Seohyeongsanseong Fortress, which featured stone walls encircling a mountain peak, was built in 593 and extended in 673. This fortress was responsible for the western portions of the royal capital. Fig. 38. Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress (stone wall phase) under excavation Namsansinseong Fortress, constructed in 591 near the northern peak of Mount Namsan, was a stone fortress with stone walls encircling a mountain valley. At present, a total of ten steles associated with the construction of this fortress have been found. They feature inscriptions containing the names and titles of those who were involved in the fortresses’ construction along with the bu groups to which they belonged, the length of the fortress walls, the construction date of the fortress, and a vow that those involved in the fortress’s construction would be punished if the walls collapsed within three years. In 663, Silla made emergency preparations by establishing storage buildings for military rice supplies and items collected as taxes within Namsansinseong Fortress. Goheoseong Fortress was constructed in 626 to defend the royal capital from the south and west. Busanseong Fortress, Sindaeriseong Fortress, and Gwanmunseong Fortress Defensive fortresses were constructed in the peripheral areas around the royal capital starting in the seventh century. These formed the royal capital’s first line of defense against attack from the outside. Busanseong Fortress is located near the summit of Mount Busan, but its walls also encircle valleys running down the mountain. Due to the rugged topography of the areas surrounding the walls, it would certainly have been difficult to approach the fortress. Built in 663, it was a large-scale mountain fortress with a dual-walled structure and outer walls measuring 7.5 km in length. It was designed to protect the royal capital on the west. Sinderiseong Fortress is a stone-walled fortress on the summit of a mountain to the east of Gwanmunseong Fortress. Broad views of both the East Sea and the Ulsan Gulf could be obtained from here. Measuring devices used in its construction were found at the fortress. In addition, ten inscribed stones were uncovered at the fortress with inscriptions that provided information on the respective regions from which the groups that provided labor for fortress construction had come and the length of the sections of the fortress walls for which they had been responsible (Fig. 39). Fig. 39. Stone walls of Sindaerisanseong Fortress and inscription found on fortress walls Gwanmunseong Fortress was constructed in the tenth month of 722 CE in order to defend against Japanese invaders. The walls of this fortress extended across the landscape to link mountains, and its outer walls measured 10.9 km in length. This large-scale mountain fortress also provided a gate for the major road that led from Ulsan to the royal capital. Characteristics of the Silla Royal Capital The Silla royal capital was formed when the capital of Saroguk was designated as the capital of the newly established kingdom of Silla. In the sixth century, it was known as “Geonmora”(健牟羅), but from the seventh century onwards, it came to be called “Geumseong”(金城) or “Geumgyeong”(金京). Over the thousand years that followed, the Silla royal capital remained in the same location. This is nearly unprecedented in human history. The limits and organization of the royal capital’s urban space changed over time. The reorganization of the capital under the influence of the Chinese capital model took place in a series of stages. The characteristics of the Silla royal capital around the seventh century can be summarized as follows. Firstly, royal burial grounds were established in the center. Such a layout cannot be observed in other capital cities structured according to the Chinese capital model. The surrounding landscape appears to have been planned in a way that maximized human and natural conditions. Secondly, the main palace, Wolseong Fortress, was located in the southern portion of the urban center. This meant that a palace layout in which it faced southwards and looked down upon the urban center could not be adopted. As such, although the north-south main street extends ‘northwards’ and not ‘southwards’, it should still be regarded, conceptually, as the ‘main street’ stipulated in the Chinese model. Thirdly, city walls (naseong) demarcating the city limits were never established. King Munmu attempted to undertake the construction of such walls, but he failed due to opposition from the Silla aristocracy. Fourthly, the extent of the royal capital increased over time. Up until the fifth century, it had been limited to the area south of the Namcheon River at the foot of Mount Namsan (to the south), the area of the Seocheon River (to the west), and the Bukcheon River (to the north). However, by the sixth century the city had extended beyond the Seocheon River to the foot of Mount Seohyeongsan (to the west) and beyond the Bukcheon River to the foot of Mount Hyeongsan (to the north). Such an expansion was possible because no city walls had been erected. Fifthly, the bang units in the Silla royal capital were small compared to those created in China. The bang identified at the Hwanyeongsa Temple site S1E1 location was 172.5 meters along its north-south road and 167.5 meters east to west, making it only one-third of the size of a typical Chinese version. The reason for their restricted size may be because the royal capital was established in an area that was already urbanized and the open space available for construction was therefore limited. Sixthly, it has been possible to confirm through excavations that the bang units were not demarcated with walls. The domestic buildings located within each bang were accessed through doorways opening onto the roads. This open nature of the Silla bang structure contrasts with its closed nature in China. The Silla royal capital shares similarities with the royal capitals of Goguryeo and Baekje. The maintenance of two royal palaces—Wolseong Fortress in the bottomlands and Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress in the mountains—can be observed in Goguryeo (Gungnaeseong Fortress and Hwandoseong Fortress; and also Anhakgung Palace and Daeseongsanseong Fortress in Pyeongyang) and Baekje (Pungnabtoseong Fortress on the flats and Mongchontoseong Fortress as a refuge). In addition, the way in which Hwangnyongsa Temple, Silla’s central state temple, was aligned along the axis of the royal capital’s main road is similar to how Jeongrimsa Temple, Baekje’s central state temple in the Sabi Period, was aligned along the axis of the urban center. The Silla royal capital also appears to have influenced Japan’s capital city model. Fujiwarakyo (藤原京), an ancient Japanese capital, was established in the late seventh century according to the model of the Tang capital city of Changan, but it was not surrounded by city walls similarly to Silla’s capital city. Given the close diplomatic relations that had been established between Silla and Japan at the time, it seems likely that the urban structure of Fujiwarakyo was influenced by the Silla royal capital. The structure of the Silla royal capital also influenced the layout of Gaegyeong, the capital city of the subsequent Goryeo Dynasty. The administrative organization of the Silla royal capital into 6 bu districts, which were in turn divided into 55 li villages, provided the roots of the 5 bu and 35 bang system that was applied in Gaegyeong. In addition, Silla’s system of establishing ‘five secondary capitals’ (五小京) became the model for Goryeo’s ‘three capital system’ (三京制) featuring two regional capitals—Namgyeong (南京) in Hanseong and Donggyeong (東京) in Gyeongju—in addition to Gaegyeong. Furthermore, the establishment of Hwangseong Great Palace, Suchang Palace, and Yeongyeong Palace in Gaegyeong reflected the system that had produced Geumseong Fortress, Wolseong Fortress, and the East Palace in Gyeongju. In this way, the Silla royal capital is characterized by distinctive elements that set it apart from the other ancient capitals of East Asia. At the same time, it maintained an inter-relationship with these other cities that compounded its complex nature as a royal capital. As such, a more systematic understanding of the Silla royal capital can provide a foundation for future comparative research on ancient capital cities across East Asia.

According to archaeological evidence, human settlement in the Gyeongju area began in the Neolithic Age. However, no indications of tombs have been found among the archaeological sites and materials from that time. The major tomb type from the subsequent Bronze Age (c. 1000 BCE–400 BCE) is dolmens, a form of megalithic stones with a capstone placed above ground to mark the presence of graves, many of which have been discovered across the Korean Peninsula. Next, in the Early Iron Age (c. 400 BCE–100 BCE), the major tomb type is the stone-covered wooden coffin tomb (jeokseok mokgwanmyo). None of these have been unearthed in the Gyeongju area, however. The small number of known tombs from this period date to the latter reaches of the Early Iron Age and are wooden coffin tombs (mokgwanmyo) not accompanied by stones, demonstrating features indicative of the transition to the next period. During the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (c. 100 BCE–300 CE), the Manhan, Jinhan, and Byeonhan confederacies (collectively known as Samhan) shared the southern portion of the Korean Peninsula. This is indicated in “Records of the Dongyi” (“eastern barbarians”) from the “Book of Wei” in Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguozhi). At this time the Gyeongju area was the base of Saroguk, one of the statelets comprising Jinhan. Clusters of wooden coffin tombs for the ruling class and of the subsequent type, wooden chamber tombs (mokgwakmyo), formed throughout the region. The mounds accompanying the tombs of this period have all been lost and no traces remain above the surface of the ground. The Silla Kingdom covered a vast territory east of the Nakdonggang River in the center of the Yeongnam region beginning from around the mid-fourth century. Clusters of tombs topped with large-scale mounds were built on the flats east of the area that today forms downtown Gyeongju, corresponding to the central part of the Gyeongju basin. These are the tombs of the city’s ruling class from after its establishment as the capital of the Silla Kingdom. From the mid-sixth century until the fall of Silla in 935, the tombs of the ruling class were constructed as stone chamber tombs (seoksilbun) and their preferred sites shifted from the plains to the surrounding hillsides. The tomb types described for the periods mentioned above are all classified as gobun, or ancient tomb (Kim Won-yong 1974). But nowadays in Korea, ancient tombs generally point to those built after the first century BCE, a time when peer polities began to be established in various areas in the southern Korean Peninsula, including Gyeongju. These polities were not necessarily “states” although Records of the Three Kingdoms refers to them guk, conventionally meaning “state.” Anyway, the earliest ancient tombs in Silla history are those dating to the Saroguk period. This article provides an overview of the tombs of the Gyeongju area over the course of three archaeologically divided periods in Silla’s one-thousand-year history: the Saroguk period, the Maripgan period, and the Junggogi (sixth–seventh century) and Unified Silla period. Fig. 1. Map of archaeological sites around Gyeongju dating to the Saroguk period Saroguk Period Wooden Coffin Tombs of the Early Saroguk Period Saroguk, out of which the kingdom of Silla later emerged, was a local polity covering some 1,300 square kilometers, presumably including the present-day Gyeongju area. It is believed to have been established at the turn of the first century BCE. This is inferred from the archaeological phenomenon that tomb clusters began to appear around parts of the Gyeongju basin at that time and such groups of tombs continued to be formed until the Maripgan period. The distribution of these tomb clusters is seen as an indication that a network of human settlement at a statelet level spanning the Gyeongju basin was formed at this point and was sustained into the future. The Saroguk era can be generally divided into two periods. During the initial phase, from the early first century BCE to the early second century CE, the major tomb type was the wooden coffin tomb. These were created by digging a pit, placing a wooden coffin inside, and covering the coffin with a low mound of earth, similar to what is practiced in Korea today. Although the tombs from this period are conventionally called wooden coffin tombs, no wooden coffin from the time has actually been discovered in the Gyeongju area. However, a wooden coffin excavated from Daho-ri Tomb No. 1 in Changwon in 1988 and other archaeological evidence from the soil layers indicate that two types of wooden coffins were indeed used throughout the Yeongnam region. One is the so-called “log coffin” made by vertically splitting a log slightly longer than the height of an average adult, hollowing it out, and rejoining the two halves. The other type is a wooden plank casket. Joyang-dong Tomb No. 38, a representative tomb of the Saroguk period, is dated to the latter half of the first century BCE based on a mirror found within it from the Western Han Dynasty (206 BCE–09 CE). The grave pit measures roughly 258 centimeter long, 128 centimeter wide, and 150 centimeter deep, while the wooden coffin is approximately 190 centimeter long, 65 centimeter wide, and 30–40 centimeter deep. The considerable depth of the pit reflects a desire to completely seal off the space in which the body was placed, but there is a clear trend toward a gradual shallowing of the pits over time. Fig. 2. Joyang-dong Tomb No. 38 Such tombs were generally oriented east to west, and the placement of the neck ornaments within them indicates that the head of the deceased was generally placed at the eastern end. This was a typical pattern that continued at least until the Maripgan period. It is not clearly known what beliefs or ideas might have underlain this eastern orientation in Silla tombs. However, if we consider that the sun, the fundamental source of all life, rises in the east, this custom may be connected to hopes for rebirth or eternal life. A classic example of a wooden coffin tomb from the later part of the early Saroguk period is Sara-ri Tomb No. 130, discovered in the western Gyeongju basin. Dating to the latter half of the first century CE, the grave pit is in the shape of a rectangle with rounded corners and measures 332 centimeter long, 230 centimeter wide, and 100 centimeter deep. The wooden coffin inside is inferred to have been approximately 205 centimeter long and 80 centimeter wide. Traces left in the soil layers and at the bottom of the pit suggest that the coffin was made of wooden planks, with the two short planks inserted between around the ends of the vertical planks (as in the Hangeul letter ‘ㅍ’). Fig. 3. Sara-ri Tomb No. 130 Although Sara-ri Tomb No. 130 is well-known for the discovery of 70 flat iron axes and other relics laid inside the coffin, a wider range and greater quantity of grave goods was in fact excavated from the space between the coffin and the pit walls. This indicates that the rites performed during the process of burying the most exalted members of the ruling class had by this time become highly elaborate and well organized. Supporting evidence is found in a wooden coffin tomb from the same period discovered in Tap-dong, on the northern slope of Namsan Mountain far apart within the same Saroguk territory. It yielded almost identical relics, with only the exception of the flattened iron axes. None of the mounds erected over the wooden coffin tombs remain today. Indirect evidence of mounds is found in traces of ditches encircling the pits of large wooden coffin tombs at the Deokcheon-ri site in the southwestern part of the Gyeongju basin. Based on these ditches, it is possible to suppose that the mounds would have been in a long oval or rectangular shape around 800–900 centimeter long and 600–700 centimeter wide. There are no known clues as to their height, but it is surmised that they would have been rather low and flat on top. Fig. 4. Layout of wooden coffin tombs at the Deokcheon-ri site During the first half of the Saroguk period, tombs with pottery jar coffins were often annexed to wooden coffin tombs. Used to inter babies and young children, jar coffins were never a predominant type and therefore will be discussed here in conjunction with the wooden coffin tomb stage. Although single-jar coffins existed, such as from Gangbyeon-ro Tomb No. 1 in Hwangseong-dong, most were of the double-jar coffin type created by joining two similar vessels. Later in the period, triple-jar coffins appear in which a steamer-like vessel is added in the middle. The pottery-jar coffins of the Saroguk period were mainly around one meter in length with the long axis running east-west. The grave pit was dug to a size only slightly exceeding that of the coffin. Fig. 5. Jar coffin tomb consisting of two joined jars Fig. 6. Wooden coffin tomb in Tap-dong Wooden Chamber Tombs of the Later Saroguk Period In the wooden chamber tomb type, which appeared in the mid-second century CE, the space between the wooden chamber in the grave pit and the wooden coffin inside the chamber was filled prior to the internment with a large quantity of earthenware and iron objects. The shape of early examples of wooden chamber tombs is rectangular, but nearly square. In this respect, and in terms of the size and amount of grave goods as well, wooden chamber tombs are clearly distinct from the wooden coffin tombs of the preceding period. For example, there is a large difference in the size of the aforementioned Joyang-dong Tomb No. 38, the definitive wooden coffin tomb of the early part of the Saroguk period, and Gangbyeon-ro Tomb No. 1 in Hwangseong-dong, the classic wooden chamber tomb from early in the second half of the Saroguk period. (The latter features a pit 414 centimeter long, 338 centimeter wide, and 39 centimeter deep, and a wooden coffin that is estimated to have been around 275 centimeter long and 206 centimeter wide.) The later Gueo-ri Tomb No. 1, also a wooden chamber tomb, shows an even greater relative difference in size. Consisting of two wooden chambers (one main and one secondary), the pit reaches a full 10 meters in length. Fig. 7. Hwangseong-dong Gangbyeon-ro Tomb No. 1, a wooden chamber tomb The development of wooden chamber tombs with this structure stemmed from a desire to expand the burial space to accommodate more elaborate rites and practices reflecting the increased power of political leaders (Lee Seong-ju 1997, 31). The rather sudden appearance of this type of tomb in the mid-second century can only be explained as a reflection of dramatic social changes. The fact that the pit for wooden chamber tombs became much shallower, particularly in the Gyeongju area, strongly suggests that the wooden chamber had been elevated above ground by this time in order to emphasize the volume of the mound. The nearly-square plan of early wooden chamber tombs gradually transitioned to a more rectangular shape, and then to a long, thin, rectangular form. This eventually evolved into a double-chambered arrangement composed of a main chamber where the body of the deceased was interred and a secondary chamber where the grave goods were placed. Such tombs can be further divided into those with the secondary chamber within the same pit (Deokcheon-ri Tomb No. 120) and those where it is placed within a separate pit (Gueo-ri Tomb No. 1). The former type dominates in the Gyeongju area. The secondary chamber was appended as an exclusive space to store grave goods for use by the deceased in the afterlife. As such, it can be presumed that a belief in a next life as a continuation of the previous life (Byeon Tae-seop 1958; 1959) was becoming firmly established among the ruling class of the region. Fig. 8. Deokcheon-ri Tomb No. 120, a wooden chamber tomb with a secondary chamber inside the same pit (where the pottery grave goods were located) Although almost no clues remain regarding the size and shape of the mounds that would have topped the wooden chamber tombs, Jungsan-ri Tomb IA-No. 26 in Ulsan, a wooden chamber tomb surrounded by stones (wiseok mokgwakmyo), provides an example of a mound encircled by retaining slabs similar to those featured on tombs of the Maripgan period. The mound forms a long rectangle with rounded corners measuring around 1480 centimeters in length and 760 centimeters in width. The presence of these stone retaining slabs from an early period suggests that this wooden chamber tombs were meant to include a high mound from the very beginning. Fig. 9. Jungsan-ri Tomb IA-No. 26 in Ulsan, a long rectangular double-chamber wooden chamber tomb surrounded by stones similar to later stone retaining slabs From Wooden Chamber Tomb to Stone-covered Wooden Chamber Tomb Following the Saroguk period, the prevailing tomb type in the Maripgan period became the stone-covered wooden chamber tomb (jeokseok mokgwakmyo). From the beginning of the study of these highly original structures, much attention has been focused on their origins. It has been strongly suggested that this type of tomb originated outside of Korea. Linking it to cairns in southern Siberia dating to the fourth and fifth centuries BCE, it has been argued that the form was transmitted to Korea by horse-mounted immigrants who constituted the ruling class of Gyeongju during the Maripgan period (Choi Byunghyun 1992, 381–415). Others have contended that Goguryeo tombs, which were made entirely of stone, provided the ultimate inspiration (Shin Gyeong-cheol, 1985). However, archaeological evidence demonstrates that the stone-covered wooden chamber tomb progressively evolved out of the wooden chamber tomb form from the preceding period in the Gyeongju area (Lee Jaehong 1997). Fig. 10. Gueo-ri Tomb No. 1, a wooden chamber tomb If stone-covered wooden chamber tombs did indeed develop endogenously, their salient feature of stones piled around a wooden chamber inside and on top of a pit would not have appeared overnight. It is generally acknowledged that in the first stage of the transition, stones were piled around the wooden chamber and in the next they were placed on top of the chamber. This type was followed by an above-ground wooden chamber with stones mounded on top (Lee Heejoon 1996). Tombs of the earliest of these three types were constructed at least during the late Saroguk period. The stone-covered wooden chamber tomb in Masan-ri, Heunghae-eup, Pohang, provides an example of this earliest type. Surrounded by stones on all four sides, it is located just three meters to the north of a previously built double-wooden chamber tomb running east to west on top of a small hill, causing the two to appear to form a double mound. These circumstances indicate that this tomb was built in the early fourth century at the latest. This was a point of accelerated transition from the wooden chamber tomb, a form which had been steadily maintained for some time, to the stone-covered wooden chamber tomb. The main chamber of the Masan-ri tomb is placed at the center of the grave pit and flanked by a secondary chamber on one side and a chest for grave goods on the other. The grave pit is 800 centimeter long, 320 centimeter wide, and 50 centimeter deep. It is surmised that the gap of around 60 centimeters between the walls of the grave pit and the main chamber and secondary chamber was filled with stone slabs and crushed stone 15–30 centimeters in width. A small degree of sinking observed in the soil layers inside the main and secondary chambers suggests that no stones were piled on top of the wooden chambers. The location of the gold earrings discovered inside the tomb indicates that the body was placed with its head toward the east. Fig. 11. Stone-covered wooden chamber tomb in Masan-ri in Pohang, surrounded by stones on all four sides Political Status of the Occupants of Wooden Coffin Tombs and Wooden Chamber Tombs During the Proto-Three Kingdoms period, the political system for each area, including Saroguk, was fundamentally a chiefdom comprised of several towns and villages (eumnak). Each of these chiefdoms demonstrated a settlement pattern based on a three-tiered hierarchy featuring a central community and lower-level secondary communities within set geographical boundaries. The tomb clusters of the Saroguk period that have been excavated so far consist essentially of the graves of the heads of lineage groups who ruled communities within the top two tiers. Sara-ri Tomb No. 130 and the Tap-dong tomb are wooden coffin tombs with almost no parallels in the Yeongnam region in terms of size or the burial practices involved. Interred within these tombs are the leaders of a number of Saroguk-period communities from the first century CE. No other tomb meeting the same standard can be found within the respective clusters to which each belongs, indicating that no dominant group had yet appeared. It is inferred that the occupants of the two tombs were buried with grave goods of such exceptional quality and quantity due to superior individual leadership capabilities. No wooden chamber tomb of an outstanding size or standard that would indicate the burial place of a local political leader has yet been found in the Gyeongju area among the Saroguk tombs dating from after the mid-second century. However, according to an analysis of the changes in the tombs of leaders over time from the Bronze Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms period (Lee Heejoon 2011), leaders from the wooden chamber tomb stage had obtained military power as well. This is in contrast to the leaders of the wooden coffin phase who had yet to achieve military backing among the three types of power bases: economic, ideological, and military (Earle 1997). They would certainly have engaged in a fierce competition that triggered a considerable reshuffling of the ruling class, at least at the chieftain level. The wooden chamber tomb clusters include a number of tombs of a superior standard, suggesting that a dominant group had appeared by that time. Tombs of the Maripgan Period Stone-covered Wooden Chamber Tomb Exclusive to the Ruling Class of Gyeongju A survey of the changes in the tombs of the Yeongnam region reveals that those of the Maripgan period, which began around the mid-fourth century, are distinguished by large mounds that have since been maintained in nearly their original condition. This type of tomb with a mound of earth on top of a grave is known as a tumulus (gochong). Such imposing mounds were created to reflect the power and authority of both the deceased and of the family members and kin group who erected them. Entering the Maripgan period, small tombs continued to be built in each alluvial area on the fringes of the Gyeongju basin where the tombs of the preceding Saroguk period had been sited. However, a large cluster of tumuli of various sizes was formed in the area north of Wolseong at the center of the capital. Another group of tumuli was established in Geumcheon-ri, some 10 kilometers to the west. These are the only two places in Gyeongju where tumuli clusters are found. Excavations over the years have revealed these tumuli to be stone-covered wooden chamber tombs, and it was in this type of tomb that the renowned golden ornaments of Silla were discovered. The unique structure of stone-covered wooden chamber tombs demonstrates a clear contrast when compared to tombs in areas east of the Nakdonggang River, which fell under Silla control at the time. There, tombs were mostly stone-lined pit tombs (suhyeolsik seokgwakmyo) or stone-lined tombs with a horizontal entrance (hoenggusik seokgwakmyo). Hence, it can be understood that stone-covered wooden chamber tombs were preferred by the ruling class of Silla as a symbol of their identity. In a typical example of a stone-covered wooden chamber tomb, not only the space between the grave pit walls and the wooden chamber, but also the top of the burial chamber, are piled with stones approximately the size of a human head. But as examined above, the three types of tombs with stones added to a conventional wooden chamber tomb appeared sequentially over time. For a period during the Maripgan era, all three types were being built simultaneously. Of course, all these tombs have both a mound with a nearly-circular oval plan and a surrounding ring of retaining slabs, one of the conditions of tumuli, which sets them apart from earlier tombs. The mammoth tumuli in the center of Gyeongju, the royal capital of Silla, are all stone-covered wooden chamber tombs above ground and a complex structure of triple or more burial chambers. During the Japanese colonial period (1910–1945), some 155 tumuli were tallied, including these large examples, but many smaller versions whose mounds had been leveled over the years remained obscured underground. Stone-covered wooden chamber tombs came to be concentrated onto two localities at the start of the Maripgan period as Saroguk gave way to Silla and members of the ruling class from the alluvial areas around the Gyeongju basin moved into the capital. They formed a new and powerful social element and constructed tombs that could reflect their status and identity. In other words, with the formation of the six bu (部, divisions) of Silla, the ruling classes of these divisions continued to erect stone-covered wooden chamber tombs. Not only resources from the Gyeongju area went into their construction, but also human and material resources requisitioned from regions east of the Nakdonggang River that they ruled indirectly through a tributary system. Scattered among the large tumuli in today’s downtown Gyeongju are some small stone-covered wooden chamber tombs and small stone-lined pit tombs. In terms of scale and of the relics found within, these stone-lined pit tombs are inferior and have consequently been judged to be the graves of people from a lower social rank than those buried in the stone-covered wooden chamber tombs. There are some wooden chamber tombs from an early stage of the Maripgan period that succeed intact the traditions of the preceding period, and these are considered graves of people of lower rank as well. For example, Tomb No. C10 in the Jjoksaem district of the old royal capital is a relatively large wooden chamber tomb with a main and a secondary chamber, but none of the golden ornaments that are commonly found in tombs of that type and scale were discovered within. All that it yielded was a horse bard and a set of armor suggesting that the individual interred belonged to the warrior class. Stone-covered wooden chamber tombs can be roughly classified into single-mound tombs (danjang), double-mound tombs (pyohyeong), and multi-mound tombs (dahyeong) consisting of three or more mounds. The presence of double-mound and multi-mound tombs is a distinguishing feature of the stone-covered wooden chamber tombs of the Gyeongju area. These tombs were generally joined by removing part of the retaining slabs around an existing mound and installing the new tomb within the space. Royal Tombs of the Maripgan Period When comparing the tumuli clusters of the Maripgan period with wooden chamber tombs from the preceding era, an important point of distinction is the pluralization of tombs in different categories of size and quality and quantity of grave goods. Documentary evidence has shown that the ruling class was divided horizontally into six bu competing units. However, the existence of multiple types of tombs with unique standards attests to a well-developed vertical organization as well. Fig. 12. Northern tumuli cluster to Wolseong-dong Fig. 13. Tumuli cluster in Geumcheok-ri Fig. 14. Excavation of Yeonsan-dong Tomb M3 in Busan (a stone-lined pit tomb with secondary stone chamber) Royal tombs from the Maripgan period are likely to be found among the tumuli in the center of the city of Gyeongju, especially the large tumuli in Daenuengwon or Nodong-dong and Noseo-dong to its north. The separate tumuli group in Geumcheok-ri to the west are considered to be the graves of members of Jamtak-bu, one of the weaker of the six bu. There is little likelihood of royal tombs being found among them since all the reigning king, the Maripgan, was also the leader of Tak-bu and Satak-bu, the two most powerful divisions at the time. Meanwhile, there has been a tendency to consider tombs yielding gold crowns with stylized tree-shaped uprights to be the burial places of royalty, but the discovery of such a crown cannot be considered definitive proof. Among the large tombs yet to be excavated, many are much larger than the tombs where gold crowns have been found. For example, there are nine tombs larger than Cheonmachong (Tomb of the Heavenly Horse), which is capped with a mound 49.6 meters in diameter and within which a gold crown was discovered. Fig. 15. Cheonmachong, an above-ground stone-covered wooden chamber tomb Fig. 16. Relics showing the inside of the wooden coffin found within Cheonmachong Tomb Fig. 17. Stones revealed after removing the earthen mound from the southern mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb Fig. 18. Tomb No. C10 in the Jjoksaem district Fig. 19. Overall view of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, a double-mound tomb First, if size is taken as the primary standard for a royal tomb, Tomb No. 98, named Hwangnamdaechong (Great Tomb of Hwangnam), a twin tomb with north and south mounds each measuring 76 meters in diameter, must be posited to belong to a king and queen. This could give rise to a hypothesis that all large twin tumuli constitute the tombs of royalty. In this light, other large twin tumuli, such as Tombs No. 90 and No. 134, are strong contenders as royal tombs. In the same line, the largest of the single tombs, Tomb No. 125 (82.3 meters in diameter) and No. 130 (74.6 meters in diameter), must also be put forward as potential royal tombs. Another likely candidate is Tomb No. 106 (51.6 meters in diameter) (Yun Sangdeok 2014). If this theory does hold, then potential royal tombs of the Maripgan period are found in the vicinity of other tombs of a smaller size. That is, members of royalty who belonged to the same bu shared grave sites with other powerful members of society, suggesting that the king had not yet achieved transcendental status during this period. It also clearly attests to a situation in which the king was both the reigning monarch and the head of the bu to which he belonged. Tombs of the Junggogi Period and Unified Silla Period Shift in Location and Introduction of Stone Chamber Tombs During Silla’s Junggogi period (literally “middle ancient” period) (514–654) many reforms were attempted, including a reorganization of the system of governance with the aim of strengthening centralized government. In ruling class tombs, an overall shift took place from stone-covered wooden chamber tombs to stone chamber tombs (seoksilmyo), but not immediately at the start of the period. First, their location shifted from flat areas within the city center to the surrounding hillocks, as evidenced by the stone-covered wooden chamber tombs found there. The tomb known as Bubuchong (Husband and Wife Tomb) dating to around the mid-sixth century was excavated during the Japanese colonial period. It was found on a hillside in Bomun-dong, east of the present city center. One of the tombs was a stone-covered wooden chamber tomb, but the other was a stone chamber tomb supposedly sharing a double-mound with the former. Fig. 20. Tombs yielding gold crowns located in Daeneungwon, Noseo-dong, and Nodong-dong Fig. 21. Plans and sections of stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances in the Gyeongju area This change in location is generally thought to be the result of Silla’s territorial expansion in the mid-sixth century, which led to an influx of population into the capital and a subsequent need for additional flat land for housing. However, considering that the slightly elevated flat land with a mountain-soil bed where the stone-covered wooden chamber tombs are located is completely occupied by tombs, it could be more accurate to suppose that Gyeongju was running out of space for additional burials even prior to the introduction of stone chamber tombs. New tombs had to be sited in the surrounding hills, and that is where stone chamber tombs began to be built in earnest. Underlying the introduction of stone chamber tombs in the mid-sixth century was the transformation in the view of the afterlife that arrived with the adoption of Buddhism as the national religion. Not only did tombs experience a complete change in structure, the practice of placing the head toward the east and performing lavish burial rites disappeared. Unified Silla Tombs after the Mid-Sixth Century The dominant forms for tombs of the Unified Silla period built after the mid-sixth century were stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance (hoenghyeolsik seoksilbun) and cremation tombs (hwajangmyo). A number of small stone-lined pit tombs were also constructed. The chamber was built above ground for most of the stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance, rendering them large and high like the tumuli of the Maripgan period. The stone chamber was first surrounded by a structure somewhat like an inner circle of retaining slabs, and then the whole external mound was banded with another circle of stone slabs. Construction of such tombs on the hillsides around Gyeongju began to gain momentum from the mid-sixth century. Stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance were designed on the basic premise that additional burials would be included later. Therefore, they consisted of four main elements: a stone chamber where bodies were buried; a roofed passageway allowing access to the burial chamber (yeondo) from the outside; a passageway leading from the outside of the chamber to the outside of the tomb (myodo); and a mound. Naturally, the passageway leading to the outside of the tomb was sealed and covered after internment. In these stone chamber tombs, the body was generally not placed in a coffin. Instead, the internal space features various platforms upon which a body could be laid (sidae). These can be counted as a further important compositional element of the tombs. If the stone chambers take on a high rectangular cuboid shape, that will make a ceiling difficult to install. To address this, the side walls were tapered inwards before the ceiling stones were placed on top. In most cases, the walls began to narrow from the top of the vertically closing gate (hyeonmun) of the yeondo corridor. The ceiling of the corridor is naturally lower than that of the stone chamber. Stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance are generally divided into types according to the shape of the plan and the location of the corridor. The corridor can be placed in the center or to the left or right, and the chamber can be either rectangular or square in plan. The earliest of these tombs were likely to feature a rectangular stone chamber, while later ones took the form of a square. The later type has higher ceilings. One distinguishing feature of Silla stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance is the variation in corpse platforms. Over time, low platforms gave way to higher versions. Many of them were lined with large stones and filled on the inside with smaller stones. However, as in Touchong (Tomb of the Clay Figurines) on Jangsan Mountain, some of the platforms consist of a single bed-like slab. Some have separate rests or supports for the head, upper body, and feet, while others, such as Ssangsangchong (Double Platform Tomb), have a single large support for the entire body. In the latter case, the full-body support is made of tuff that has been shaped and finished. Fig. 22. Stone platform for the body inside Touchong Tomb in Jangsan Fig. 23. Outer stone funerary urn for burial in a cremation tomb Cremation tombs can be classified into those consisting of a pit in which a funerary urn containing the ashes remaining from a cremation is simply buried and those where the urn was covered with a protective facility or another vessel prior to its burial. In the provinces outside the capital, the former type is more common. The latter type is most frequently found in the Silla capital area. The protective facilities or vessels include stone coffins, stone caskets, stone niches, or earthenware vessels. The funerary urn was generally an earthenware vessel with an intricate stamped design or a porcelain vessel imported from China. Particularly from the eighth century on, urns made specifically for funerary purposes and equipped with rings or hooks to connect the lid with the body were generally used. Fig. 24. Diverse funerary urns unearthed in the Gyeongju area Royal Tombs of the Junggogi Period and Unified Silla At the start of the Junggogi period, the king ascended beyond the status of head of his bu to become the leader of all six and gained the title of “great king” (daewang). Accordingly, the burial sites of kings began to be recorded, as evidenced in Samguk sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms), which specifically mentions “north of Yeonggyeongsa Temple.” In addition, tombs for royalty and the aristocracy were no longer built on the flats in the center of urban Gyeongju, but in the hills on the surrounding mountains instead. Primary examples include the tombs that lie in a row behind the tomb of King Taejong Muyeol, the first monarch of the Middle period (654–780). Of these four large tumuli, the one closest to the Tomb of King Muyeol is estimated at 62.9 meters in diameter. The plan of its mound is not round, as would be the case for a stone chamber tomb with a horizontal entrance. Instead, it takes on an oval form resembling the tumuli of the Maripgan period. Hence, the interior structure is likely to be a stone-covered wooden chamber tomb. The other three tombs behind it are round in plan, with diameters ranging from 46 to 50 meters. Their scale and circumstances clearly indicate them to be the tombs of royalty. The lowest tomb is the oldest, and presumably the tomb of King Beopheung (r. 514–540) of the Junggogi period. The tombs of King Jinheung (r. 540–576) and King Jinji (r. 576–579) are believed to be among the remaining three (Yun Sangdeok, 2014). Fig. 25. Tumuli in the area around the Tomb of King Muyeol (surrounded by trees in the lower part of the photo) in Seoak-dong As for the tombs of King Jinpyeong (r. 579–623) and Queen Jindeok (r. 647–654), records state that they were sited in Hanji-bu and Saryang-bu, respectively, suggesting that they were built on flat land. The tomb of Queen Seondeok (r. 632–647) is thought to be a single tomb on the southern slope of Nangsan Mountain, north of Sacheonwangsa Temple (Temple of the Four Heavenly Kings). As seen above, the royal tombs of the Junggogi period formed clusters in an area removed from the tombs of the aristocracy in order to suit the elevated status of the king as a transcendental being. They gradually came to be built each in a separate location rather than in groups, symbolizing the expansion of royal authority. The tomb of King Muyeol (r. 654–661), who ruled at the start of the Middle period, is a rare example of a tomb for which the interred can be clearly identified. The dragon-head capstone (isu) on the stele in front of the tomb carries an inscription that unambiguously states “Tomb of King Taejong Muyeol.” This stele is noted for its sculptural brilliance and is Korea’s earliest example of this type of funerary monument introduced from Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE) in China. Fig. 26. Base and capstone of the Stele of the Tomb of King Muyeol Royal tombs originating in the Middle and Later periods (which fall within the Unified Silla period) are scattered around the fringes of the Gyeongju basin some distance from the city center. Since most were simply declared royal tombs by the Gyeongju clans during the first half of the eighteenth century, the credibility of their status is unconfirmed. Aside from the Tomb of King Muyeol, the only other tombs certain to belong to royalty are the Tomb of King Heungdeok (r. 826–836), which is likewise named on a memorial stele, and the Tomb of King Wonseong (r. 785–795), which is identified on a stele inscription at Sungboksa Temple. Fig. 27. Capstone of the Stele of the Tomb of King Muyeol Notably, these tombs are all found at separate locations in low hills far from the center of Gyeongju. They are encircled by balusters and have retaining slabs around the mound that bear carvings of the twelve zodiac animals. Stone sculptures of humans and lions stand in front. These are the most complete of the surviving Silla royal tombs. The circle of retaining slabs has its origin in layers of smaller stone circle with supporting big stones at regular intervals the Tomb of King Muyeol. This developed into the form found in the Tomb of King Sinmun, where trimmed rectangular stones are stacked in multiple layers with large supporting slabs placed around them. This later evolved into a form in which the entire circumference is encircled by large stone slabs interspersed at regular intervals by slabs carved with the twelve zodiac animals. Fig. 28. Tomb of King Sinmun Images of the twelve zodiac animals originated in China. The practice of placing small clay figures of human bodies with the heads of animals inside the tomb to represent the twelve directions (including the ox for the north, the rabbit for the east, the horse for the south, and the rooster for the west) began in Su China and was succeeded in Tang China. Silla adopted this custom and advanced it by carving the images into the retaining slabs around tombs. The funerary urn from the cremation tomb at Hwagok-ri has relief clay figures of the twelve zodiac animals encircling its body. These figures were also applied to a range of other objects in diverse manners. For example, they were carved into the lids of funerary urns and cast in metal for use as scale weights. The wide application of these images indicates the faith in the twelve zodiacal animals that existed in Silla society at the time. Fig. 29. Stone figures in front of the Tomb of King Wonseong Fig. 30. One of the twelve zodiac animals (a horse) on the retaining slabs surrounding the Tomb of King Heungdeok The arrangement of zodiac animals bearing weapons on the retaining slabs surrounding Silla royal tombs is the result of combining the guardian role of the divine generals of Buddhism with these zodiac animals that originally represented prayers for the permanence of time. The other sculptures found at royal tombs, such as stone lions, are basically tomb guardians. These twelve zodiac animals on the retaining stones are an important sculptural feature of the royal tombs and attest to the creativity of the people of Silla as they assimilated foreign cultural elements and made them their own. Fig. 31. A funerary urn lid bearing twelve zodiac names, unearthed in the Gyeongju

Metalworking conventionally refers to the process of manipulating various kinds of metal to create finished products. It spans a wide range of materials including gold, silver, copper, tin, and iron, either alone or in blends, such as alloys. Metalworking in Korea traces back to the Bronze Age, but only a small number of metals were used at that time and the items produced were limited to bronze ritual objects. It was during the Three Kingdoms Period (57 BCE–668 CE) that metalworking culture entered its prime in Korea, but it was particularly evident in the kingdom of Silla (57 BCE–935CE) (Lee Nan Young 1992). Silla was founded in and around what is today the city of Gyeongju and maintained this capital for its entire history. A wide range of materials and goods must have been concentrated in Gyeongju, not only while Silla’s territorial boundaries were limited to its capital region, but even after it expanded its influence across what is now Gyeongsang-do Province and parts of Gangwon-do Province. It seems that Silla’s production of a diverse variety of metalwork in a unique style was made possible by this collection of abundant resources. Characteristic features become notable in relics from the fifth century onwards. In other words, metalwork with a distinctive “Silla-style” began to be produced in this period (Lee Hansang 2004). A turning point in Silla metalworking culture arrived with its unification of the Korean Peninsula and the establishment of Unified Silla (668–935 CE) in 668. Among the metal objects produced after unification, accessories and everyday goods came to strongly reflect styles stemming from the Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE) in China, as was common across East Asia. Nevertheless, there are sarira reliquaries and Buddhist bells from the era that still reflect a clear Silla provenance (Ju Gyeongmi 2005; Choi Eung Chon 2010). This paper aims to examine the metalwork of Silla, in particular the items discovered in Gyeongju, by exploring the history of excavation and research, the development of metalworking technology, and the emergence of a distinctive Silla style. It will further describe the background, acceptance, and significance of the foreign influences observed in Silla metalwork. Excavation and Research Excavation of Metalwork The rich and sumptuous metalworking culture of the kingdom of Silla was first revealed with the excavation of Geumgwanchong Tomb (金冠塚) in 1921. A gold crown and other golden ornaments were accidentally uncovered in the area of Noseo-ri in Gyeongju. Gold crowns were subsequently discovered at excavations carried out on the tombs Geumnyeongchong (金鈴塚) and Seobongchong (瑞鳳塚) in 1924 and 1926, respectively. This confirmed the remarkable goldsmithing tradition that had existed in Silla. Excavations of royal tombs from the Silla period continued after Korea recovered its national sovereignty in 1945. In 1946, the National Museum of Korea conducted an excavation of an abandoned tomb in the Noseo-ri tomb cluster and uncovered a bronze lidded bowl with an inscription of the name of the nineteenth king of Goguryeo, King Gwanggaeto the Great (廣開土大王, 373–413, r. 391–413), along with the Chinese characters ‘壺杅’ (K. ho-u), meaning bowls (Fig. 1, left). This was a remarkable find indicating that metalworking culture from Goguryeo was being transferred to Silla at the time. Fig. 1. Bronze Lidded Bowl with Inscription of “Ho-u” (left) and Bronze Bottle (right) from Houchong Tomb. Bronze. H. 19.4 cm (left), 16.3 cm (right). National Museum of Korea In 1959, the National Museum discovered reliquaries while dismantling the West Pagoda at the Gameunsa Temple Site (感恩寺址) for restoration (Fig. 2, left). Although they were in poor condition when found, these sarira reliquaries featured elegant embellishments and exquisite representations of musicians and the Four Heavenly Kings protecting the Dharma, demonstrating Silla’s exceptional advancement in metalworking by the late seventh century. Fig. 2. Sarira Reliquaries from the West Pagoda (left) and East Pagoda (right) at the Gameunsa Temple Site. 682. Gilt-bronze. H. 28.0 cm (left), 31.0 cm (right). National Museum of Korea and Gyeongju National Museum Extensive excavations began to be carried out in Gyeongju in the 1970s and they revealed great quantities of Silla metalwork. The excavation of the tumulus of King Muryeong (武寧王, 462–523, r. 501–523) of Baekje in 1971 provided momentum to the pursuit of investigations of major historic sites in Gyeongju as well. A gold crown was unearthed in the excavation of Cheonmachong Tomb (天馬塚) in 1973 and another from the North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb (皇南大塚) in 1974. In 1975, a further remarkable excavation was conducted that revealed exquisite metal objects. A large amount of high-quality metalwork in good condition dating back to the Unified Silla period was uncovered from Wolji Pond (月池) within the Wolseong Palace (月城) site. In 1966, sarira reliquaries were discovered within the Three-story Stone Pagoda of Bulguksa Temple (佛國寺), and more sarira reliquaries were found from the East Pagoda at the Gameunsa Temple site (Fig. 2, right) and the Five-story Stone Pagoda in Nawon-ri in 1996. With the turn of the new millennium, fewer dramatic discoveries of metalwork took place in the Gyeongju area, largely due to the decreased number of excavations. Nevertheless, bronze relics including bowls, donggot (topknot pins), ladles, and small ornamental objects continued to be uncovered from wells within the premises of palaces and temples. Most of these wells had been deliberately abandoned, and these relics had mainly been buried during the decline of Silla. Research Issues The most notable metalwork among the items excavated at historic sites in Gyeongju are the gold accessories unearthed from ancient tombs. In the early phases, these gold items were studied and used to date ancient Silla tombs. More recently, they have been subjects for examination of metalwork production methods. Through the findings of this research, characteristics of metalwork unique to Silla have been identified, as well as the exchanges between the three kingdoms (Lee Song-Ran 2004; Lee Hansang 2004; Ham Soon Seop 2014). Weapons and horse tack have been found that were decorated using the same metalworking techniques applied to jewelry. Scholars have been focusing on investigating the appearance and ownership of ornamental Silla swords rather than their production techniques. The production of equestrian gear involves not only metalworking, but leather crafting and woodworking skills as well. The horse gear found in Gyeongju include pommels, cantles, stirrups, and harness fittings. The studies conducted to date have been primarily focused on their form and the patterns in their designs. Fig. 3. Adornments of Silla (1, 2) and Gaya (3, 4): (1) From North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. Gold and jade. H. 27.3 cm. National Museum of Korea (2) From Hwango-ri Tomb No. 52. Gold. L. 8.8 cm. National Museum of Korea (3) From Jisan-dong Tomb No. 32. Gilt-bronze. H. 19.6 cm. Gyeongju National Museum (4) From Jisan-dong Tomb No. 45. Gold and gilt-bronze. L. 6.54 cm. Gyeongju National Museum Investigations have been carried out on the metal vessels discovered from wooden chamber tombs with a stone mound, including Hwangnamdaechong and Cheonmachong. In particular, bronze vessels have been found that parallel the forms of those excavated from tombs in Goguryeo, such as tripod cauldrons, and scholars have subsequently scrutinized the transference of Goguryeo culture into Silla. In regards to metalwork in the Unified Silla period, thorough studies have been carried out on the findings from Wolji Pond (Lee Nan Young 2000). Fig. 4. Harness Fittings from South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. 5th century. Gilt-bronze. H. 13.0 cm (top on right). Gyeongju National Museum The finest examples of Unified Silla metalwork are considered to be sarira reliquaries and the Sacred Bell of Great King Seongdeok. Sarira reliquaries feature an assemblage of metal, glass, and stone containers and objects. Studies on sarira reliquaries have hitherto been conducted mainly on their composition, location of enshrinement, and varieties of votive goods (Joo Kyeong-mi 2014), as well as their production method. For the Sacred Bell of Great King Seongdeok, there have been studies on its motifs and stylistic characteristics as well as a comparative analysis with bells from neighboring countries (Choi Eung Chon 1997). Some of the metalwork excavated in Gyeongju can be identified as imported. These relics were brought into Silla via long-distance trade or diplomatic missions, and most of them are concentrated in the royal tombs within the capital. Foreign metal artifacts include items from Goguryeo and the Southern Dynasties (420–589 CE) of China, and Central Asia as well. Studies aimed at scrutinizing Silla’s exchanges with other countries by examining these foreign goods have produced significant results. Development of Metalworking Techniques Master Artisans and Workshops The metalwork of Silla was created by professional artisans (Lee Younghee 2004). The production of metalwork in ancient societies necessitated the sourcing of required materials, such as gold and silver. In the case of gold, it was the most esteemed resource among the ruling classes around the region, including China. Objects created with such a precious material premise the existence of highly skilled artisans and workshops. Since maximum effect should be achieved with the least amount of metal possible, trial-and-error was unacceptable in production. Therefore, manufacturing could only be practiced directly by artisans demonstrating the finest skills. It is likely that the metalworking artisans of the time resided within a designated area as they completed the works assigned to them. The number of metalcraft workshops was presumably not as high as those producing ceramics or ironware, and it is believed a wide variety of design books were housed in these workshops. Given that metalcrafts from different areas respectively bear distinct designs and develop unique styles, it is possible that metalcraft decorated with dragons (Fig. 5) and mythical birds known as fenghung (鳳凰, K. bonghwang) were created by referring to books obtained through trade with Wei, Jin, and the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420–589 CE) in China, as well as within the three kingdoms of Baekje, Silla, and Goguryeo. Fig. 5. Comparison of Dragon Designs of Baekje (1), Silla (3, 4, 7), and Wa (2, 5, 6): (1) Naseong-ri Tomb No. 4. (2) Shichikan Tomb (七觀古墳). (3) Imdang Tomb No. 7B. (4) Chodang-dong Tomb No. A-1. (5) Gojō Nekozuka Tomb (五條猫塚古墳). (6) Tsukino-oka Tomb (月岡古墳). (7) South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb Nevertheless, acquiring the technical know-how for metal crafting is different from imitating design patterns, and this could only be developed through direct contact with and transmission among artisans. The various foreign elements and influences reflected in the metalcrafts of Silla are likely to have been introduced through human interchanges. In fact, frequent exchanges took place between artisans in ancient East Asia, including Silla. The dissemination of metal crafting techniques, some of the most advanced technical skills of the era, were likely made possible via these interactions. There are no means today through which to determine what these workshops would have been like. Further, only a few traces related to the production of metal are found around the city of Gyeongju (Cha Soon-Chul 2005). In the Historic Site in Dongcheon-dong, the site of a bronze ware workshop was uncovered together with roads and large-scale building sites. The site was discovered within the central two units of a three-unit building compound. Inside the workshop was found a three-meter rectangular kiln, and the large number of red-brown molds found inside the kiln suggest that it was used to produce frameworks for molds. In addition, four bronze melting furnaces and one smelting furnace were discovered at the site. Metalworking Techniques The emergence of a Silla-style metalcraft culture coincided with the establishment and development of Silla as an ancient state. This is precisely the period during which gold adornments were being deposited inside large wooden chamber tombs with a stone mound located in Gyeongju. However, these large-scale tombs began to disappear from the mid-sixth century onwards and the number of metal items discovered at historical sites witnessed a drastic decrease as well. In any case, it seems that metalworking culture developed steadily during the Silla period. This is evidenced by the finest examples of Buddhist craftwork and everyday items used in the royal court unearthed from historic sites dating back to the Unified Silla period. Presented below are some of the detailing techniques employed in Silla metalwork (Lee Nan Young 2010). Casting refers to the technique of melting metal at high temperatures and pouring the liquid metal into a mold to produce a desired form. Most of the bronze vessels uncovered from the wooden chamber tombs with a stone mound were created using this method. In particular, the Tripod Cauldron with Handle uncovered from Geumgwanchong Tomb (Fig. 6) is considered a masterpiece of this technique for both its elegant shape and refined decoration. Buddhist sculptures created around the time of Silla’s unification of the Three Kingdoms demonstrate that the level of precision in casting at the time was highly advanced. Among the cast metal objects from the Unified Silla period, the Sacred Bell of Great King Seongdeok is the largest extant example (Fig. 7, 17). The Chinese characters “鑄鍾大博士” (K. jujong daebaksa) are inscribed on it, literally meaning “chief master of casting Buddhist bells,” indicating the status of the artisan involved. Fig. 6. Example of Casting Technique: Tripod Cauldron with Handle from Geumgwanchong Tomb. L. 46.5 cm. Gyeongju National Museum (Right: Details of dragon design and lotus design) Fig. 7. Example of Casting Technique: Detail of Sacred Bell of Great King Seongdeok from Bongdeoksa Temple Site. 771 Forging involves shaping a metal object by beating or hammering it. Prior to the development of more ornamental metal crafting culture, production techniques for ironware were already flourishing in Silla. This suggests that the kingdom was prepared for decorative metalwork production in the sense that the required technical framework had already been established. Forging was the dominant production process for the gold accessories or gold and silver vessels unearthed from Silla’s wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds. However, the technique was generally used only partially in the metalwork of the Unified Silla period. When decorating a metal plaque, the background of the design or the design itself can be cut out to enhance its visibility. This technique is known as openwork. Conventionally, an underdrawing is sketched on the surface of a metal sheet and then a hammer and chisel are used to excise the desired decoration. This particular technique is visible on the gold conical cap (Fig. 8, above), belt, and the pair of pommel and cantle (Fig. 8, below) uncovered from the Cheonmachong Tomb from the Silla Kingdom period. From the later Unified Silla period, the nirmānabuddha, or metamorphosed Buddha, and mandorla of a Buddhist sculpture uncovered from Wolji Pond provide classic examples of this technique. One of the most exquisite applications of openwork is found on the cantle discovered from the South Mound of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. Its entire surface features an openwork design of dragons laid above the wings of jewel beetles, yielding an ornate iridescent decoration. This technique can also be observed in the gilt-bronze openwork ornament in a sun shape unearthed from Jinpa-ri Tomb No. 7 of Goguryeo. Fig. 8. Examples of Openwork Technique: Conical cap (above) from Cheonmachong Tomb. Gold. H. 19.0 cm. Gyeongju National Museum; Cantle (below) from South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. Gilt-bronze. W. 52.4cm Precious metals such as gold and silver are beautiful unto themselves, but they can be even more stunning when juxtaposed with materials with contrasting tones, such as jade beads. Among the craftwork unearthed from wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, the bracelets excavated from the North Mound of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb nicely demonstrate jade inlaying, known as gamok (嵌玉) in Korean. However, there is a high possibility that these bracelets are foreign products. There is no other surviving example from the Silla Kingdom of the use of the jade incrustation technique, although a similar decorative method using liquid glass was prevalent at the time (Fig. 9-2). In addition, although it is not the classic form of this incrustation technique, there was another means to produce a similar effect by mounting a gold crown over a jade bead, as observed in the chains and pendants hanging from the gold crowns found under the North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb (Fig. 9-1) and Geumgwanchong Tomb. Jade beads in diverse colors were used to decorate craftwork in the post-unification period. A representative example is the nirmānabuddha discovered from Wolji Pond in Gyeongju (Fig. 9-3). The sarira reliquaries found in the three-story pagoda of Bulguksa Temple also feature jade beads in varied hues incrusted in the metalwork (Shin Suk 2016). Fig. 9. Examples of Color Contrasts Using Gold with Jade: (1) Jade ornamentation of crown excavated from the North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. Gold and jade. Gyeongju National Museum (2) Chain and pendant ornamentation of crown excavated from Geumnyeongchong Tomb. Gold and glass (3) Nirmānabuddha discovered from Wolji Pond. Silver and garnet. L. 9.0 cm Filigree is a decorative technique that involves soldering gold beads or threads onto the surface of a metal object as a means of embellishment. The rings and small rattles excavated from the South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb feature elaborate filigree designs. The most notable relics demonstrating this technique is the pair of gold earrings discovered in the stone burial chamber of Bubuchong Tomb (夫婦塚) in Bomun-ri (Fig. 10). Filigree continued to be used both during and after the post-unification period, as can be observed in the sarira reliquaries discovered inside the East Pagoda at the Gameunsa Temple Site. Fig. 10. Example of Filigree Technique: Earrings discovered in the stone burial chamber of Bubuchong Tomb in Bomun-ri. 6th century. Gold. L. 8.7 cm. National Museum of Korea Inlay is used to render characters or patterns in the outer surface of metalwork by inserting pieces of different metals into a depression. Among the three kingdoms, an early form of inlay technique can be found in Baekje metalwork, and it is presumed that this method was introduced to Silla via Baekje. The sword unearthed from the Houchong Tomb (壺杅塚), and the pommel and cantle discovered in Gyerim-ro Tomb No. 14 feature inlay. In the post-unification period, the technique expanded beyond the creation of linear ornamentation to include broad and planar designs as well, as observed in the conical stirrups excavated from Pyeongsan. Gilding is a decorative technique in which gold or silver is applied to surfaces of iron or bronze. Amalgam cannot be affixed to iron surfaces, so gold or silver leaf is used instead. However, bronze objects can be coated with a mercury-based amalgam. Gilding can also be partially applied on gold and silver vessels, a technique which prevailed in China during and after the Tang dynasty, but this method was uncommon during the Unified Silla period. Among metalworking techniques, some are used for shaping metal vessels, such as casting and forging, while others are applied for rendering or emphasizing design motifs, such as openwork or chasing. A ring-punched design is a pattern achieved through the chasing technique that involves hammering the area surrounding a design with a tubular chisel to create a dense background of rings. This method was normally only applied to high-quality metalwork, such as the candle wick trimmer discovered from Wolji Pond and the sarira reliquaries discovered inside the East Pagoda at the Gameunsa Temple Site and the five-story stone pagoda in Nawon-ri (Fig. 11). Fig. 11. Example of Ring-punched Design: Sarira Reliquary (Outer Casket) from Five-story Stone Pagoda in Namwon-ri. 8th century. Gilt-bronze. H. 15.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Emergence of a Silla Style Gold Adornments The ancient kingdom of Silla developed a tradition of metal adornments that resulted in some of the greatest splendor found in East Asia. Due to the practice of burying large quantities of objects in tombs and the unique structure of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, a large number of these artifacts have survived. In Nihon shoki (日本書紀, The Chronicles of Japan), which was written early in the eighth century, Silla is described as a “country of dazzling gold, silver, and various colors” or the “country of gold and silver.” In his book Nuzhat al-mushtāq fīikhtirāq al-āfāq (قافالا قارتخا يف قاتشملا ةهزن باتك, The Excursion of the One Who Yearns to Penetrate the Horizons), the Arab geographer Muhammad ibn Muhammad Al-Idrisi noted that “Silla abounds in gold.” In the eyes of foreigners, Silla was a golden kingdom, and this image is clearly reflected in the extant metalwork relics of the time. Numerous burial goods were interred inside Silla royal tombs such as Hwangnamdaechong and Cheonmachong. In particular, gold adornments have been discovered surrounding the remains of the tombs’ occupants. The period in which large-scale tombs were constructed within the city of Gyeongju and great numbers of gold objects were interred inside them coincided with a time of rapid development for the kingdom of Silla. This is also when the Kim clan held the throne and adopted the title of Maripgan (麻立干, meaning “great chieftain”) for the ruler. It is presumed that the kingdom carried out exchanges at this time with the peoples to its north and was introduced to the gold culture of nomadic tribes such as the Xianbei (鮮卑). However, Silla developed a distinct and independent style. The peak of Silla’s creation of accessories in precious metals had already been reached by the time of the construction of the South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. In this era, only a limited number of people were able to possess golden adornments. Around the time of the building of the North Mound of the tomb, a wider range of people could acquire gold accessories and a unique Silla style emerged in terms of design. Gold crowns replaced gilt-bronze versions and were placed on the heads of deceased kings or other royalty. Moreover, accessories increased in both number and variety and came to include bracelets, earrings, necklaces (Fig. 13) and gilt-bronze shoes. Their decoration grew more lavish as well. The most outstanding type of Silla ornament is the gold crown (Fig. 12). Gold crowns have been discovered only from royal tombs built during the Maripgan period (the latter half of the fourth to the beginning of the sixth century). Such restricted possession of gold crowns indicates that they served to represent the status and authority of the royalty of the time. The gold crown in Fig. 12 features five uprights shaped like branches and antlers. The form of the branch-like uprights and the number of comma-shaped jade pendants and golden spangles evolved over time, and the designs on the band and uprights became more complex and decorative. Fig. 12. Crown from North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. 5th century. Gold. H. 27.3 cm. Gyeongju National Museum Fig. 13. (1) Necklace from South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. Early 5th century. Gold. L. 66.7 cm. Gyeongju National Museum (2) Necklace from Noseo-dong No. 215 Tomb. 6th century. Gold and jade. L. 30.0 cm. National Museum of Korea One century after the introduction of goldsmithing to the kingdom of Silla, works of the finest quality were being produced as the understanding and mastery of the techniques involved reached their zenith. The earrings discovered in the stone chamber tomb Bubuchong Tomb in Bomun-ri exemplify the level of sophistication achieved at the time. However, having reached its peak, Silla’s golden adornment culture ceased to advance. This seems to be related to the dramatic changes that Silla experienced during the sixth century, including the state’s official recognition of Buddhism. Metal Vessels and Everyday Goods Gold and silver bowls, together with gold earrings and Roman glass bowls, were excavated from the late-fourth century Wolseong-ro No. ga-13 Tomb. These footless bowls were crafted by hammering sheets of gold and silver. Royal tombs dated to later than the Wolseong Tombs, including the North and South Mounds of Hwangnamdaechong, Geumgwanchong, Seobongchong, Geumnyeongchong, and Cheonmachong, have yielded large quantities of metal vessels. The assemblages of metal vessels unearthed from large-scale tombs, including the tripod cauldron (鼎, K. jeong), water bowl (洗, K. se), water basin (盤, K. ban), tripod cauldron with handle (鐎斗, K. chodu), flat iron (熨斗, K. uldu), lidded bowl (盒, K. hap), and bowl (盌, K. wan), are all presumed to be ritual vessels showing a Gorguryeo influence. Among the metal vessels that were discovered in the South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, those regarded to be in a “Silla style” are the gold bowls, silver bowls, small and large silver lidded bowls, silver vessels with handles, silver ladles, and bronze lidded jars. Silla is the only state among the three kingdoms where extravagant vessels made of gold and silver have been found. More opulent gold and silver vessels were excavated from the North Mound than the South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb (Fig. 14). Among them, bowls were found inside a box of burial goods. The gold and silver vessels were produced in the same manner: a sheet of gold or silver was rolled outwards at one edge to create the mouth of the bowl, and its bottom was hammered flat from the inside so that it would appear like a low mound from the outside. Large numbers of metal vessels were also uncovered from Cheonmachong Tomb, a sixth-century royal tomb. Although the metal relics unearthed there were restricted in type and quantity compared to those found in Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, Cheonmachong is clearly among the ancient tombs of Silla that yielded the highest-quality discoveries. The metal vessels within are considered to be ritual vessels for service on ceremonial occasions, and a larger portion of them were imbued with Silla aesthetics. Fig. 14. Mounted Cup from North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. 5th century. Gold. H. 9.2 cm. Gyeongju National Museum After the mid-sixth century, wooden chamber tombs were replaced by a new type, stone chamber tombs, and metal vessels disappeared from them. From this point on, metalwork is found only from the sites of palaces or in the capital city, and the most exquisite examples among them are the sarira reliquaries and votive goods in Buddhist temples. Excavations of the wooden chamber tombs with a stone mound from after this point no longer produce ritual vessels, but it is difficult to say whether these types of vessels were no longer being created or if simply none have yet been uncovered. Nevertheless, it is clear that Silla metalwork underwent a significant transformation, and the kingdom witnessed considerable changes after unification as it more fully absorbed the metalwork culture of Tang China. Discoveries from Wolji Pond, located within the Silla royal palace, include diverse goods designed for everyday use, including tableware (Fig. 15). Also recovered from the pond is a wide range of architectural elements, such as door knobs, handles, locks, and butt ends, as well as tools such as candlewick trimmers. In addition, objects that were produced in workshops in Gyeongju and found in Wolji pond, including jwapari gaban (佐波理加盤, nested brass bowls), scissors, and spoons, are held in the Shōsō-in Repository (正倉院) in Japan. Fig. 15. Lidded Bowl from Wolji Pond. H. 11.2 cm. Gyeongju National Museum Buddhist Crafts Scholars are still debating precisely when Buddhism was first introduced to the Silla kingdom, but it is clear that it was in 527, the fourteenth year of the reign of King Beopheung (法興王, r. 514–540), that it was officially adopted as the state religion. From that point until the kingdom faded from history, Buddhism exerted a strong influence over Silla society. Large temples were constructed in various locations around the capital city of Gyeongju, and metalcrafts displaying diverse metalworking techniques were produced as part of this process. Sarira reliquaries are considered the most important among Buddhist crafts. As containers enshrining the sacred remains of the Buddha, these reliquaries were created with the highest-quality materials available and using the most sophisticated skills and techniques. Many of the pagodas surviving at temple sites around Gyeongju have been either excavated or dismantled, but few of them have yielded intact metal sarira reliquaries dating to the period when they were erected. In some cases, the originals had been replaced with reliquaries and votive goods with a later production date, or additional offerings or reliquaries were added over time, as evidenced from the discoveries from the wooden pagoda of Hwangnyongsa Temple and the stone pagodas of both Bunhwangsa and Bulguksa Temples. Therefore, it is often difficult to conclude that all of the findings from a Silla-period pagoda are contemporaneous with the pagoda. The sarira reliquaries with known dates of enshrinement excavated from the Gameunsa and Hwangboksa temple sites are discussed briefly below. Gameunsa Temple was established around the year 682 by the order of King Sinmun (神文王, r. 681–692) to honor his father and predecessor King Munmu (文武王, r. 661–681). The sarira reliquaries discovered in the West Pagoda take a nested form with a gilt-bronze outer casket around a gilt-bronze reliquary, inside of which was placed a crystal bottle. The reliquary is in the shape of a wooden pavilion, and heavenly figures are set at the four corners of its railings. The outer casket is embellished with attached images of the Four Guardian Kings in dynamic postures. The sarira reliquaries discovered in the East Pagoda are similar to the one in the West Pagoda, but remain in better condition. This sarira reliquary reflects a distinct pavilion shape (Fig. 16). The sarira bottle, only 3.65 centimeters in height, is characterized by a top and base adorned with elaborate filigree decorations. The sarira reliquaries excavated from both pagodas show diverse metalworking techniques, including casting, forging, and openwork. The reliquaries were completed by assembling separately-produced individual parts using nails or soldering. Fig. 16. Sarira Reliquary from East Pagoda at Gameunsa Temple Site. 682. Gilt-bronze. H. 18.8 cm. Gyeongju National Museum In the case of the sarira reliquaries found inside the stone pagoda at the Hwangboksa Temple Site, they consist of a glass sarira bottle placed inside a lidded gold case that was again set inside a lidded silver case and finally a gilt-bronze outer casket. The lid of the outer casket bears an inscription that relates that the pagoda was established in 692, and deposits, including the sarira, Buddha statues, and Dharani sutra, were additionally enshrined in 706. The outer casket also features on its exterior surface engravings of ninety-nine small pagodas. Although the difference between the reliquaries from the temple sites of Hwangboksa and Gameunsa is not great in terms of date, they differ significantly in terms of form and composition. Temple bells are the largest Buddhist ritual objects, and possibly the most difficult to produce. The Bronze Bell of Sangwonsa Temple and the Sacred Bell of Great King Seongdeok (Fig. 17) are two surviving examples from the Unified Silla period that remain in Korea. These bells are considered to be archetypical of Korean Buddhist temple bells, embodying unique characteristics that differentiate them from their Chinese and Japanese counterparts. Fig. 17. Sacred Bell of Great King Seongdeok from Bongdeoksa Temple Site. 771. Bronze. H. 365.8 cm. Gyeongju National Museum The body of the bell resembles an upside-down jar with a swollen mid-body that tapers toward the upper and lower bodies. The top of the bell includes a dragon-shaped ornament that serves as a hook from which the bell could be hung. Behind the dragon is a tubular reverberating pipe, the most distinctive element of Korean Buddhist bells. The details of these bells varied over time, particularly their design elements such as heavenly maidens playing musical instruments (Choi Eung Chon 1997). International Exchange of Metalworking Culture China To understand the metalworking culture of Silla, it is essential to examine the exchanges between this kingdom and a string of Chinese dynasties. Even while still a statelet within a greater confederacy, Silla was importing Chinese metalwork such as mirrors from the Han Dynasty. Such imports continued through the period of constructing wooden chamber tombs with a stone mound. Bronze mirrors and flat irons that are deemed to have originated from the Southern Dynasties of China were excavated from the North and South Mounds of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. It is unknown how and for what reasons these relics ended up in Silla. Nevertheless, considering that large quantities of Chinese items from the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties were uncovered from contemporaneous sites in Baekje and that Silla and Baekje had forged an alliance in 433, the relics can be suggested to have reached Silla via Baekje. Silla and the Southern Dynasties formally established diplomatic relations in the early sixth century. Greater numbers of items imported from China have been discovered intact from Silla ruins dated to after the late sixth century. These include the Chang Ping Wu Zhu (常平五銖錢) coins from the Northern Qi Dynasty discovered at the Bunhwangsa Temple and Hwangnyongsa Temple Sites; Kai Yuan Tong Bao (開元通寶) coins from the Tang Dynasty excavated from Wolji Pond; and the Mirror with a TLV Pattern and Four Divine Creatures Design (四神鏡, Ch. sishenjing) uncovered from the lower part of the foundation stone of the wooden pagoda site at the Hwangnyongsa Temple Site. During the Unified Silla period, Tang cultural influences were widely diffused within Silla and their metalworking culture was being actively and broadly absorbed. However, Silla reshaped these Tang elements into its own unique products. Goguryeo, Baekje, and the Gaya Confederacy A number of items produced either directly in Goguryeo or in the style of Goguryeo has been unearthed from the ancient tombs of Silla. These include a bronze lidded bowl from Houchong Tomb, a silver lidded bowl from Seobongchong Tomb, and a copper jar with four handles from Geumgwanchong Tomb. These three items are likely to be imported Goguryeo products. Though it is difficult to pinpoint precisely where they originated, the metal vessels unearthed from the royal tombs of Silla are likely to be ritual vessels created under the influence of Goguryeo. The gold earrings discovered under the North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb (Fig. 18) are similar to a pair discovered in Maseongu Tomb No. 1 (麻線溝) in the present-day Jian region of China. This clearly demonstrates the import of Goguryeo products to Silla. Fig. 18. Earrings from North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. 5th century. Gold. L. 2.9 cm. Gyeongju National Museum Abundant elements stemming from Goguryeo were found in Silla during the period of wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds. This is largely due to the friendly relations enjoyed by the two neighboring kingdoms after the late fourth century and well into the mid-fifth century. It is presumed that many craftworks from Goguryeo were brought into Gyeongju during this time. Their relations experienced a brief period of tension when Silla killed the Goguryeo commander of border garrison (邊將) in 450, but they quickly recovered. Up until King Jinheung (眞興王, r. 540–576) attacked the Hangang River valley in 551, Silla and Goguryeo remained allies, and considerable goods and culture from Goguryeo were introduced to Gyeongju during this time (Choe Jonggyu 1983). Silla and Baekje struggled for supremacy over the south-central area of the Korean Peninsula. However, the two stood shoulder to shoulder against any Goguryeo drive southwards. Historical records relate that Silla and Baekje exchanged specialists and established strategic marriages. These events and processes also entailed cultural and material exchanges. Opinions are divided on the origins of the gilt-bronze shoes discovered in Singnichong Tomb (飾履塚, Fig. 19). Some believe that they are Chinese products manufactured under the influence of the Southern Qi (479–502) in China, whereas others view the production site to be Baekje or Silla. Each shoe is comprised of three gilt-bronze plates decorated with hexagonal patterns surrounding a variety of auspicious motifs, including birds and mythical creatures such as girin (麒麟, Ch. qilin). This design is similar to one observed in the Baekje-period metal shoes excavated from Stone Chamber No. 4 of Bongdeok-ri Tomb No. 1 in Gochang and the stone chamber of Jeongchon Tomb No. 1 in Naju. Fig. 19. A Pair of Shoe Soles from Singnichong Tomb. 5th century. Gilt-bronze. L. 32.0 cm. National Museum of Korea Seeking to break free from Goguryeo interference, by the 430s Silla had established friendly relations with the Gaya Confederacy and Baekje and a period of peace followed. Such amicable diplomatic ties are manifested in items originating from the allied states, as seen in examples of findings from ruling-class tombs. A Gaya-style sword unearthed from Signichong Tomb in Silla is highly similar in its design and details to the sword with dragon and bonghwang (a pair of mythical birds) design excavated from Okjeon Tomb No. M3 in Hapcheon. Among the swords with ring pommels unearthed from Silla royal tombs, this one is highly unique and is presumed to have been imported from Gaya. Central Asia Metalwork originating from Central Asia has also been discovered in Silla tombs. Examples include the gold bracelet from the North Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb and the ornamented sword from Gyerim-ro Tomb No. 14 (Fig. 20). While scholars dispute over the origins of the former item, there is a consensus that the latter must to have been produced in Central Asia. The sheath and hilt of this sword are made of gold. Thin strips of gold are applied along the edges of the sheath, creating cells that were then decorated with dark red garnets. A sword with similar decorative features dated to the fifth century was found in Borovoye, Kazakhstan and is currently housed in the State Hermitage Museum in Russia. Studies on the sword discovered in Gyerim-ro have suggested that it was produced in either Iran or Central Asia (穴澤咊光・馬目順一, 1980). Fig. 20. Dagger and Sheath from Gyerim-ro Tomb No. 14. 5th century. Gold inlaid with garnet and glass. L. 36.0cm. Gyeongju National Museum As seen above, metal items with diverse origins, not only from neighboring nations such as Goguryeo, Baekje, the Gaya Confederacy, and China, but also from Central Asia, have been unearthed at Silla sites. The origins of the foreign cultural elements exhibited in the metalwork of Silla vary by period. The craftworks in the most distinctive “Silla style” are those deposited in the wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds, and gold crowns and metalwork are the most notable among the ample numbers of objects uncovered from these tombs. The origins of the metalwork discovered in Silla royal tombs can be traced through the kingdom of Goguryeo, which at the time maintained close diplomatic ties with Silla. Given the fluctuations in international conditions, when Silla’s relations with other nations improved, superior examples of their metalwork were brought into Silla. This added to the foundation for the development of the metalworking culture of Silla. Conclusion The nobility of the Silla kingdom began to apply metalwork as means to display their power and authority. They packed tombs with metal items to prepare for the afterlife, and kept them in their living quarters as well, including the royal court and residences. Around the time when the influence of Buddhism stretched across society, large-scale temples were constructed with a variety of metal items symbolizing the authority of the Buddha enshrined inside. Some of these objects constitute a portion of the Silla metalwork that has been discovered across various sites in the city of Gyeongju. The production of ornamental metalcrafts in Silla began in the late fourth century, around the time of the construction of the Wolseong-ro No. ga-13 tomb. Although few objects from this period have been discovered, it is highly likely that the metalworking culture of Silla traces back to Goguryeo. After the mid-fifth century, there was a surge in demand for metalwork, which eventually fueled the development of the skills possessed by Silla artisans. Accordingly, a unique Silla style was established by which their metalwork can be clearly differentiated from the products of surrounding nations. After the mid-sixth century, gold adornments, including gold crowns, seem to have suddenly ceased to be produced. This can be attributed to social shifts taking place at the time. Almost no decorative metalwork has been discovered dating from the late sixth century to the period of the war for unification of the three kingdoms. The metalworking culture of Silla underwent renewed development only after the unification of the peninsula. Most of the surviving metalwork from the Unified Silla period was excavated from Wolji Pond. Many distinct items from different periods were uncovered in relatively good condition from the pond, and these findings provide a crucial reference for examining the era’s metalwork, production techniques and international trade. Moreover, the sarira reliquaries discovered from the three-story stone pagoda at the Hwangboksa Temple Site, east and west pagodas of Gameunsa Temple, and five-story stone pagoda of Nawonri Temple are particularly notable since they feature both elegant form and sophisticated decorative techniques. As was mentioned, the metalwork discovered in Gyeongju embodied the aesthetics of the Silla people and reflects the history of the kingdom. The artisans commissioned for the work were not simply technicians, but artists in their own right. They were required to embrace cultural elements from China, the lodestone of East Asia, in a timely manner. In this light, works created by these artisans are not simply crafts made of metal. Rather, they can be viewed as time capsules preserving the history and culture of the kingdom of Silla.

Stretching north to south along the southern part of the city of Gyeongju, Namsan Mountain was sacred to the Silla Kingdom and was visualized as the ideal world of the Buddha of which the populace dreamed (Fig. 1). Extending over eight kilometers from north to south and four kilometers from east to west and with its highest peak measuring 495 meters in height, Namsan Mountain remains a rich repository of Silla Buddhist art with numerous Buddhist relics scattered along its deep, meandering valleys. (As of 2017, it has been confirmed that there are 150 temple sites, 129 Buddhist sculptures, 99 pagodas, 22 stone lanterns, and 19 lotus pedestals.) Fig. 1. Panoramic View of Namsan Mountain For humans, ancient, strong, and irregularly shaped rocks emanate a certain energy. They are a form of absolute essence. The people of Silla must have encountered this quintessence on Namsan Mountain, an enormous mass of granite unto itself standing tall and magnificent and presenting a range of faces. Could there be a more touching and ambitious work than the sculpting of images of deities onto rocks as transcendental forms? Namsan’s granite Buddhist sculptures in the round, low-relief Buddhist images appearing as though they might come alive at any moment, or carved granite Buddhist images with flowing and finely engraved lines like a painting all manifest the completeness of solid, coarse, enduring granite. The locations of stone Buddhist sculptures on Namsan Mountain hold their own charms as well. Numerous stone sculptures and rock-carved images of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are situated along the mountain paths, posted from the mouths of valleys to the summit like guides for mountain climbers. They create a humanistic feeling that transcends words (Fig. 2). Unlike Greek and Roman sculptures of gods that are placed in an exclusive sanctuary where only the divine may reside, or Chinese and Indian Buddhist sculptures in their grand cave temples, the stone Buddhist sculptures of Namsan are sited naturally in a space easily approachable to anyone, creating a welcoming atmosphere. This sense of intimacy is the primary attraction of the stone Buddhist sculptures of Namsan. Fig. 2. Standing Avalokiteśvara at the Entrance to the Samneunggye Valley Free-standing Stone Buddhist Triad Sculptures during the Early Silla Period Granite Buddhist sculptures first emerged in Korea around 600 CE, relatively later than other types of Buddhist images such as gilt-bronze versions. They eventually flourished in the Silla Kingdom and peaked during the Unified Silla era, as exemplified by the sculptural group in Seokguram Grotto. Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju is the only place where one can observe at a glance the development of the stone art of the Silla Kingdom from its beginning to end. The Buddhist Triad in Bae-ri are a group of sculptures that were found scattered around the vicinity and collected together in 1923 (Fig. 3). The spot where these sculptures are standing is also known as the Seonbangsa Temple Site based on inscriptions on rocks discovered in its eastern section. This sculptural group is sometimes identified as an Amitabha Buddha triad; however, since the Bodhisattva on the left of the Buddha alone holds a kundika, their iconographical identification seems obscure. Fig. 3. Buddha Traid in Bae-ri The main Buddha has a plump face with a friendly smile and stands upright with his two hands making the common mudras (通印). It fully demonstrates the abstraction of early granite sculptures with a massive body resulting from material constraints, schematically depicted drapery folds, and abnormally formed feet that appear to be hanging from the body with the heels lifted. Technical struggles with working the granite are evident in the barely verifiable mandorla behind the head and in the flat hands adhered to the body. Overall, the Bodhisattva to the left of the Buddha is plain and succinct, with the exception of the two strands of heavenly garment draped over its body. In contrast, the baby-faced Bodhisattva on the right gently grips a heavy jeweled necklace in the right hand and a lotus bud resting on the chest in the left, producing a sense of rhythm. Stone sculptures of a Seated Maitreya Triad were removed from a stone chamber along the path to Jangchanggol Valley on Namsan (Fig. 4). This triad is presumed to be the mid-seventh-century Maitreya triad enshrined in Saenguisa Temple at the top of Samhwaryeong ridge that was recorded in the Samguk yusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) and was also known as the Samhwaryeong Maitreya Triad. The modeling of the massive bodies and the use of intact, unrefined rocks as pedestals recall the stone sculptures of the Buddhist Triad in Bae-ri. However, their lively modeling and smooth surface suggest an advance in the techniques for sculpting granite. The main Maitreya Buddha is seated in a chair with his right hand making the abhayadana mudra, or mudra for bestowing fearlessness. His left hand gently clasps the end of his garment, which is reminiscent of popular Silla-period standing Buddha images with their right shoulders uncovered. The simple, U-shaped drapery folds and the swirling drapery folds over the knees are common in Buddhist sculptures from the Northern Qi dynasty of China. The two standing Bodhisattvas, called “baby buddhas,” resemble each other to the point of appearing like twins. They do differ slightly in their crowns, necklaces, the locations of both hands, and flowing of the drapery folds. Their low knees and bowed legs hint at childlike body proportions. Fig. 4. Seated Maitreya Triad in Jangchanggol Valley (Gyeongju National Museum) The triads in Bae-ri and in Jangchanggol are thought to have been sculpted around the same period, but opinions differ over which came first. While the Bae-ri triad appears rather coarse in form, its Jangchanggol counterpart seems sophisticated. With their massive bodies, childlike body proportions, naturalness, and irregularity, both represent the freestanding triad sculptures from the early Silla Kingdom on Namsan Mountain and feature distinctive Silla aesthetics. Buddha’s Land Carved in Rocks The Rock-carved Four Directional Buddhas (四方佛, sabang-bul) group in the Tapgol Valley is the most impressive and stately example among the four directional Buddhas in Korea and reflects the traits of Namsan Mountain as the land of the Buddha. On the four sides of a huge nine-meter rock, buddhas, bodhisattvas, guardians, arhats, lions, pagodas, apsaras, and trees are brilliantly carved as if depicted in a Buddhist painting. The land of the Buddha appears to have come alive on the rock, evoking a feeling of majesty. On the north, the largest among the four sides, is engraved the image of a Buddha sitting under a canopy between nine-story and seven-story pagodas. Above the nine-story pagoda is a faintly rendered apsara, and under the seven-story pagoda is a lion-like animal dynamically presented with its front paws stretched upwards. The narrow western side is adorned with the fewest images, but includes a Buddha seated between twin trees and an apsara (Fig. 5). The east side displays a seated Buddha surrounded by seven apsaras and a Bodhisattva sitting with its hands clasped. To the lower left of the Bodhisattva is a rather crudely carved monk kneeling while grasping an incense burner. In the far left of the east face is another monk sitting cross-legged between two trees, while further in this corner leading toward the south side is a faint guardian figure. Since the hands of the Buddhas on the four sides are covered with drapery, their gestures are unidentifiable (Fig. 6). The south side presents a Buddha triad and arhats, and on its front is a freestanding Buddha in the eighth-century Unified Silla style that emphasizes the curves of the upper body. In front of these Buddhas sit a restored three-story pagoda and a stone lantern. Fig. 5. North Side of the Rock-carved Four Directional Buddhas in the Tapgol Valley Fig. 6. East Side of the Rock-carved Four Directional Buddhas in the Tapgol Valley The most noteworthy characteristic of this group of rock-carved directional Buddhas is its pictorialness. The carved figures are delineated in relaxed postures and dynamic compositions with atypical arrangements and unique facial features depicted from different directions as though they were painted . All this is presented using rhythmical lines and low and high relief techniques. Some scholars argue that the spot where these images are located must be the former site of Sininsa Temple based on an inscribed roof tile found in the vicinity during the Japanese colonial era. This has yet to be verified. Scholars differ between dating this group of rock-carved four directional Buddhas to the mid-seventh century or the ninth century. The details in the figures follow the classic style, such as in the halos behind their heads and the disposition of the apsara, lion, and pagodas faithfully adhering to the style of wooden pagodas. On the other hand, the unconventionally complex composition that emphasizes pictoriality by employing line engraving techniques is not found elsewhere in sculptures from the Three Kingdoms period. This coexistence of sculptural modes from different periods seems to imply that these rock-carved four directional Buddhas took on their current form as figures were added over time rather than being an attempt at the concept of the four directional Buddhas from the very beginning. The north side is engraved with twin pagodas and lions protecting the Dharma (Buddhist Law) and Buddha Land (佛國土). The former are normally placed in front of the main hall of a temple, so this appears to have been considered the front. The two attendant figures to the Buddha triad on the south side turn their bodies toward the main Buddha, which is presumed to have been produced some time after the Three Kingdoms period. The freestanding Buddha in front of the south side also reflects the style of the Unified Silla Kingdom, highlighting liveliness through its flexible body, while the free-standing three-story pagoda embodies characteristic features of a typical pagoda from the ninth century. The Seated Buddha in a niche in Bucheogol Valley exemplifies the Silla conception of a cave temple (Fig. 7). Inside a one-meter deep niche that resembles a miniature Chinese cave temple, a seated Buddha quietly meditates. His head is sculpted in high relief, whereas the body and pedestal are simplified and carved in low relief. Both hands are not clearly visible under the sleeves, but he appears to be clasping his hands instead of forming a meditation mudra (禪定印). Presumably produced in the mid-seventh century, this Buddha is the only miniature cave temple on Namsan Mountain, indicating both the difficulty of and desire for constructing a granite cave temple. A century later, Silla artisans took on and overcame the limitations of granite, 087 eventually creating the artificial granite cave temple known as Seokguram Grotto. Fig. 7. Seated Buddha in a niche in the Bucheogol Valley The Emergence of New Styles and Iconographies Changes in the arts appeared around 680 after Silla’s unification of the Three Kingdoms and expulsion of Tang Chinese forces from the Korean Peninsula. The Rock-carved Buddha Triad at Chilburam Hermitage in the Bonghwagol Valley on Namsan Mountain signals the arrival of new Unified Silla artistic styles, particularly in sculpture (Fig. 8). This Chilburam Buddha Triad is the earliest and the most outstanding example among the many rock-carved Unified Silla Buddhist images scattered on Namsan. The Chilburam Buddha Triad clearly demonstrates the maturation of new styles and iconographies that had been employed since Silla’s unification of the three kingdoms. Fig. 8. Rock-carved Buddha Triad at Chilburam Hermitage in the Bonghwagol Valley Stylistically, the Chilburam Buddha Triad was directly or indirectly influenced by the Gupta style from India. The main Buddha has a robust physique with slightly angular but broad shoulders and a slender waist. His square face with its dignified expression is somewhat exotic. Unlike the lively modeling of the body, the details appear unsophisticated. His right hand makes the bhumisparsa, or earth-touching, mudra but appears awkward since the back with the fingertips touching below the knee is depicted almost vertically. This main Buddha embodies a new aesthetic unknown in Buddhist sculptures from the Three Kingdoms period. The sharp, keen vigor (氣勢) emphasized in Three Kingdoms Buddhist sculptures has completely disappeared. In its place, an expanded bulky physique is accentuated. This was influenced by the sculptural concept of prana (sacred breath) distinctive to India. This notion was applied to sculpture in Tang China, but the bodies of such Chinese sculptures appear plump rather than expanded. The curling drapery folds falling between the Buddha’s legs and in the shape of the fan ribs and the double-lotus pedestal are also common features of Indian sculpture. The two attending Bodhisattvas standing awkwardly with their feet spread are somewhat crudely carved. One end of the shawls draped over the shoulder falls to the back of their bodies and returns around to the front. This is a new feature introduced from Indian art that can also be seen in the Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva dated to 719 at Gamsansa Temple. The earth-touching mudra, the robe draped over the left shoulder, and the fan-rib form of the drapery folds between the crossed legs of the main figure of the Chilburam Buddha Triad had become the standard by the time the main Buddha of Seokguram Grotto was created. It has been commonly believed that the Chilburam Buddha Triad was produced in the early or first half of the eighth century. However, some scholars hypothesize that they might have been created between 680 and 690 since a curved roof-end tile with a scroll design that was found nearby is nearly identical to the curved roof-end tile bearing the inscription of “fourth year of the Yifeng (儀鳳) reign” (679) that was excavated from Wolji Pond in Gyeongju. In front of the Buddha triad is a square block of stone carved with the Buddhas of the four cardinal directions that served as a precedent for the four directional Buddhas on stone pagodas. The Buddhas on the four sides are depicted with similar hand gestures, postures, and lotus pedestals. Situated at the top of the Bonghwagol Valley is the half-seated Sinseonam (神仙庵) Bodhisattva carved in high relief and facing south (Fig. 9). This is Korea’s first Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva in the royal ease pose (遊戱坐), meaning the left leg is held horizontally while the right is pendent and resting on a lotus pedestal. The Sinseonam Bodhisattva is depicted as if having descending from the sky within a cloud to its rock at the summit of the mountain overlooking the Gyeongju plains, creating a mysterious effect. The overall shape of the Bodhisattva is not robust, but the plump face, corpulent body, and garment streaming over and revealing the curvy body are often found in Tang Buddhist images. The broad, square face, fleshy body, and complex designs of the cloud hint at the sculptural tendencies to come in the late Unified Silla period. Fig. 9. Rock-carved Bodhisattva in Half-lotus Position at Sinseonam Hermitage Similarly to the creation date of the Chilburam Buddha Triad, that of the Stone Standing Buddha in Wangjeonggol Valley, also known as the Stone Standing Buddha from the presumed Geumgwangsa Temple Site, is debatable (Fig. 10). This Buddha features balanced body proportions, straight hair, and an expanded face with an air of stillness. The folds of the monastic robe over both shoulders cover the body from the neck down like spreading waves. The right hand placed over the chest forms the dharmachakra, or preaching mudra (說法印), representing the Buddha’s first teachings about the cosmic order. The left hand is placed on the belly and the mandorla is adorned with a simple plant pattern rather than the flame design commonly found in other Buddhist images. Fig. 10. Stone Standing Buddha in the Wangjeonggol Valley (Gyeongju National Museum) Although unknown in other countries, the hand gestures of the Wangjeonggol Buddha are common in mid-eighth century Unified Silla sculptures, including the stone standing Buddha in Janghang-ri in Gyeongju, the stone standing Buddha in Satgatgol Valley in Namsan, and particularly the standing Medicine Buddhas (Bhaisajyaguru) with their hands not making the bhumisparsa or earth-touching mudra. For example, the standing Medicine Buddha in relief on the stone slab from the Gaeseonsa Temple Site in Osangol Valley on Namsan Mountain offers the preaching mudra seen in the Wangjeonggol Buddha, although the left hand is holding a medicine jar. The tiers of the Wangjeonggol Buddha’s drapery folds are not set at regular intervals as seen in the golden standing Buddha (before 692) in Guhwang-dong, but more naturally carved in accordance with the curves of the body as if they were spreading ripples. Its preaching mudra and undulating drapery folds are also reminiscent of the Janghang-ri Buddha. The Wangjeonggol Buddha is commonly thought to have been created either in the late seventh century, like the golden standing Buddha in Guhwang-dong, or in the early eighth century. The theory that this image was produced in the late seventh century resulted from the mistaken belief that it was originally located at the site of Geumgwangsa Temple. This temple is believed to have been erected by the Silla monk Myeongnang (明朗), the founder of the Sinin School (神印宗) who emphasized the use of the mandala (曼茶羅), upon his return from China in 643. The site of Geumgwangsa Temple in the Sikhyegol Valley at the western foot of Namsan Mountain is also known as the Sajesa Temple Site since roof-end tiles from the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392) with the inscription of “Sajesa” (四祭寺) were excavated there in large numbers. The northernmost valley on Namsan Mountain, Wangjeonggol Valley is located to the east of Dodangsanseong Fortress, and fragments of roof tiles, a damaged three-story stone pagoda in the Unified Silla style, and fragments of buncheong wares and white porcelain from the Joseon Dynasty (1932–1910) have all been found scattered around the vicinity of this temple site. The photo of the stone Buddha’s original location in Chōsen koseki zufu (朝鮮古蹟圖譜, Album of Ancient Sites and Monuments of Joseon) clearly shows not the present site of Sajesa Temple, but the temple site in Wangjeonggol Valley. Therefore, the Wangjeonggol Buddha clearly cannot be connected to Geumgwangsa Temple. Moreover, it is highly possible that the image was produced in the eighth century rather than the early Unified Silla period. It seems unlikely that during the prime of the Silla Kingdom there would be only a few stone Buddhist sculptures created on Namsan Mountain, the primary repository of the country’s granite Buddhist images. Headless stone sculptures such as the seated Buddha on the three-tiered pedestal and the seated Buddha in Samneunggye Valley are occasionally included in the category of sculptures from Silla’s zenith. However, these images display characteristic features of such sculptures in the beginning phase of their schematization. Although damaged, the Stone Standing Buddha in Satgatgol Valley represents the peak of Silla Kingdom sculpture on Namsan with its intact upper portion, mandorla, and lotus pedestal (Fig. 11). This Buddha has clear-cut conical curls (螺髮) of hair and a plump, nearly square face. He appears to be lost in meditation with his eyes closed. The body is sculpted dynamically, presenting a full chest, slender waist, and rhythmic split folds in the robe in the so-called “Udayana style.” The facial expression, body modeling, and peculiar preaching gesture of the hand placed over the chest are reminiscent of the stone standing Buddha in Janghang-ri. These two sculptures are also similar in their mandorlas consisting of a head halo and body halo decorated with small Buddha images on flower-shaped clouds and in the flame designs scrolling along the edges. Although the upper part of the lotus pedestal of Satgatgol Buddha has been lost, the pedestal is identical to that of the Janghang-ri Buddha in terms of the square-shaped holes through which they are connected to the bodies of the Buddhas. The lotus petals of the pedestals are sculpted in the voluminous prime Silla style in its prime, resembling the sculptures in Seokguram Grotto. Fig. 11. Stone Standing Buddha in the Satgatgol Valley The Prospering and Development of the “Reaching Enlightenment Figure” The mature Unified Silla sculptural style, which is exemplified in the sculptures at Seokguram Grotto, lasted for approximately fifty years until its decline in the late eighth or early ninth centuries. Afterwards, the liveliness within the forms of the sculptures as an object of worship diminishes, but this period is iconographically important in the history of Korean sculpture. Following the style of the main Buddha at Seokguram Grotto, many seated Buddhas making an earth-touching mudra that symbolizes the Buddha’s enlightenment began to be created. Meanwhile, images of Vairocana Buddha and seated Medicine Buddhas making the earth-touching mudra emerged. Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju provides a microcosm of Unified Silla sculpture showing the proliferation, transformation, and decline of the “reaching enlightenment figure” (成道像, K. seongdosang), an image making the earth-touching mudra. There are about fifteen seated Buddha with earth-touching mudra sculptures on Namsan Mountain. They can be divided into two types according to their clothing: Buddhas wearing a monastic robe that covers only the left shoulder, as in the seated main Buddha at Seokguram Grotto; and Buddhas wearing a monastic robe covering both shoulders, an undergarment, and a band. First, seated Buddhas with their right shoulders uncovered and making the earth-touching mudra in the style of the main Seokguram Buddha include the rock-carved Buddha Triad at Chilburam Hermitage, the stone seated Buddha in Yaksugye Valley, the stone seated Buddha in Samneunggye Valley, the stone seated Buddha in Baesilgol Valley, the fragmentary stone seated Buddha from Bae-dong (currently at the Gyeongju National Museum), and the stone seated Buddha at Seoksuam Hermitage in Simsugol Valley. Excluding the Chilburam Buddha Triad, the other five faithfully follow the relaxed body modeling of Seokguram’s main Buddha. It would be no exaggeration to describe them as imitations of this model. The Stone Seated Buddha in Samneunggye Valley, which has been recently restored out of scattered stone fragments, is a scaled down version of the reaching enlightenment figure in the style of the main Seokguram Buddha. It displays similar features, such as the compact conical curls of hair, a well-built physique, the earth-touching mudra, and simple yet dynamic drapery folds in harmony with the curvy body (Fig. 12). The creases of the robe draped over the chest and forearm and the drapery folds falling in a fan shape between the Buddha’s legs carved in relief on the upper portion of the pedestal are similar to those of Seokguram Buddha as well. However, the Samneunggye Buddha tends to be more stylized than the Seokguram Buddha in that the left hand of the former is not positioned toward the middle, but rather more toward the left knee. Furthermore, the chest, arms, and legs of the former lack in volume. The Seokguram Buddha, on the other hand, sits stably cross-legged while holding his torso upright. Moreover, the Samneunggye Buddha features the decorativeness often found in late Unified Silla sculpture though the up-turned lotus petals on the upper platform of the pedestal, each of which is decorated with a small but full lotus flower, the intermediate octagonal pedestal stone adorned with an ansang (眼象, literally, elephant eye) foliate panel, and the mandorla filled with flame and floral medallion patterns. Fig. 12. Stone Seated Buddha in the Samneunggye Valley (Restored) Such stylistic features can be also found in the headless Stone Seated Buddha in Yaksugye Valley (Fig. 13). The fan-rib shaped drapery folds between his legs are carved in relief on the upper part of the pedestal, similar to those of the Seokguram Buddha. His right hand making the earth-touching mudra appears flat, and the drapery folds are schematized. The Yaksugye Buddha has an exceptionally well-developed chest and taut muscles, but he is plump overall and appears dull. His hands and feet and the drapery folds over the ribs appear to have sunk into mannerism. Fig. 13. Stone Seated Buddha in the Yaksugye Valley The Stone Seated Buddha at Seoksuam Hermitage in the Simsugol Valley is an example of the final stages of legitimate seated Buddha images with an earth-touching mudra (Fig. 14). The breasts of this Buddha seated on a three-tiered pedestal are prominently outlined. Overall, however, it lacks liveliness as an object of worship due to its unimposing physique and the lifeless depiction of the drapery folds. The folds in the ribs shaped like a fan between the legs are carved from the same rock as the Buddha, revealing that the style established in the main Seokguram Buddha has completely sunk into mannerism. The up-turned lotus petals on the pedestal are large and decorated on the inside with floral patterns, incongruous with the Buddha. Fig. 14. Stone Seated Buddha at Seoksuam Hermitage in the Simsugol Valley The second type of seated Buddhas making an earth-touching mudra and with both shoulders covered is exemplified by the stone seated Buddha at Borisa Temple in Mireukgol Valley, the stone seated Buddha on the three-tiered pedestal and the rock-carved seated Buddha at the Yongjangsa Temple Site, the headless stone seated Buddha in Samneunggye Valley, the stone seated Buddha in Saegatgol Valley, and the rock-carved seated Buddha in Bueonggol Valley (which is dated to the Goryeo period). There are different manners of draping a monastic robe over both shoulders. None of the Buddha images of this second type are draped in the Udayana style. Rather, the end of the robe, which covers the Buddha’s right shoulder, is either tucked over the right side of the chest or drops down. In the stone seated Buddha on the three-tiered pedestal at the Yongjangsa Temple Site and the headless stone seated Buddha at Samneunggye Valley, the robe is draped though a strap over the left shoulder With its lovely eyes and a gentle smile at the corners of the mouth that recall a handsome youth, the Stone Seated Buddha at Borisa Temple in the Mireukgol Valley is considered the most beautiful Buddha image on Namsan Mountain (Fig. 15). It shows features of late eighth century Unified Silla sculpture in the robe covering both shoulders, unimposing physique, complex depiction of the drapery folds, and decorative pedestal and mandorla, the narrow upper part of which creates a transformed bamboo leaf shape. In particular, the robe hanging over the left shoulder and tucked over the right chest (rather than falling straight) is a characteristic that emerged in the late eighth century. The fan-shaped folds of the monastic robe between the crossed legs demonstrate how the Buddha at Borisa Temple follows in the tradition of the Seokguram Buddha. On the back of the mandorla, the image of a seated Medicine Buddha is engraved. Fig. 15. Stone Seated Buddha at Borisa Temple in the Mireukgol Valley The Rock-carved Seated Buddha on a boulder behind the Stone Seated Buddha sculpture at Yongjangsa Temple Site (Fig. 16) and the Stone Seated Buddha in Saegatgol Valley are “reaching enlightenment figures” in this same style. The former shows a sense of stability in the balanced body proportions and the broad knees on the crossed legs. The drapery folds carved at regular intervals over the body are refined, but they are slightly lacking in tension. Despite its voluminous and imposing physique, the latter appears flat due to its blurred contours and the shallow sculpting of the drapery folds. Such features indicate that these two sculptures were produced in the late eighth century. Unlike the rock-carved Buddha at the Yongjangsa Temple Site, the Saegatgol Buddha wears an undergarment and a chest band underneath the robe. Such a chest band also appears in the seated Medicine Buddha at Jeolgolsa Temple Site in Yongjanggye Valley. These two sculptures are so similar in term of their dress and modeling of their body that they appear to have been created by the same sculptor. Fig. 16. Rock-carved Seated Buddha at the Yongjangsa Temple Site The Stone Seated Buddha making the earth-touching mudra on the three-layered pedestal at Yongjangsa Temple Site also belongs to the second type, but it is exceptional in that its outer garment is fastened by a tasseled string over one shoulder (Fig. 17). This Buddha is known to be the Maitreya Buddha that monk Taehyeon of the Faxiang School of Buddhism (法相宗) worshipped day and night. It is presumed to have been produced around 750. In contrast with other images forming the earth-touching mudra with their right hands, this Buddha does so with the left. Overall, it is realistically depicted, as seen in the long strings knotted over the left shoulder and flowing down the pedestal. The robe cascades in four orderly tiers to the pedestal. The square-shaped upper body is crouched. The unclear contours of the body subtract from the liveliness that is often found in the Silla style in its prime. The pedestal in the shape of a circular pagoda was also unprecedented at the time and is reminiscent of the round multi-storied pagoda at Unjusa Temple in Hwasun from the succeeding Goryeo period. The supporting poles (竿石, ganseok) shaped like abacus beads between the three tiers of the pedestal are reminiscent of the stone lanterns and stupas in the shape of a drum that were popular in the late Unified Silla period. The headless Stone Seated Buddha in Samneunggye Valley is similarly presented with long strings fastening the garment (Fig. 18). These strings and the knotted band of the undergarment hung diagonally over the chest are delicately and realistically carved as though they had been painted. The end of the robe that falls from the Buddha’s left shoulder forms a triangle over the knee, as in the case of the Stone Seated Medicine Buddha in Samneunggye Valley (currently at the National Museum of Korea) (Fig. 20). Fig. 17. Stone Seated Buddha at the Yongjangsa Temple Site Fig. 18. Stone Seated Buddha in the Samneunggye Valley (Fastening Strings) Medicine Buddhas with the Earth-touching Mudra and Preaching Mudra Among the different trends in late Unified Silla sculpture, the most outstanding feature is the emergence of a seated Medicine Buddha making the earth-touching mudra. This iconography is meaningful in that it is a purely Korean innovation. No images of the Medicine Buddha making the earth-touching mudra that symbolizes the moment of Shakyamuni Buddha’s enlightenment can be found in China or Japan. The doctrinal background for this phenomenon has never been revealed. It can be explained through an understanding of the core principles of Buddhism rather than any defined Buddhist doctrine. These core principles of Buddhism are based on wisdom (dharma) and compassion (salvation), which are not considered to be oppositional. Rather, the wisdom from true enlightenment results in genuine compassion, leading to the practice of compassion (salvation of people). In this sense, the compassion of the Medicine Buddha, who releases people from disease, originated out of the enlightenment of true wisdom. Accordingly, it comes to appear natural for the Medicine Buddha (further Amitabha Buddha) to be depicted with the earth-touching mudra representing this enlightenment. Upon achieving supreme enlightenment, Siddhartha Gautama Bodhisattva became the Buddha as a kind of grand royal physician (大醫王, Daeeuiwang) who could cure people’s suffering. Medicine Buddha images with the earth-touching mudra on Namsan Mountain from the late Unified Silla period include the Stone Seated Medicine Buddha in the Yongjanggye Valley in the style of the main Buddha of Seokguram Grotto (currently at the Gyeongju National Museum) (Fig. 19), the stone seated Medicine Buddha at the Jeolgolsa Temple Site in the Yongjanggye Valley, and the stone seated Medicine Buddha in the Samneunggye Valley (currently at the National Museum of Korea) (Fig. 20) with both shoulders covered with garments. The stylistic characteristics of these sculptures have been partially described above. They are presumed to have been produced in the late eighth or early ninth century. In addition, although not carved in the round, the Medicine Buddha in the rock-carved Buddha triad (835) in the Yuneulgok Valley is a seated Buddha image with its right shoulder uncovered and making the earth-touching mudra. Fig. 19. Stone Seated Medicine Buddha in the Yongjanggye Valley (Gyeongju National Museum) Fig. 20. Stone Seated Medicine Buddha in the Samneunggye Valley (National Museum of Korea) While most Medicine Buddha sculptures from the Unified Silla period were depicted seated and forming the earth-touching mudra, Medicine Buddha images making the preaching mudra continued to be produced. For example, there is the standing Medicine Buddha carved in relief on the stone slab (currently at the Gyeongju National Museum) that was excavated from the Gaeseonsa Temple Site in the Osangol Valley or the seated Medicine Buddha engraved on the back of the mandorla of the stone seated Buddha at Borisa Temple in Mireukgol Valley on Namsan Mountain. The standing Medicine Buddha carved in relief on the stone slab from Gaeseonsa Temple Site is a typical Medicine Buddha image making the preaching mudra by placing the right hand over the chest while holding a medicine jar in the left hand in the middle of the belly (Fig. 21). This Buddha appears naive yet localized, failing to overcome the limitations of granite as revealed in the overly long nose and ears, the imprecisely contoured hands that appear to be part of the arms, the unnatural finishing of the garment, the engraved drapery folds in lines, the regularly layered folds forming a U-shape in the lower body, and the feet evenly spread to left and right. The robe is draped over the left shoulder only. Some parts of the right fingers are worn away, but it is evident that these fingers are slightly bent to form the preaching mudra. Fig. 21. Standing Medicine Buddha on Stone Slab from the Gaeseonsa Temple Site (Gyeongju National Museum) Unlike the earth-touching mudra, the preaching mudra is found in both seated and standing images. The stone seated Buddha at Borisa Temple is distinctive in that the sculpture is a typical Buddha image featuring the earth-touching mudra, but the Buddha engraved on the back of its mandorla is a Medicine Buddha with the right hand making the preaching mudra and the left placed in the middle of abdomen holding a medicine jar in the form of a round jewel (Fig. 22). Preceding examples of Buddha images with the preaching mudra include the Buddha on the east side of the rock-carved four directional Buddhas at Chilburam Hermitage and the Buddha on the east side of the four directional Buddhas at the Bulgulsaji Temple Site. The former presses its thumb and index finger together. The right hand of the latter is partially abraded, but the position of the fingers indicates that the right hand would be forming the preaching mudra. Medicine Buddha sculptures during the Unified Silla period were not only produced making the earth-touching mudra, but with the preaching mudra as well. This indicates how the earth-touching mudra symbolizing the moment of achieving enlightenment and the preaching mudra signifying the propagation of true enlightenment developed, supplementing one another. As mentioned above, the use of the earth-touching mudra, the distinctive hand gesture of Shakyamuni Buddha, in Medicine Buddha images stems from the oneness of Shakyamuni Buddha and the Medicine Buddha. This is evident in the seated Medicine Buddha offering the preaching mudra engraved on the back of the mandorla of the seated Buddha at Borisa Temple. Thus, Medicine Buddha, a manifestation of Shakyamuni Buddha, could be worshiped through dual modes of visualization: one with the earth-touching mudra representing the attainment of enlightenment and the other with the preaching mudra indicating its dissemination. Fig. 22. Line-engraved Seated Medicine Buddha on the Back of the Mandorla of the Stone Seated Buddha at Borisa Temple (Fig. 15) Indigenization of Buddhism By the ninth century, the production of Buddhist sculpture in the Unified Silla Kingdom began an inexorable decline. The aesthetic value of Buddhist sculptures started to wane as well. Korean-style images of Vairocana Buddha forming the bodhyagri or wisdom-fist mudra and the Medicine Buddha forming the earth-touching mudra that had appeared in the late eighth century became more widespread in the ninth. Moreover, iron sculptures began to be widely produced, probably due to a shortage of copper. Large-scale stone and rock-carved sculptures were also created, but they were of inferior quality. The degeneration of sculpting technique and originality led logically to simplified, exaggerated, and ornamental expressions of the figures. In Korean iconography, Vairocana figures in the form of a Buddha appeared starting in the late eighth century and soon became popular nationwide. The examples found on Namsan Mountain include two stone seated Vairocana Buddhas excavated from the Changnimsa Temple Site (Fig. 23). These two ninth-century sculptures are identical in size (75 centimeters) and style. Although their heads are damaged, they resemble the stone seated Vairocana Buddha sculpture at Kyungpook National University in terms of their square upper body, squat and broad lower body, wedge-shaped drapery folds between both arms, and parallel folds in three rows around the belly. Given that Changnimsa Temple was built before 791 (the seventh year of the reign of King Wonseong), these sculptures are commonly believed to have been produced in the late eighth century. However, their sculptural style and the Record on the Immaculate Radiance Pagoda (無垢淨塔願記, Mugujeongtap wongi), which was dated to 855, indicate that they may have been crafted in the ninth century. Besides the two Vairocana sculptures from the Changnimsa Temple Site on Namsan Mountain, the only intact example found among all the Vairocana sculptures in Gyeongju is the gilt-bronze Vairocana sculpture enshrined at the Vairocana Hall in Bulguksa Temple. In addition, there are the Vairocana Buddha sculptures also found in Sinpyeong-ri, Geoncheon-myeon and at Simwonsa Temple in Simgok-ri, Seo-myeon, both of which are partially damaged, however, and sculpted in a ninth-century style that lacks a sense of liveliness. Fig. 23. Stone Seated Vairocana Buddha at Changnimsa Temple (Gyeongju National Museum) Among the ninth-century Buddhist sculptures on Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, only the Rock-carved Triad of Three Seated Buddhas (三佛) in the Yuneulgok Valley is able to be dated (Fig. 24). Three images of Buddhas are carved onto two boulders fit together in the shape of an upside-down letter “L.” On the left of the Shakyamuni Buddha, the central figure of the triad, an inscription of “the ninth year of the Taehwa (太和) era” is engraved, which indicates that the triad was created in 835 (the tenth year of the reign of King Heungdeok). Even though this triad is able to be dated, it does not provide any criteria for the periodic or regional style since these three Buddhas show features which are atypical of Unified Silla Buddhist sculpture in their mandorlas delineated in wide bands, transformed hand gestures, and crossed legs covered under their robes. The crudity of the carving is revealed in their stiff and expressionless faces, unnatural proportions, and the disorderly folds of the drapery. Overall, the rock-carved seated triad of Buddhas in Yuneulgok Valley reflects the unrefined sculptural style of the late Unified Silla period. Fig. 24. Rock-carved Triad of Seated Three Buddhas in the Yuneulgok Valley Fig. 24-1. Detail of the inscription engraved on the central figure of the triad The Rock-carved Seated Buddha at Sangseonam Hermitage near the top of Samneunggye Valley overlooking the plains of Gyeongju possesses a head carved in high relief with its facial features depicted three-dimensionally to provide a sense of volume (Fig. 25). The head contrasts with the flat body and the hands, feet, and drapery folds delineated in incised lines. The emotionless face lacks grace and dignity and hints at the abstraction of late-period Unified Silla sculpture. Even the engraved lines appear feeble and drained of their former vitality Fig. 25. Rock-carved Seated Buddha at Sangseonam Hermitage in the Samneunggye Valley The Rock-carved Colossal Buddha in Yaksugye Valley is the largest Buddhist image in Gyeongju at 8.6 meters high (Fig. 26). Both hands form the preaching mudra with the thumbs and the middle fingers gently touching. The Buddha’s left hand is placed over the chest, while the right is lowered, the reverse of the conventional pose. Based on the proportions, the original height of this now-headless image might have exceeded 10 meters. The square-shaped body was created by carving two sides of an enormous boulder; however, the body appears almost flat. The outer garment covers both shoulders, and the portion draped over the right shoulder falls straight down. An inner robe is also rendered over the chest. The body of the colossal Buddha is mostly covered with parallel folds of drapery. These folds are carved with subtle variations in angle and they boldly contrast with the curved drapery lines to create explicit and formidable effects of light and shadow. This colossal Buddha lacks the vitality of dynamic modeling seen in Silla sculpture in its prime. Nevertheless, it clearly reveals a fine command of sculptural language in creating contrasts through the light and shadow effects of the drapery folds. During the Goryeo period, such massive carved Buddhas leaving the mother rocks intact and rendering the hands and drapery folds in low relief enjoyed widespread popularity. Fig. 26. Rock-carved Standing Buddha in the Yaksugye Valley Most rock-carved Buddhist paintings or line-engraved Buddhist images on rocks on Namsan can be found in the Samneunggye Valley. These images appear more painterly than sculptural with their linear nature and lack of volume. The foremost line-engraved Buddhist images on rocks in Namsan are the Standing Buddha Triad and Seated Buddha Triad carved into a massive boulder at the temple site in the Samneunggye Valley (Figs. 27–28). The Buddha triad carved on the eastern side of the rough natural rock consists of a central Buddha seated on a lotus pedestal making the preaching mudra with two standing Bodhisattvas on its flanks. Contrastingly, the triad on the western side shows a distinctive configuration of a standing main Buddha bordered by two Bodhisattvas sitting on their knees and offering trays of flowers. The simply yet elegantly depicted figures in this composition appear to be moving rhythmically like flowing water. The monastic robes of the Buddhas cover both their shoulders but reveal their voluminous bodies. The seated Buddha on the east side, in particular, is somewhat plump. The Bodhisattvas are contrastingly slender and wear ornate decorations and scarves rhythmically engraved with flowing curves. They either turn their bodies toward the Buddha or kneel down in a natural manner, creating pictoriality as if rock-carved Buddhist paintings. Fig. 27. Line-engraved Buddha Triad on Rock in the Samneunggye Valley Fig. 28. Detail of Fig. 27 For the distinctive configuration of the Buddha triad on the west side, some scholars have suggested that the figures depict Amitabha Buddha’s welcoming descent (來迎), a concept originating in the faith that rebirth in Amitabha’s paradise can be achieved by chanting his name. According to this belief, Amitabha Buddha and his retainers descend to welcome and 099 guide to the Western paradise the deceased who have in life faithfully chanted his name and practiced Buddhism. However, in many Goryeo Buddhist paintings of this scene, Amitabha Buddha stands in three-quarter view, forming the mudra symbolizing one of the nine levels of rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land with the left hand and the mudra welcoming the chanting devotees with the right. It seems, therefore, difficult to identify the Buddha triad on the west side, which presents the Buddha in frontal stance and two Bodhisattvas making offerings to the Buddha, as a depiction of Amitabha’s welcoming descent. Faith in achieving rebirth in Amitabha’s paradise had been popular since the Silla period, but it is uncertain if the iconography of Amitabha’s welcoming descent was clearly established at the time. Such rock-carved Buddhist sculpture fills gaps in the history of Silla painting and can be found throughout the Samneunggye Valley. In particular, although its upper body is lost, the engraved standing Bodhisattva at Sangsaam Hermitage exhibits a considerable number of features extracted from Silla painting, as seen in the rippling outlines of the drapery folds delineated in harmony with the strings fastening the waist and the jeweled necklace. Based on their delicate but crudely engraved lines and folkish facial features, these images are presumed to have been crafted in the ninth century. With the collapse of the Silla Kingdom, the production of rock-carved Buddhist paintings on Namsan Mountain came to an end. The Engraved Seated Buddha in Bueonggol Valley is the only surviving rock-carved Buddhist image from the subsequent Goryeo period (Fig. 29). Traces of paint can be found in several spots on this image. The Bueonggol Buddha carries on the lineage of a seated Buddha image forming the earth-touching mudra and wearing a robe that covers both shoulders. However, it shows typical stylistic properties of Goryeo Buddhist sculpture in its realistic proportions, complex drapery folds that recall painting, nearly flat inner garment, and outer garment fastened by straps and spread like the mouth of a trumpet. Fig. 29. Line-engraved Buddha on a Rock in the Bueonggol Valley Conclusion The stone Buddhist sculpture on Namsan Mountain evokes a unique atmosphere by forming a harmonious totality combining nature with religious belief. Namsan’s Buddhist sculptures as independent freestanding images, rock-carved images in high relief that appear as though emerging out of the stone, and engraved images reminiscent of Buddhist paintings need to be appreciated not individually, but as a whole. The synthetic nature of Namsan Buddhist sculpture is expounded by doctrinal interpretation. Sininsa Temple and Geumgwangsa Temple maintained a close association with the esoteric Sinin School of Buddhism in the early Silla period, and Yongjangsa Temple was where the monk Taehyeon founded the Yogacara (called Yuga in Korean) School of Buddhism (瑜珈宗). At Chilburam Hermitage, a stone slab inscribed with Geumgang banya baramilgyeong (金剛般若波羅蜜經, Sutra of the Adamantine Perfection of Wisdom), commonly known as the Diamond Sutra, was excavated. Another inscribed with the Lotus Sutra(法華經) was found at Changnimsa Temple. Although created over different time periods, as a collective whole the stone Buddhist sculptures on Namsan Mountain form a great mandala. They regain their true character as the “land of the Buddha” when considered fully in their diverse aspects.

The standing Maitreya and Amitabha statues from Gamsansa Temple (甘山寺) currently displayed in the Buddhist Sculpture Gallery of the National Museum of Korea, respectively designated as National Treasures No. 81 and No. 82, are well-known works of ancient Korean Buddhist art and hold great significance in Korean art and history. One of the primary obstacles to studying ancient Korean Buddhist sculpture from the Three Kingdoms (57 BCE–668) to Unified Silla (統一新羅, 668–935) periods is that most extant examples lack inscriptions or relevant documents indicating their date of production or their creators. However, these statues from Gamsansa Temple feature inscriptions on the back of their nimbuses that help identify the date of production, commissioner, and motive for their creation (Figs. 1 and 1-2). The content of the inscriptions relate that an individual named Kim Jiseong commissioned the construction of Gamsansa Temple and enshrined the statues of Maitreya and Amitabha there in 719 as a prayer for the souls of his deceased parents. The inscriptions on the statues had been partially known since extracts from them are included in the Samguk yusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) compiled by Monk Ilyeon (一然, 1206–1289) during the Goryeo (高麗, 918–1392) period.1 The details of the inscriptions became more completely known with the discovery of the two statues in 1915. These two statues have been subjects for research in diverse fields (e.g., history, art history, epigraphy) for more than a century since they are rare surviving examples that bear inscriptions coinciding with historical records and they provide style benchmarks for dating Buddhist statues from the Unified Silla period. Fig. 1. Statues of Bodhisattva Maitreya and Amitabha from Gamsansa Temple. Unified Silla, 719. Height: 270 cm (left), 275 cm (right). National Treasure Nos. 81 and 82. National Museum of Korea. Bongwan 1958 and 1959 Fig. 1-1. Statues from Gamsansa Temple (back) The full inscriptions of the two statues were first presented in the Joseon geumseok chongnam (朝鮮金石總覽, Comprehensive survey of epigraphs of Joseon) published by the Government-General of Korea (朝鮮總督府) in 1919 during the Japanese colonial period. They have since been modified or complemented by later epigraphic studies and related essays.2 However, the inscriptions have been worn down over the centuries and some characters are illegible using the naked eye. Rubbings of the inscriptions also fail to provide sufficiently precise information on the original inscriptions. This has constrained the study of the inscriptions and led to subtle differences in interpretations of the inscriptions and varying opinions on the dating of these two statues. Against this backdrop, the National Museum of Korea decided to employ reflectance transformation imaging (RTI) to obtain basic materials for research using methods that ensure the integrity of the two statues while improving the identification of the original inscriptions.3 RTI is a rather new approach in Korea, but it has been previously used in Western institutions to decipher inscriptions by photographing an object under different lighting conditions. By processing the RTI outputs and observing them through appropriate software, inscriptions illegible to the naked eye can more easily be identified. The National Museum of Korea conducted the RTI to identify the inscriptions on the Gamsansa statues in 2012 and 2013. This paper examines the outcomes from the 2013 RTI investigation and presents details on the RTI method as applied.4 Overview of the Statues from Gamsansa Temple Before discussing the identified inscriptions, it is necessary to examine their content, the sculptural styles of the statues, and the related academic issues. According to the inscriptions on the nimbuses of both statues, a Silla official named Kim Jiseong (金志誠, b. 652) of the jungachan (重阿湌) grade commissioned the construction of Gamsansa Temple and the production of the statues of Amitabha and Maitreya on his private lands on the fifteenth day of the second month of the gimy (己未) year during the Kaiyuan era (開元, 713–741), the early half of the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (玄宗, r. 712–756) of the Tang dynasty (唐, 618–907). This corresponds to 719, the eighteenth year of the reign of King Seongdeok (聖德王, r. 702–737). This project was undertaken to offer prayers for his deceased father Injang (仁章), who was an ilgilchan (一吉湌)-grade official, and his deceased mother, named Gwanchori (觀肖里). It was initiated on the day of the year on which Shakyamuni is believed to have entered nirvana (the fifteenth day of the second month). Kim Jiseong served in several posts before becoming Sirang (侍郞, vice-minister) at the Jipsabu (執事部, State Secretariat). Some previous studies have suggested that Kim Jiseong visited Tang China as a member of the Silla mission to the Tang dynasty known as the Gyeondangsa (遣唐史) in 705, the fourth year of the reign of King Seongdeok.5 After retirement at the age of 67 in 716, he resided in a rural village where he pursued a Taoist way of life free from worldly concerns, as suggested by Laozi (老子) and Zhuangzi (莊子). However, he also studied Buddhist dharma by reading the Yogacarabhumi Sastra (瑜伽師地論, Discourse on the stages of yogic practice) by Asanga (fl. fourth century CE), also known as Wuzhuo (無著) in China and Muchak in Korea, as well as other Buddhist scriptures. In 719, Kim commissioned Gamsansa Temple on his lands to offer prayers for his deceased parents and other family members as well as for a high-ranking official close to him. He died one year later in 720. The final portion of the inscription on the Maitreya statue reads that Kim scattered the ashes of his mother, who died at the age of sixty-six, in Heunji on the east coast of Korea. The inscription on the Amitabha statue tells that the ashes of Kim’s father, who died at the age of forty-seven, had been scattered at the same spot. This indicates that Kim Jiseong commissioned the Maitreya statue for his deceased mother and the Amitabha statue for his deceased father. Kim’s prayers inscribed on the statues deliver his wishes that the king live a long and happy life. He also prays that his brothers and sisters, former and present wives, his brother born to a different mother, the ichan (二湌)-grade official Gaewon (愷元, dates unknown), and all human beings in the universe may rise above the world and attain Buddhahood. Monk Ilyeon’s Samguk yusa presents extracts from the inscriptions, including the year the statues were erected, the patron of the statues, and the subjects of the prayers, but it leaves out any mention of the personal history of Kim Jiseong. However, discrepancies in the names of certain people appear in the two inscriptions, and they include expressions that may cause readers to confuse the subjects of the prayers with the person offering them (Kang Jonghun 2011, 20). Regarding the names, the patron is indicated as “金志誠” (Kim Jiseong) on the Maitreya statue and as “金志全” (Kim Jijeon) on the Amitabha statue. The name of Kim’s brother is written “良誠” (Yangseong) on the Maitreya statue and “梁誠” (Yangseong) on the Amitabha statue, while the name of his sister appears as “古巴里” (Gopari) on the Maitreya statue but as “古寶里” (Gobori) on the Amitabha statue. These inconsistencies indicate that different Chinese characters were used to transcribe a particular phoneme, and also raise the possibility that the two inscriptions were carved by a different person. Meanwhile, the inscription on the Maitreya statue includes the expression “Disciple Jiseong,” addressing Kim Jiseong in a modest manner, while the corresponding portion in the inscription on the Amitabha statue refers to Kim Jiseong as “Jungachan Kim Jijeon,” a more respectful manner of address. In addition, in the middle of the Amitabha statue inscription, it is recorded that the text was authored by a nama (奈麻)-grade official named Chong (聰) and the calligraphy was performed by Monk Gyeongyung (京融) and a daesa (大舍)-grade official named Kim Chwiwon (金驟源). At the end of the same text it is recorded that Kim died on April 22, 720. In view of the above, it is assumed that the Maitreya statue was completed while Kim was alive and its inscription thus reflects his own narrative, while the inscription on the Amitabha statue was written by the nama-grade official Chong following the king’s commands after the death of Kim Jiseong. The disparities in the inscriptions suggest the possibility that they were written by different people and that the text on the Amitabha statue was carved at a later point in time. Any reexamination of the two inscriptions therefore requires a comparison of the calligraphy style and other factors in addition to the identification of the inscribed characters. Despite the differences in the styles of the inscriptions, the two statues from Gamsansa Temple do not differ greatly in terms of sculptural elements, and therefore are presumed to have been created around the same time. They are considered masterpieces of ancient Korean sculpture as they reflect the stylistic development of the eighth-century Buddhist sculpture of Unified Silla. They feature large, puffy eyes and the wide, flat face prevalent in Buddhist sculpture from the preceding Three Kingdoms period (Figs. 1-2 and 1-3). Their scale provides an impression of both massiveness and stillness. As objects of worship, the faces of the statues are elaborately carved; however, their bodies are flat as if they were closely attached to the nimbuses. They do not show the dynamic expressions of the body found in the sculptures associated with Seokguram Grotto (石窟庵) from the mid-eighth century that emphasize the volume and three-dimensionality of the figures. This may be because their hands and arms do not stretch out, but instead adhere to the body as if being impeded by a transparent barrier. However, the sculptor(s) of the two statues must have been aware of the style that was becoming the vogue in East Asia and accordingly reflected stylistic developments in his (or their) creations. Fig. 1-2. Maitreya statue (detail) Fig. 1-3. Amitabha statue (detail) The Maitreya statue from Gamsansa Temple is renowned for its exotic and lavish accessories; the bodhisattva wears a crown decorated with jewels while two necklaces and a shawl drape across the chest and arms (Fig. 1-2). The accessories on the arms and the beads on the skirt are carved in a sophisticated manner. The main features of this Maitreya statue, including its accessories, cloth, manner of dress, and pose, can be found in the Tang dynasty Eleven-faced Avalokiteshvara statue from Baoqingsi (寶慶寺) Temple in Xian, China and the statue of the same bodhisattva at Horyuji Temple (法隆寺) in Japan.6 This indicates that the sculptor of this Maitreya statue was aware of the image of a bodhisattva with voluptuous body and lavish adornment that was circulating widely at the time in East Asia and tried to embody it in this work. However, the Gamsansa example differs from most other Maitreya images in terms of iconography and style in that it is standing while Maitreya is usually represented as seated, and in that it has an image of Amitabha Buddha on its crown, similar to an Avalokiteshvara image.7 The Amitabha statue reveals the outlines of its body through the tightly adhered robe drooping from the shoulders to the feet. The wave-like drapery lines are repeated in a symmetrical manner that emphasizes the volume and the protruding or flat surfaces of the statue (Fig. 1-3). Examples of a similar style include the sandstone standing Buddha statue at the Gyeongju National Museum, the standing Buddha statue carved in the south side of a rock at the Gulbulsa Temple (掘佛寺) site, and other gilt-bronze Buddha statues. The origins of the style can be found in Tang-period Buddhist statues influenced by sculpture from the Gupta period of India (Kim Lena 1989, 206–238). It is thought that Chinese Buddhist monks made pilgrimages to sacred Buddhist sites in India and brought Indian Buddhist statues back to China where the styles in the statues they observed were emulated and eventually transmitted to Unified Silla. The Amitabha statue from Gamsansa Temple does not accentuate three-dimensionality to the same degree as do most Silla Buddhist statues from the mid-eighth century, but it does demonstrate an artistic attempt to adopt the era’s emerging trend of imbuing sculptures with an ample sense of volume, dynamism, and realism. The Maitreya and Amitabha statues from Gamsansa Temple differ in the form of their nimbuses and pedestals. The nimbus and body of the Maitreya statue were made separately from the pedestal and then set into it, while the nimbus, body, and upper part of the pedestal of the Amitabha statue were carved together out of the same stone and then placed on the lower portion of the pedestal (Figs. 1-4 and 1-5). These structural differences, along with the discrepancies in the inscriptions, can be viewed as evidence that the two statues were not produced around the same time.8 However, they are the result of differences in size and nature of the stone and production methods involved and cannot be considered determinant factors for dating the two statues to different periods. It is therefore generally believed that the two statues were produced around the same time, despite the discrepancies in the content and style of the inscriptions and the possibility that the inscription on the Amitabha statue might have been carved at a later point after the death of Kim Jiseong. Fig. 1-4. Pedestal of the Maitreya statue (detail) Fig. 1-5. Pedestal of the Amitabha statue (detail) Several opinions have been expressed concerning the motive for enshrining the two statues at Gamsansa Temple. Some focus on the influence of the Beopsangjong (法相宗) sect of Buddhism, while others relate it to trends in contemporaneous Chinese Buddhist art or Kim Jiseong’s personal piety and visual experiences.9 Precisely where in the temple the statues were enshrined is also a matter of controversy. The Samguk yusa records that the Maitreya statue was placed in the Geumdang (金堂), the main hall of the temple, but it makes no mention of the location of the Amitabha statue. Therefore, one group of scholars argues that the two statues were enshrined separately (with the Amitabha statue placed in the lecture hall), while another opinion purports that they were enshrined together in the same hall.10 This issue remains a matter of debate and requires further study from diverse perspectives drawing upon the RTI results. Newly Identified Characters The RTI results allowed the identification of the content of the inscriptions on the statues from Gamsansa Temple and provide valuable information on the background of the creation of the statues. They also complement previous studies. Significant findings from the RTI include the exact number of inscribed characters and newly identified characters (In this article, “characters” refers to “classical Chinese characters”). Previously, it was believed that 381 characters were inscribed on the Maitreya statue and 392 characters on the Amitabha statue. The back of the Maitreya statue has a grid of lines with intervals between 4.3 centimeters and 4.5 centimeters both lengthwise and widthwise. A Chinese character is inscribed within each of the sections formed by this grid. However, these lines only barely remain on the Amitabha statue. The 2012 RTI revealed that the Maitreya statue has 381 characters and the Amitabha statue has 389 characters, three less than previously believed. It was found that the final three characters that had been presumed to exist are actually absent from line 17 of the Amitabha statue’s inscription. The Joseon geumseok chongnam and all other later publications assumed that the inscription on the Amitabha statue would have 392 characters since the inscription generally begins and ends in the same row. Line 17 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue was thus assumed to have three more characters at its end than are actually present. Also, when considering the content, having the three Chinese characters “書奉敎” meaning “writing upon command” would have conformed to the convention of revealing the name of the calligrapher (Katsuragi Sueji 1935, 208–209). However, the RTI found no evidence that any character had been inscribed at the corner of the nimbus where these final three characters for line 17 would have been expected to exist. When compared with nearby portions with inscribed characters, there was no trace of a character having disappeared due to abrasion, and it became clear that no character had ever been inscribed in this space (Fig. 2). A comparison with other blank spaces between characters in the inscription provides further evidence that there were no characters at the end of line 17 from the beginning (Fig. 3). Why these final three characters were never included has yet to be understood, and further in-depth study should be pursued. Fig. 2. Line 17 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 3. Line 2 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue The RTI on the Maitreya statue identified the same number of characters as previously believed, but it found that the Chinese characters “六” and “十,” the second and third characters in line 22, were carved together in a single section instead of separately (Fig. 4). This can be verified by comparing the space for these two characters with that for a single character. Fig. 4. Line 22 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue This RTI also allowed the clear identification of characters that had been indistinct and consequently fueled controversy. In the Amitabha statue, the sixteenth character in line 20 was found to be “六” (Fig. 5). Two opinions had existed regarding this character: some saw it as “六” (six) and related to the age of Kim Jiseong,11 while another theory proposed later suggested it to be “在” and forming part of the phrase “歲在十九,” meaning the nineteenth year of King Seongdeok’s reign (Moon Myungdae 2003, 91–92; Kim Yeongmi 1988, 374). Since the character could in fact be clearly identified as “六” and the phrase to be “歲六十九,” it is confirmed that Kim Jiseong died at the age of sixty-nine. The fourteenth character of line 21 was identified as “賜” (Fig. 6). In the case of the Maitreya statue, the RTI clarified the shapes of two previously unidentified characters, the tenth character in line 19 and the sixth character in line 20 (Figs. 7 and 8). Fig. 5. Sixteenth character “六” in line 20 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 6. Fourteenth character “賜” in line 21 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 7. Tenth character in line 19 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 8. Sixth character in line 20 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue According to these RTI results, two characters in the Maitreya statue had been misinterpreted and the existing understanding had to be modified accordingly. The Chinese character “閒” (free; leisurely) in line 9, which had formerly been believed to be part of the expression “閒野,” meaning “sequestered rural area,” was actually identified to be “閑,” but still conveying the same meaning. This character was described as “閒” in the Joseon geumseok chongnam and other later publications on epigraphy (Fig. 9). The ninth character in line 19, previously understood to be “誠” (truly), was identified as “城” (fortress). Therefore, the existing interpretation of this line, which mistook “fortress” for “truly,” should be changed as follows: “even if the stones that built the fortress (wall) might all disappear.”12 In most papers and relevant publications, Amitabha in line 3 is transcribed as “阿彌陀,” but the third character is actually “陁” instead of “陀,” as recorded in the Joseon geumseok chongnam (Fig. 10). The first character in line 15, previously considered “休,” is now thought to be “烋” as there is another character under “休” (Fig. 11). The character “无” in line 15 is recorded as “旡” in the Joseon geumseok chongnam, but the actual character is “无,” as cited in most publications (Fig. 12). Fig. 9. “閑野” in line 9 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 10. “城” in line 19 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 11. “陁” in line 3 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 12. “烋” in line 15 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue In the Amitabha statue, “疏” in line 8 has been one of the more controversial characters. It has been presumed to be “踈,” “疎,” or “綀,” but considering the meaning of the text, it is likely to be a simplified version of “疏” (Fig. 13). Through the RTI, the eighth character in line 21 was identified as “卄” instead of “廿” (Fig. 14). The phrase “東海攸友邊散之” in lines 18 and 19, which was cited in the Samguk yusa, was identified as “東海欣支邊散也” (Figs. 15 through 17).13 It is likely that Ilyeon mistook “攸友” for “欣支” in the original inscription or that “欣支” was mistakenly engraved when making a print for the Samguk yusa. Fig. 13. “无” in line 15 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 14. “疏” in line 8 of the inscription on the Amitabha 111 statue Fig. 15. “卄” in line 21 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 16. “東海” in line 18 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 17. “欣支” in line 19 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 18. “邊散” in line 19 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Simplified Characters and Variant Characters The RTI found frequent use of simplified characters in a semi-cursive or cursive script and variant characters in the inscriptions of the Maitreya and Amitabha statues from Gamsansa Temple (Figs. 19 through 33). Overall, the Maitreya statue shows a large number of simplified characters. For example, “無” (none; lack) is inscribed in its simplified version in line 4, and its variant form “无” also appears in the inscription. As the original version “無” is used when referring to the name of a monk “無着,” three versions of the same character were used within a single inscription. Simplified characters were rarely used in either inscription for the names of people, such as Kim Jiseong (金志城) and Muchak (無著), but in line 5 of the Maitreya statue’s inscription, the characters “志誠” referring to Jiseong are slightly scrawled. Fig. 19. “爲” in line 2 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 20. “章” in line 2 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 21. “所” in line 3 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 22. “彌” in line 3 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 23. “盖” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 24. “能” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 25. “寂” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 26. “無” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 27. “號” in line 5 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 28. “願” in line 6 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 29. “班” in line 6 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 30. “憲” in line 7 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 31. “遙” in line 8 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 32. “罄” in line 12 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 33. “聰” in line 17 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Table 1. Simplified or variant characters in the inscription of the Maitreya statue Line Simplified or variant characters Line Simplified or variant characters 2 爲, 章 12 劇, 務, 無, 罄 3 所, 彌 13 誠, 資, 願, 以, 此, 微, 誠 4 盖, 能, 寂, 無 14 壽, 鴻 5 所, 以, 號 15 果 6 願, 誠, 於, 歷, 班 16 弟 7 無, 以, 免, 於, 刑, 憲, 性, 諧, 水, 慕 17 兼, 庶, 聰 8 遙, 志, 眞, 宗, 希, 寂, 六 18 肹, 衆 9 事, 於, 遂, 閑, 閱 19 號, 縱, 願 10 七 20 尊, 無, 願 11 尋, 復, 降, 於 21 願, 庶, 同, 因, 肖 22 支 Table 2. Simplified or variant characters in the inscription of the Amitabha statue Line Simplified or variant characters Line Simplified or variant characters 1 若, 跡 12 弟, 考 2 於, 及, 遂 13 爲 3 影, 以, 葉, 發, 龍 14 彌, 軀, 願 4 爾 15 六, 並 6 以 17 融 7 御, 雞, 事, 六 18 章 8 辭 19 支, 散, 後 9 兼 20 業, 六 10 爲, 號 21 庚, 長, 爲 11 無, 過, 爲 The inscription on the Amitabha statue also includes simplified and variant characters, but in smaller numbers compared to the inscription on the Maitreya statue (Figs. 34 through 43). Fig. 34. “發” in line 3 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 35. “爾” in line 4 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 36. “雞” in line 7 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 37. “辭” in line 8 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 38. “兼” in line 9 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 39. “無” in line 11 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 40. “過” in line 11 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 41. “考” in line 12 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 42. “願” in line 14 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 43. “後” in line 19 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Style of Calligraphy The inscription on the Maitreya statue and that on the Amitabha statue differ in many respects, which fuels the supposition that the inscriptions of the two statues might not have been produced around the same time. According to the RTI results, each inscription features a distinct style of calligraphy. The inscription on the Maitreya statue has generally flowing calligraphy, probably because of the frequent use of simplified characters. The inscription on the Amitabha statue applies a smaller number of simplified characters and includes many characters with angular edges. The term “山水,” meaning “mountain and water,” was inscribed using simplified characters in semi-cursive or cursive script on the Maitreya statue, but it was rendered in regular script using sharp-edged characters on the Amitabha statue (Figs. 44 and 45). Interestingly, the simplified form of the same character “無” looks different in each inscription (Figs. 46 and 47), indicating that the calligraphy for the two inscriptions was executed by different persons, regardless of whether they date to different periods. The differences in calligraphic style are not sufficient to prove that these two statues sharing a similar sculptural style were produced in different periods and require further study since there are cases of epigraphs being inscribed later on existing steles. Fig. 44. “山水” in line 7 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 45. “山水” in line 5 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 46. “無” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 47. “無” in line 11 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Another important issue regarding the inscriptions is whether certain lines on the Amitabha statue were inscribed later than others. An analysis of the calligraphic style revealed that lines 1 to 15 differ from lines 16 to 21. For example, “金志全” (Kim Jijeon) appears in line 5 and line 20. The strokes of the characters are rather long in the former but relatively short in the latter (Figs. 48 and 49). The same features can be found when comparing the character “奉” in line 7 with the version in line 17 (Figs. 50 and 51). Most of the characters in lines 1 to 15 show relatively long strokes. The inscriptions are carved on the curved surface of both edges of the two statues. As shown in Figs. 52 and 53, the first two to three lines in both statues are inscribed on the curved surface on the right side and the final six to seven lines on the curved surface on the left side. Fig. 48. “金志全” in line 5 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 49. “金志全” in line 20 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 50. “奉” in line 7 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 51. “奉” in line 17 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 52. Layout of the inscription on the back of the Amitabha statue Fig. 53. Layout of the inscription on the back of the Maitreya statue In the case of the Amitabha statue, the lines are indented starting from line 16, probably due to limitations on space. Line 16 starts parallel with the sixth character of line 15 and the lines after it also have an indentation of five spaces (See the inscription on the Amitabha statue at the end of this main text). This contrasts with line 3 on the same statue and lines 3 and 16 of the Maitreya statue, since they are inscribed even on the edges as well as on the back of the nimbuses, probably in order to start on a level with the first character of the preceding line. In sum, lines 1 to 15 and lines 16 to 21 differ in terms of calligraphic style and indentation. The calligraphy of the inscriptions on the two statues can be classified by style into the following three groups: Sides A, B, and C of the Maitreya statue; sides D and E of the Amitabha statue; and side F of the Amitabha statue. However, such differences in the style of the calligraphy cannot be automatically interpreted as evidence of the later addition of the final lines of the Amitabha statue’s inscription. Whether it was the plan from the beginning to employ a different calligrapher for the final seven lines or to leave space for additional lines in the future should be studied through a comparison with similar or other relevant cases.14 In mentioning a person’s age, the Chinese character “年,” meaning “year,” was used in both statues, as in the case of “年六十六” (year sixty-six) and “年卌七” (year forty-seven). Only on side F of the Amitabha statue, which contains the final portion of the inscription, is the character “歲” (meaning “age”) used to refer to the age of Kim Jiseong in “歲六十九” (age sixty-nine). This suggests the possibility that the inscription on side F might have been added later.15 Abrasion on the Inscriptions The RTI analysis provided useful information beyond the identification of individual characters. It was meaningful for ascertaining the degree of abrasion on the inscriptions, which is expected to provide clues for determining the original location of the two statues within the temple. It is believed that the Maitreya statue was enshrined in the Geumdang, the hall housing the main buddha at the time Ilyeon wrote the Samguk yusa. However, the surviving documents fail to reveal whether the two statues were enshrined together or separately. According to the RTI results, the sides of the nimbuses of both statues are more severely worn than are their backs, which made it difficult to decipher the inscriptions on these sides. Even on the back, the characters at the top and those at bottom showed different degrees of abrasion, with the former more severely degraded in both statues. The characters at the bottom were relatively well preserved and allowed easier identification. In the Maitreya statue, each line of the inscription includes eighteen characters, and the inscription shows less damage from the eleventh or twelfth character in each line. In the Amitabha statue, where the inscription has twenty-one characters per line, it is relatively well preserved from the twelfth or thirteenth to the last character. Since the Amitabha statue is slightly larger than the Maitreya statue and its inscription is carved longer vertically, it is likely that the abrasion weakens from a similar point in each statue. Given this, it is probable that the two statues stood nearby at the time of their discovery, or at least for a long period prior to their discovery, and their lower portions were buried to a similar depth. The manner in which the statues were enshrined requires further research from a variety of perspectives, but the degree of abrasion on the inscriptions provides significant information on the statues that is not available in the pertinent literature. Interestingly, analysis of the RTI results found that the inscriptions were more easily deciphered when the light was cast from the right side rather than from the left. This relates to the correlation between the angle of the lighting and the shadow and indicates the possibility that the engraving tool might have inclined slightly toward the left when carving the inscriptions. With results that allow the minute detection of detailed features of each stroke of the calligraphy, the RTI has provided a new source of data that complements the rubbings of the past. RTI has limitations, however, since it is not effective for deciphering all types of epigraphic materials and it produces differing results according to the degree of abrasion and the nature of the material on which an inscription is carved. In the case of the two statues from Gamsansa Temple, the inscriptions on the top and both sides proved relatively difficult to decipher. It should also be noted that the complexity of deciphering the results can vary according to when, how, and by whom the RTI is conducted. In this light, RTI results and rubbed copies should be used in tandem when studying inscriptions. Rubbings of the Inscription In 2012 and 2013, in tandem with the RTI analysis, the existing rubbings of the Gamsansa statues’ inscriptions were reexamined and made public. The Japanese Government-General of Korea conducted extensive research on historical relics in Korea and is therefore likely to have produced and utilized considerable quantities of epigraphic materials. The rubbed copies of the Gamsansa statues’ inscriptions in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which have long been ignored, are assumed to be the outcomes of or materials from such research projects. Most of the known examples of rubbings of the statues from Gamsansa Temple at the National Museum of Korea originated in the collection of the Museum of the Japanese Government-General of Korea and feature the inscriptions of these Amitabha and Maitreya statues. These include copies of the inscriptions on the two statues acquired in 1916 (Bongwan 1197; Figs. 54 and 55), two copies of the inscription on the Maitreya statue purchased in 1919 (Bongwan 6862; Figs. 56 and 57), and two copies of the inscription on the Amitabha statue purchased in 1919 (Bongwan 6861; Figs. 58 and 59). Among the many rubbed copies acquired in 1916, the Bongwan 1197 copy has relatively high readability and is likely to have been used as materials for the compilation of the Joseon geumseok chongnam. The other four copies show poorer readability and may be unrelated to the Joseon geumseok chongnam in that they were purchased materials and entered the museum collection in 1919 after the completion of the compilation of the Joseon geumseok chongnam. However, it is also possible that multiple rubbings were made during the research process and they were later purchased to complement existing materials. This matter requires further study. Fig. 54. Rubbing of the inscription on the Maitreya statue. 117.2 x 133.8 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 1197) Fig. 55. Rubbing of the inscription on the Amitabha statue. 117.4 x 118.5 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 1197) Fig. 56. Rubbing of the inscription on the Maitreya statue. 98.5 x 95.6 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6862, 2-1) Fig. 57. Rubbing of the inscription on the Maitreya statue. 100.3 x 100.3 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6862, 2-2) Fig. 58. Rubbing of the inscription on the Amitabha statue. 115.3 x 107.5 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6861, 2-1) Fig. 59. Rubbing of the inscription on the Amitabha statue. 114.5 x 105.9 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6861, 2-2) Conclusion RTI is a useful imaging technique for collecting data on inscriptions without taking rubbings of cultural relics. The RTI conducted in 2012 and 2013 on the statues from Gamsansa Temple revealed that the inscription on the Maitreya statue has 381 characters while that on the Amitabha statue has 389 characters. It also allowed the identification of characters that had remained unclear (e.g., 六 in line 20 and 賜 in line 21 of the Amitabha inscription), the correction of characters that had been interpreted erroneously (e.g., 閑, 烋, 城), and the classification of types of simplified characters used in the inscriptions. Consequently, Kim Jiseong’s age at the time of his death could be determined, the controversy over some of the unclear characters closed, and the existing interpretation improved. Another meaningful outcome of the RTI is that three different types of calligraphy used in the inscriptions and their location on the nimbuses could be identified. All of these findings, together with the existing rubbed copies, are expected to serve as basic material for the study of the statues from Gamsansa Temple so as to pinpoint their year of production and determine whether some parts of the inscriptions were added later.16 In addition, the degree of abrasion on the statues and their inscriptions will also provide useful information for investigating how the statues were enshrined in the temple. Inscription on the Maitreya Statue from Gamsansa Temple Inscription on the Amitabha Statue from Gamsansa Temple