Introduction

Numerous conferences on various topics relevant to the Tomb of King Muryeong (武寧王, r. 501–523) have been hosted since the tomb’s discovery in 1971. As a result, the current understanding of Ungjin period Baekje history and culture has evolved significantly. With the publication of reports in 2011 (Gongju National Museum 2011), marking the fourth decade of the tomb’s excavation, artifacts that heretofore had not been revealed to the public came to be introduced, and the published results of the systematic scientific analysis undertaken on the artifacts have played an important role in advancing research on the Tomb of King Muryeong. Gongju National Museum, in particular, has spearheaded research on the Tomb of King Muryeong, consistently carrying out scientific analysis on artifacts, introducing unpublished artifacts, and undertaking comparative analysis with data from foreign contexts, such as China and Japan.

Although each decade following the tomb’s discovery was not regularly celebrated by hosting a conference, King Muryeong and his tomb have consistently been chosen as the topic of numerous other conferences, and, in the process, literature reviews of the research on the tomb have been presented several times. It can thus be said that—compared to any other Korean site—research on the Tomb of King Muryeong has been long-term, intensive, and has utilized a wide range of methodologies.

Taking the above situation into consideration, this paper does not aim to present yet another account of the research history or to celebrate the positive accomplishments and developments in the field but rather attempts to address the aspects that are lacking in research on the Tomb of King Muryeong, identify the reasons behind these limitations, and provide directions for future research.

Current State of Research

The Tomb

At the time of its discovery, researchers faced many difficulties in studying the architectural aspect of the Tomb of King Muryeong, due to a lack of information on Chinese-style brick chamber tombs. In addition, the structural elements of the tomb that were believed to be distinctive to Baekje tended to be the focus of research since, at the time, it was difficult for Korean scholars to come to terms with the fact that a Baekje royal tomb had adopted the structure of brick chamber tombs which were characteristic of China’s Six Dynasties1 period. However, with the gradual introduction of information on the Chinese material, it became possible to confirm that the structure of the Tomb of King Muryeong was indeed similar to that of the brick chamber tombs of China’s Southern Dynasties. We have now arrived at the stage in which in-depth comparative research between the two is required. However, due to limitations on the part of Korean scholars, much of this comparative research has been carried out by foreign scholars. Notable examples include a comprehensive overview of the tombs of the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties (Koh Yoshimata 2005), a comparative study with the tombs of the Southern and Northern Dynasties (Zhou Yuxing 2009), and a comparative study with the family grave of Gao Song (高崧) of Eastern Jin (Zhou Yuxing 2012).

The author’s interpretation of the findings of such comparative studies was presented in 2014, in the special exhibition catalogue published by Gongju National Museum (Kwon Ohyoung 2014b), and the results of Cho Yun Jae’s comparative study of the Chinese tombs were recently presented at a conference hosted by the Hanseong Baekje Museum in 2019 (Cho Yun Jae 2019b).

The conclusion commonly arrived at by both Korean and foreign scholars is that the structure of the Tomb of King Muryeong and Tomb No. 6 of the Songsan-ri Burial Ground reflected strong ties with the structure of the brick chamber tombs of China’s Six Dynasties period. Of course, opinions regarding the degree of Baekje innovation or the active role of Baekje craftspeople in adopting this foreign tomb style may differ from scholar to scholar, but there is no disagreement over the deep links that exist between the Tomb of King Muryeong and the brick chamber tombs of Liang, one of the Southern Dynasties of China.

It should be noted, however, that although the bricks used to construct the Tomb of King Muryeong are similar in nature to those of the Liang Dynasty, the structure and layout of the tomb demonstrate links with the technological tradition of an earlier period, dating to before the rule of Yuanjia (元嘉) of the Liu Song (劉宋) Dynasty. Based on this, it has been suggested by a Chinese scholar that the craftspeople responsible for the construction of the Tomb of King Muryeong were knowledgeable of past technologies as well (Wang Zhigao 2005). However, the lack of knowledge of the tombs and burial rites of the Six Dynasties period on the part of the Korean academic community has meant that such suggestions have not been thoroughly considered. This situation illustrates the urgent need to nurture researchers specializing in the archaeology of the Six Dynasties period.

The Artifacts

The artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong have been the subject of much interest, not only for scholars based in Korea but also in China and Japan, due to their international nature. The comparative study of the stone epitaph plaques, the imaginary guardian animal (known as a jinmyosu) stone statue, celadon vessels, bronze mirrors, glass child statues, animal-shaped jet ornaments, iron wushu coins, and the bronze long-handled iron from the Tomb of King Muryeong with their counterparts of the Southern Dynasties of China undertaken by Zhou Yuxing (Zhou Yuxing 2009) well-represents this international interest. The author also compiled a history of research on the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong in a paper presented at the conference hosted in 2019 by the Hanseong Baekje Museum on the Tomb of King Muryeong (Kwon Ohyoung 2019a). A separate paper examining the ceramic objects from the tomb was also presented at the conference (Shin Jun 2019). The following section presents an overview of the place of manufacture of the various artifacts recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong.

1. Personal Ornaments

The personal ornaments made of precious metals that had been worn by the deceased King and his Queen Consort, comprising of crown ornaments, earrings, necklaces, bracelets, rings, belt pieces, and gilded metal shoes, are commonly believed to have been made by Baekje craftspeople in Baekje. Research has been undertaken on the developmental process of Baekje’s precious metal ornament culture and the spread of technologies and craftspeople from the surrounding regions. Discussions from a Eurasian perspective on the international nature of the motifs of the King’s crown ornaments (Lee Song-ran 2019) or the flower vase motif of the Queen’s crown ornaments (Kwon Ohyoung 2005) have also been undertaken.

2. Celadon and Porcelain Vessels

There is a long history of comparative research on the celadon and porcelain vessels from the Tomb of King Muryeong and their counterparts in China’s Six Dynasties, particularly Liang. Yuezhou Kiln (越州窯) and Hongzhou Kiln (洪州窯) are frequently mentioned as the likely candidates for the provenance of these vessels. On the other hand, the black-glazed bottle is believed to have come from Deqing Kiln (德清窯), but comparative studies have only been carried out on similar examples from East Jin rather than Liang. Identifying similar black-glazed bottles from the Liang Dynasty is, therefore, an important task for further research.

3. Bronze Objects

The provenance of the silver cup with bronze stand (銅托銀盞) is a contested issue. Many scholars have maintained that the object had to have come from China, since similar artifacts have been discovered at sites dating to the Southern Dynasties period, albeit infrequently. However, following the discovery of the gilt-bronze incense burner from the site of Neungsan-ri temple site in Buyeo, detailed studies have been carried out comparing its production technology with that of the silver cup with bronze stand from the Tomb of King Muryeong. As a result, the opinion that the silver cup with bronze stand was produced by Baekje craftspeople is gaining strength. In addition, comparative analyses with similarly shaped vessels of different materials (i.e., not only bronze but also green-glazed ceramics and earthenware) from China and Japan (Figs. 1) have also taken place, such as a comprehensive overview of bronze vessels by the Japanese scholar, Momosaki Yusuke (Momosaki 2006; 2014).

Figs. 1. Silver cup with bronze stand from the Tomb of King Muryeong and similar examples for comparison

The bronze long-handled iron is highly similar to examples discovered in Liang Dynasty hoards in Zhenjiang (鎭江) and Jiangdu (江都), China, and the Takaidayama (高井田山) Kofun in Osaka, Japan. As for the three bronze spoons and two sets of bronze chopsticks, it has been suggested that some were made in China and some were made in Baekje (Jung Euido 2009).

4. Sword with Dragon and Phoenix Decorated Ring Pommel

In the past, the exquisite sword with a ring-shaped pommel-end decorated with a dragon ornament that was worn by King Muryeong in death was regarded as an object manufactured in Liang China that was bestowed upon King Muryeong along with the title of the “Great General Tranquilizing the East” (寧東大將軍). However, detailed studies of the dragon decoration and the minute traces featuring information on production techniques suggest that the sword was manufactured in Baekje by Baekje craftspeople (Park Gyeongdo 2014; Choi Gieun 2014). As the style of King Muryeong’s dragon decorated ring-shaped pommel-end sword spread to Gaya and the Japanese Archipelago, the artifact has also been an important topic of research in Gaya and Japanese archaeology. Compressive and wide-reaching comparative studies on the ring-shaped pommel-end swords of Northeast Asia, including the example from the Tomb of King Muryeong, are ongoing.

5. Beads

The beads recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong are diverse in terms of the material used (such as glass, amber, agate, jade, etc.) and substantial in their number. In discussing the provenance of these beads, Southeast Asia has been particularly highlighted (Kim Nayeong, Lee Yoonhui, and Kim Gyuho 2011; Tamura 2012). The possibility that the lead sourced from mines in Thailand may have been used in these beads (Yu Heisun and Ro Jihyun 2018) or that the beads may indicate exchange between Baekje and Funan (扶南) has also been suggested (Kim Kyuho et al. 2016).

A large number of jade beads were discovered in the Tomb of King Muryeong, the provenance of which remains unknown. As jade sources within the Korean Peninsula have yet to be confirmed, establishing whether or not the jade used to make the beads came from Japan, particularly Itoigawa (糸魚川), Niigata (新潟) Prefecture, as in the case of the jade objects from Silla tombs, is a key topic of research.

6. Jet

It has been suggested that the jet used to make ornaments, previously called tanjeong or maejeong, came from regions in Liaoning Province or Jiangsu Province in China (Yu Heisun 2012). However, given the fact that the tradition of using such small animal-shaped objects to ward off evil spirits is frequently observed in Southeast Asia, further comparative research needs to be undertaken on these objects, regardless of the provenance of the jet.

7. Stone Epitaph Plaques, Proof of Land Purchase, and Jinmyosu

The epitaph plaques that briefly state the identity of King Muryeong and his Queen Consort, as well as the process spanning from their deaths to their burial, the proof of land purchase that acts as a conceptual expression of the fact that the land used for the tomb had been purchased from the God of the Land, the direction table in which the tomb’s location is expressed using the twelve animals of the Chinese Zodiac—all are elements that have rarely been observed in other Baekje burials and funerary practices. Due to this, comparative studies with Chinese epitaph plaques and proofs of land purchase of the Six Dynasties were undertaken.

Comparative studies with their counterparts of the Six Dynasties have also been carried out for the stone statue of an imaginary guardian animal, known as a jinmyosu, with a focus on formal similarities and/or ideological aspects and perceptions of the afterlife (Kwon Ohyoung 2006; Cho Yun Jae 2019a).

The custom of burying proof of land purchase or a stone statue of an imaginary guardian animal is associated with the Chinese Taoist philosophy of immortal beings. Therefore, as a means of exploring the background behind the burial of such objects in the Tomb of King Muryeong, it is important to examine how well the Baekje royalty of the Ungjin period understood Chinese religion and philosophy at the time.

The identification of the stone used to carve the jinmyosu statue is extremely important. The results of provenance studies established that the stone had likely been sourced from the areas of Jangsu and Namwon (Ayeong) in Jeollabuk-do Province (Park Jun Hyoung, Lee Chan Hee, and Choi Gieun 2017). This is important because this eastern region of Jeollabuk-do Province during the reign of King Muryeong was where fierce struggles with Gaya happened, with a Baekje victory resulting in the consolidation of the lands as part of Baekje territory. The fact that stone from the eastern region of Jeollabuk-do Province, of all places, was used for the stone epitaph plaques and the proof of land purchase also presents an interesting contrast to the fact that, when a Silla stele was erected on the summit of Bukhansan Mountain in what is now present-day Seoul during the reign of Silla’s King Jinheung (眞興王, r. 540–576), the stone for the stele was quarried and transported from Gyeongju, the Silla capital located far away.

8. Headrests and Footrests

The King and Queen were laid to rest supported by wooden headrests and footrests. Although the two are similar in shape, their colors and decorative patterns differ. Research has been carried out on the types of decorative patterns rendered onto the headrests and footrests, as well as their symbolic meanings (Lee Hansang 2010; Park Seoyoung 2016).

The species of the wood used to make the coffin for the King and Queen has also been the subject of intense study (e.g., Park Sangjin 1991; Hideo Yoshii 2001); in recent times, it has come to be generally accepted that the wood came from the Japanese Umbrella Pine (Koyamaki) that only grows in Japan. As it has come to be revealed that not only the coffins from the Tomb of King Muryeong, but also those from Donghachong Tomb in Buyeo and Ssangryeung in Iksan were made of wood from Japanese Umbrella Pine, it now appears likely that this type of pinewood, which was imported from Japan, was highly favored for the wooden coffins of Baekje royalty in the Ungjin and Sabi periods. As such, the precise source of the wood of Japanese Umbrella Pine, the process through which it came to be imported to Baekje, and why Baekje royalty appear to have favored Japanese Umbrella Pine so highly are issues for future research.

Fig. 2. Image of a bird-like human playing with a dragon from a brick chamber tomb of the Southern Dynasties period expressing the notion that the souls of the deceased ascend to the world of the Taoist Gods in the afterlife

Funerary Rituals and Beliefs in the Afterlife

The significance of the discovery of the Tomb of King Muryeong lies not only in its material elements, such as tomb structure and artifacts, but also in the information that it provides on the funerary rites of the time. In particular, the actual practice of the “three-year mourning period,” previously identified only through literary records, could be ascertained from the text of the epitaph plaques which state that the deceased were laid to rest at a separate location for 27–28 months prior to finally being laid to rest in the present royal tomb.

Detailed studies on the temporary resting place of the King and Queen were made possible following the excavation of the Jeongjisan Mountain site in Gongju in 1996. The discovery of this temporary burial site opened the doors for the study of such temporary burials and associated funerary rituals which heretofore had not been possible for Korean pre-modern historians and archaeologists.

Through analyzing the contents of the epitaph plaques and proof of the land purchase, it was possible to shed light on the burial process. It has been suggested that the jinmyosu statue, in addition to guarding the tomb, also played a role in guiding the deceased souls in their ascension to the world of the Taoist Gods (Cho Yun Jae 2019a). Comparative studies with epitaph plaques and proof of the land purchase from the Tomb of King Muryeong with their Chinese (Zhu Min and Tai Hui-ting 2014) or Japanese (Inada Natsuko 2018) counterparts have also taken place.

It has also been proposed that, of the artifacts recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong, the animal-shaped jet ornaments worn by the King functioned as an amulet to ward off evil spirits and therefore may also be regarded, as with the jinmyosu statue, as a remnant of the belief in the deceased ascending to the world of the Taoist Gods (Kwon Ohyoung 2002).

The belief in the afterlife held by Baekje royalty is a topic that requires future research. Comparative studies with the beliefs of the Six Dynasties of China, as well as Goguryeo, Silla, and Gaya, must be undertaken. If the fact that the Baekje culture of the Ungjin and Sabi periods heavily influenced the Asuka (飛鳥) Culture of Japan is taken into consideration, it also becomes clear that the influence of Baekje’s notions regarding the afterlife on ancient Japanese culture should also be examined.

Future Research Prospects

Research on the history of cultural exchange and interactions in East Asia has expanded as a result of studies undertaken on the Tomb of King Muryeong. It is expected that in the future, the role of conservation scientists will overshadow that of historians, archaeologists, and art historians in furthering this research. This is due to the emergence of new research methodologies. The work of conservation scientists in analyzing the production technology of artifacts and in identifying their provenance has been extremely important. An exemplary case in point would be the detailed analysis of the ring-shaped pommel-end decorated with a dragon decoration which proved that the artifact had been manufactured by Baekje craftspeople rather than having been produced in the Southern Dynasties of China, as had previously been believed. The work of conservation scientists is expected to increase in significance following further scientific and technological developments.

This leads to the point that historians, archaeologists, and art historians must now consider in earnest what their role is to be in the future. It may be suggested that they should explore the possibilities of interdisciplinary research with conservation science—armed as the latter is with scientific equipment and technologies that allow various avenues of analytical research—by sharing research themes and questions, thereby amplifying research outcomes. Rather than offering interpretations that consist of mere speculations that cannot be proven, researchers may be better off sharing research questions and working together along with conservation scientists to produce synergistic research results.

Another strategy is to develop a comparative historical or comparative archaeological strategy. Going beyond the current state of research, which has focused mainly on comparisons with the tombs and objects of China’s Southern Dynasties and the identification of influences, future studies must also consider the background that facilitated the adoption of Chinese cultural influences and the meanings that emerged from these influences.

As an example, a key research topic that comes to mind is to trace the transition of the funerary architecture at the Baekje center during the Ungjin period (i.e., the transition of tombs from the early to late phase of the Ungjin period, the demise of Songsan-ri style stone burial chambers, the experimental use of brick chamber tombs with vaulted ceilings, and the emergence of Neungsan-ri style stone burial chambers of the Sabi period). Given the fact that various burial styles have been recognized for the Hanseong period, a brick chamber tomb has been identified at Gyochon-ri in Gongju, and numerous stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances have been discovered in the area around Buyeo, it is worth considering the position of the Tomb of King Muryeong within the long-term trajectory of Baekje tomb architecture, spanning from the Hanseong to Ungjin to Sabi period.

Although it cannot be denied that the construction of the Tomb of King Muryeong took place against the background of influence from the brick chamber tombs of China’s Southern Dynasties, research should not stop at this point. Studies should expand to discuss the issue of the emergence of stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances in the Gaya region, such as the case of the Goa-dong mural tomb in Goryeong. The avenues by which the stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances came to be adopted in Gaya are diverse, and the structure of the tombs as well as the time period of their emergence, are also varied. In this context, it is, therefore, worthwhile to note that it is in Goryeong where the burial structures that are most similar to the Tomb of King Muryeong and other Ungjin period tombs have been found. Since Baekje artifacts of the Ungjin period have consistently been observed at Haman, Hapcheon, Jinju, and other Gaya sites, a broad research perspective that considers both Baekje and Gaya is required.

In considering the relationship between Baekje and Goguryeo, it has been proposed (Lee Song-ran 2019) that a connection can be drawn between the flame motif decorating the king’s crown ornaments and that of Goguryeo tomb murals. Recently, some of the roof tiles found in Gongju, near a site where it is believed that Daetongsa Temple once stood, were identified as featuring formal and technological characteristics similar to those of Goguryeo roof tiles. Numerous roof tiles and pottery with Goguryeo elements from the Sabi period have been discovered at Buyeo, where the Baekje royal fortress was located. This indicates that Baekje culture in the Ungjin and Sabi periods was also influenced by Goguryeo.

The mural from Songsan-ri Tomb No. 6, featuring images of the Four Guardians (四神圖, Green Dragon, White Tiger, Red Phoenix, and Black Snake and Tortoise), should also be compared against similar compositions of Goguryeo and the Southern Dynasties, as well as those discovered in the mural tombs of Japan’s Asuka period. Through this, it may become possible to trace the spread of notions of fengshui (風水) and the ideology of the Four Guardians which originated in China.

Another issue that needs to be addressed is the fact that ornaments in the central Baekje style of the Ungjin period have been discovered in the tombs of the local leaders of the Yeongsangang River, such as Sindeok Tomb in Hampyeong and Naedong-ri Tomb in Naju. The fact that Chinese porcelain and coin impressed celadon have been discovered in the Shindeok Tomb, the square platform-shaped tomb at Geumsan-ri, and in the Yongdu-ri Tomb in Haenam must also be considered. The bestowment of a prestige goods set consisting of personal ornaments made of precious metals and Chinese porcelain and celadon to the local heads has long been regarded as a strategy of regional control used only by the Baekje center in the Hanseong period. These tombs have now revealed that similar practices took place into the Ungjin period, partially during the reign of King Muryeong.

One element that is lacking in studying the Tomb of King Muryeong from the perspective of interaction at the international level is an understanding of the relationship with Japan. The site that is most frequently discussed in association with the artifacts from the tomb is the Takaidayama (高井田山) Kofun (Kashiwara Education Committee 1996). In this tomb, two individuals, believed to have been husband and wife, were placed side by side in separated coffins. The burial chamber, featuring a (modified) barrel vault-shaped ceiling, was built with tile-like flat stone slabs. Artifacts recovered from the tomb include a bronze long-handled iron and gold foil glass beads. It has also been noted that Asukabe (飛鳥戶) Shrine, which is said to have associations with Gonji (昆支), a prince of the Baekje royal family, is located nearby; the site of Oagata (大縣), also located in Osaka, has yielded evidence of Baekje cooking vessels and Baekje iron production. However, as Takaidayama Kofun has been attributed to an earlier date than the Tomb of King Muryeong, there is confusion over how to date the bronze longhandled iron which is almost identical in shape to its counterpart from the Tomb of King Muryeong. This, of course, does not present a problem for those scholars who have proposed that the current chronological framework of Japanese sueki (須惠器) ware is misleading by approximately 60 years (i.e., that 60 years should be added onto the presently accepted dates). However, for those who adhere to the current chronological framework, this time discrepancy between the burial structure and its grave goods is an issue that needs to be addressed.

The bronze mirrors from the Tomb of King Muryeong also require further examination. Research on the bronze mirrors of the Three Kingdoms period is severely lacking, and therefore possibly reflecting this situation, Korean scholars have not been able to play a significant role in studies on the bronze mirrors from the Tomb of King Muryeong.

There have been no recent developments on the study of the bronze mirror from Suda Hachiman (隅田八幡) Shrine in Hashimoto (橋本) City, Wakayama (和歌山) Prefecture (So Jincheol 2004), which features an inscription suggestive of links with Baekje along with images of people. The author has shared his opinions several times on the rise of the Keitai (繼體) Dynasty and associated archaeological sites and artifacts, but this is not sufficient.

Fig. 3. Replica of the bronze mirror featuring images of people. Currently in the collection of Suda Hachiman (隅田八幡) Shrine, in Hashimoto (橋本) City, Wakayama (和歌山) Prefecture, Japan

The time around the construction of the Tomb of King Muryeong was when the Japanese Archipelago, previously divided into multiple polities, was unified by the Keitai Dynasty, and is also around the time when keyhole-shaped tombs came to be constructed in the southwestern region of the Korean Peninsula. It has been confirmed that Baekje immigrants played a role in establishing the Keitai Dynasty, and that the Keitai Dynasty maintained a pro-Baekje stance in its diplomatic policies towards the Korean Peninsula. As such, it becomes clear that, through studies on the Tomb of King Muryeong, a deeper understanding of the relationship between Baekje and Japan should be achieved.

It has long been suggested that the glass beads and some of the other ornaments from the Tomb of King Muryeong had links with India or Southeast Asia, and the plausibility of such claims has increased with recent studies (Kwon Ohyoung 2019b). The flower vase motif of the queen’s crown ornaments (Kwon Ohyoung 2014a) and the Makara motif of the headrests (Shao Lei 2007) also need attention for having possible links to India or Southeast Asia.

Remaining Comments

The Tomb of King Muryeong can also provide new insights into Baekje’s relationship with its regional communities, the remaining Mahan groups, and the communities of the eastern Honam region and the western Gyeongnam region. At present, there appears to be a tendency to over-emphasize the independent identity of the remaining Mahan groups or to regard Mahan and Baekje as being equals or rivals, resulting in a distorted picture of the relationship between the Baekje center and the groups of the Yeongsangang River region during the reign of King Muryeong. In-depth research into the Songjae-ri Burial Ground, which was recently excavated, may help to rectify this problematic perspective (NNRICH 2020a; 2020b).

The topics of the construction of fortresses in the eastern Honam region and the Seomjingang River region—particularly the time period of their construction, the group responsible for their construction, and the reason for their construction—are all issues that cannot be properly addressed without considering the period of King Muryeong’s reign. It may appear at present that the Tomb of King Muryeong is irrelevant to the construction of these tombs, but it is possible that this may change in the future.

Provenance analysis of the stone material of the jinmyosu and the epitaph plaques has revealed that it came from Jangsu or the locale of Ayeong in Namwon, both located in Jeollabuk-do Province (Park Jun Hyoung et al. 2017). It has also been pointed out that the bracelets, jet ornaments, glass beads, silver beads from Durak-ri Tomb No. 5 in Namwon bear similarities to those found in the Tomb of King Muryeong (Kim Nakjung 2018). Gilded metal shoes believed to be of the Baekje tradition and a Chinese bronze mirror were also discovered at the Durak-ri site. This region in the early sixth century CE was a stage where the intertwining interests of various groups, including Baekje, Dae Gaya, So Gaya, and Silla, were played out. In this sense, there are similarities with the political situation of the Yeongsangang River region during the same time period. Taking this into consideration, it thus becomes meaningful to consider why, of all places, the stone for the jinmyosu and the epitaph plaques came from Jangsu/Ayeong. Indeed, this may act as a starting point for considering the degree of interest that the Baekje center in the Ungjin period had in the eastern part of Jeollabuk-do Province, and indeed the Eastern Honam region. It is hoped that new research perspectives can be obtained by integrating these scientific research results with interdisciplinary studies involving archaeology and ancient history.

In order to gain a better understanding of the Tomb of King Muryeong, a diachronic study of the tombs and funerary rites of the Baekje elite, spanning throughout the Hanseong–Ungjin–Sabi periods (BNM 2019) is needed, as is an examination of the nature of influences for each period. For example, the relationship with Chinese brick chamber tombs, the way in which the architectural structure and funerary practices, as well as the artifacts, of the Tomb of King Muryeong spread to Silla, Gaya, and Wa (Japan), and commonalities and differences between the tombs of the Baekje center and local areas are topics worth exploring in the future. In particular, following the re-investigation of the Gyochon-ri brick chamber tomb at Gongju, it can be said that an examination of the relationship between this tomb, Songsan-ri Tomb No. 6, and the Tomb of King Muryeong is now required.

The development of new research methodologies is also required. For example, research on Baekje’s relationship with the Southern Dynasties until now has mainly focused on the tombs and objects of the Six Dynasties period that had a direct influence in the Tomb of King Muryeong. Research on the relationship between Baekje and the Japanese Yamato government has also mainly been explored through studies on objects, such as the ring pommel sword, gilded metal shoes, bronze long-handled irons and mirrors, gold foil glass beads, and bronze vessels such as the silver cup with bronze stand.

However, this is not sufficient. Research on the Tomb of King Muryeong should expand even further to address issues such as the process through which the funerary custom of burying husband and wife together, clearly identified at this tomb (in particular, the way in which the coffins were placed side by side) was transmitted to Japan (Fig. 4), the issue of temporary burials and the “three-year mourning period” that has come to be discussed in association with the Jeongjisan Mountain site, and the notion that the souls of the deceased ascended to the world of the Taoist Gods. In other words, research should not be limited to the study of the tomb and its artifacts, but also explore intangible subjects associated with the Tomb of King Muryeong. For this, a deep understanding of the tombs and the funerary practices of Northeast Asia is urgently required.

Fig. 4. Burial features indicating how the deceased were laid to rest side by side at the Takaidayama Kofun, Osaka, Japan