The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

Numerous conferences on various topics relevant to the Tomb of King Muryeong (武寧王, r. 501–523) have been hosted since the tomb’s discovery in 1971. As a result, the current understanding of Ungjin period Baekje history and culture has evolved significantly. With the publication of reports in 2011 (Gongju National Museum 2011), marking the fourth decade of the tomb’s excavation, artifacts that heretofore had not been revealed to the public came to be introduced, and the published results of the systematic scientific analysis undertaken on the artifacts have played an important role in advancing research on the Tomb of King Muryeong. Gongju National Museum, in particular, has spearheaded research on the Tomb of King Muryeong, consistently carrying out scientific analysis on artifacts, introducing unpublished artifacts, and undertaking comparative analysis with data from foreign contexts, such as China and Japan. Although each decade following the tomb’s discovery was not regularly celebrated by hosting a conference, King Muryeong and his tomb have consistently been chosen as the topic of numerous other conferences, and, in the process, literature reviews of the research on the tomb have been presented several times. It can thus be said that—compared to any other Korean site—research on the Tomb of King Muryeong has been long-term, intensive, and has utilized a wide range of methodologies. Taking the above situation into consideration, this paper does not aim to present yet another account of the research history or to celebrate the positive accomplishments and developments in the field but rather attempts to address the aspects that are lacking in research on the Tomb of King Muryeong, identify the reasons behind these limitations, and provide directions for future research. Current State of Research The Tomb At the time of its discovery, researchers faced many difficulties in studying the architectural aspect of the Tomb of King Muryeong, due to a lack of information on Chinese-style brick chamber tombs. In addition, the structural elements of the tomb that were believed to be distinctive to Baekje tended to be the focus of research since, at the time, it was difficult for Korean scholars to come to terms with the fact that a Baekje royal tomb had adopted the structure of brick chamber tombs which were characteristic of China’s Six Dynasties1 period. However, with the gradual introduction of information on the Chinese material, it became possible to confirm that the structure of the Tomb of King Muryeong was indeed similar to that of the brick chamber tombs of China’s Southern Dynasties. We have now arrived at the stage in which in-depth comparative research between the two is required. However, due to limitations on the part of Korean scholars, much of this comparative research has been carried out by foreign scholars. Notable examples include a comprehensive overview of the tombs of the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties (Koh Yoshimata 2005), a comparative study with the tombs of the Southern and Northern Dynasties (Zhou Yuxing 2009), and a comparative study with the family grave of Gao Song (高崧) of Eastern Jin (Zhou Yuxing 2012). The author’s interpretation of the findings of such comparative studies was presented in 2014, in the special exhibition catalogue published by Gongju National Museum (Kwon Ohyoung 2014b), and the results of Cho Yun Jae’s comparative study of the Chinese tombs were recently presented at a conference hosted by the Hanseong Baekje Museum in 2019 (Cho Yun Jae 2019b). The conclusion commonly arrived at by both Korean and foreign scholars is that the structure of the Tomb of King Muryeong and Tomb No. 6 of the Songsan-ri Burial Ground reflected strong ties with the structure of the brick chamber tombs of China’s Six Dynasties period. Of course, opinions regarding the degree of Baekje innovation or the active role of Baekje craftspeople in adopting this foreign tomb style may differ from scholar to scholar, but there is no disagreement over the deep links that exist between the Tomb of King Muryeong and the brick chamber tombs of Liang, one of the Southern Dynasties of China. It should be noted, however, that although the bricks used to construct the Tomb of King Muryeong are similar in nature to those of the Liang Dynasty, the structure and layout of the tomb demonstrate links with the technological tradition of an earlier period, dating to before the rule of Yuanjia (元嘉) of the Liu Song (劉宋) Dynasty. Based on this, it has been suggested by a Chinese scholar that the craftspeople responsible for the construction of the Tomb of King Muryeong were knowledgeable of past technologies as well (Wang Zhigao 2005). However, the lack of knowledge of the tombs and burial rites of the Six Dynasties period on the part of the Korean academic community has meant that such suggestions have not been thoroughly considered. This situation illustrates the urgent need to nurture researchers specializing in the archaeology of the Six Dynasties period. The Artifacts The artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong have been the subject of much interest, not only for scholars based in Korea but also in China and Japan, due to their international nature. The comparative study of the stone epitaph plaques, the imaginary guardian animal (known as a jinmyosu) stone statue, celadon vessels, bronze mirrors, glass child statues, animal-shaped jet ornaments, iron wushu coins, and the bronze long-handled iron from the Tomb of King Muryeong with their counterparts of the Southern Dynasties of China undertaken by Zhou Yuxing (Zhou Yuxing 2009) well-represents this international interest. The author also compiled a history of research on the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong in a paper presented at the conference hosted in 2019 by the Hanseong Baekje Museum on the Tomb of King Muryeong (Kwon Ohyoung 2019a). A separate paper examining the ceramic objects from the tomb was also presented at the conference (Shin Jun 2019). The following section presents an overview of the place of manufacture of the various artifacts recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong. 1. Personal Ornaments The personal ornaments made of precious metals that had been worn by the deceased King and his Queen Consort, comprising of crown ornaments, earrings, necklaces, bracelets, rings, belt pieces, and gilded metal shoes, are commonly believed to have been made by Baekje craftspeople in Baekje. Research has been undertaken on the developmental process of Baekje’s precious metal ornament culture and the spread of technologies and craftspeople from the surrounding regions. Discussions from a Eurasian perspective on the international nature of the motifs of the King’s crown ornaments (Lee Song-ran 2019) or the flower vase motif of the Queen’s crown ornaments (Kwon Ohyoung 2005) have also been undertaken. 2. Celadon and Porcelain Vessels There is a long history of comparative research on the celadon and porcelain vessels from the Tomb of King Muryeong and their counterparts in China’s Six Dynasties, particularly Liang. Yuezhou Kiln (越州窯) and Hongzhou Kiln (洪州窯) are frequently mentioned as the likely candidates for the provenance of these vessels. On the other hand, the black-glazed bottle is believed to have come from Deqing Kiln (德清窯), but comparative studies have only been carried out on similar examples from East Jin rather than Liang. Identifying similar black-glazed bottles from the Liang Dynasty is, therefore, an important task for further research. 3. Bronze Objects The provenance of the silver cup with bronze stand (銅托銀盞) is a contested issue. Many scholars have maintained that the object had to have come from China, since similar artifacts have been discovered at sites dating to the Southern Dynasties period, albeit infrequently. However, following the discovery of the gilt-bronze incense burner from the site of Neungsan-ri temple site in Buyeo, detailed studies have been carried out comparing its production technology with that of the silver cup with bronze stand from the Tomb of King Muryeong. As a result, the opinion that the silver cup with bronze stand was produced by Baekje craftspeople is gaining strength. In addition, comparative analyses with similarly shaped vessels of different materials (i.e., not only bronze but also green-glazed ceramics and earthenware) from China and Japan (Figs. 1) have also taken place, such as a comprehensive overview of bronze vessels by the Japanese scholar, Momosaki Yusuke (Momosaki 2006; 2014). Figs. 1. Silver cup with bronze stand from the Tomb of King Muryeong and similar examples for comparison The bronze long-handled iron is highly similar to examples discovered in Liang Dynasty hoards in Zhenjiang (鎭江) and Jiangdu (江都), China, and the Takaidayama (高井田山) Kofun in Osaka, Japan. As for the three bronze spoons and two sets of bronze chopsticks, it has been suggested that some were made in China and some were made in Baekje (Jung Euido 2009). 4. Sword with Dragon and Phoenix Decorated Ring Pommel In the past, the exquisite sword with a ring-shaped pommel-end decorated with a dragon ornament that was worn by King Muryeong in death was regarded as an object manufactured in Liang China that was bestowed upon King Muryeong along with the title of the “Great General Tranquilizing the East” (寧東大將軍). However, detailed studies of the dragon decoration and the minute traces featuring information on production techniques suggest that the sword was manufactured in Baekje by Baekje craftspeople (Park Gyeongdo 2014; Choi Gieun 2014). As the style of King Muryeong’s dragon decorated ring-shaped pommel-end sword spread to Gaya and the Japanese Archipelago, the artifact has also been an important topic of research in Gaya and Japanese archaeology. Compressive and wide-reaching comparative studies on the ring-shaped pommel-end swords of Northeast Asia, including the example from the Tomb of King Muryeong, are ongoing. 5. Beads The beads recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong are diverse in terms of the material used (such as glass, amber, agate, jade, etc.) and substantial in their number. In discussing the provenance of these beads, Southeast Asia has been particularly highlighted (Kim Nayeong, Lee Yoonhui, and Kim Gyuho 2011; Tamura 2012). The possibility that the lead sourced from mines in Thailand may have been used in these beads (Yu Heisun and Ro Jihyun 2018) or that the beads may indicate exchange between Baekje and Funan (扶南) has also been suggested (Kim Kyuho et al. 2016). A large number of jade beads were discovered in the Tomb of King Muryeong, the provenance of which remains unknown. As jade sources within the Korean Peninsula have yet to be confirmed, establishing whether or not the jade used to make the beads came from Japan, particularly Itoigawa (糸魚川), Niigata (新潟) Prefecture, as in the case of the jade objects from Silla tombs, is a key topic of research. 6. Jet It has been suggested that the jet used to make ornaments, previously called tanjeong or maejeong, came from regions in Liaoning Province or Jiangsu Province in China (Yu Heisun 2012). However, given the fact that the tradition of using such small animal-shaped objects to ward off evil spirits is frequently observed in Southeast Asia, further comparative research needs to be undertaken on these objects, regardless of the provenance of the jet. 7. Stone Epitaph Plaques, Proof of Land Purchase, and Jinmyosu The epitaph plaques that briefly state the identity of King Muryeong and his Queen Consort, as well as the process spanning from their deaths to their burial, the proof of land purchase that acts as a conceptual expression of the fact that the land used for the tomb had been purchased from the God of the Land, the direction table in which the tomb’s location is expressed using the twelve animals of the Chinese Zodiac—all are elements that have rarely been observed in other Baekje burials and funerary practices. Due to this, comparative studies with Chinese epitaph plaques and proofs of land purchase of the Six Dynasties were undertaken. Comparative studies with their counterparts of the Six Dynasties have also been carried out for the stone statue of an imaginary guardian animal, known as a jinmyosu, with a focus on formal similarities and/or ideological aspects and perceptions of the afterlife (Kwon Ohyoung 2006; Cho Yun Jae 2019a). The custom of burying proof of land purchase or a stone statue of an imaginary guardian animal is associated with the Chinese Taoist philosophy of immortal beings. Therefore, as a means of exploring the background behind the burial of such objects in the Tomb of King Muryeong, it is important to examine how well the Baekje royalty of the Ungjin period understood Chinese religion and philosophy at the time. The identification of the stone used to carve the jinmyosu statue is extremely important. The results of provenance studies established that the stone had likely been sourced from the areas of Jangsu and Namwon (Ayeong) in Jeollabuk-do Province (Park Jun Hyoung, Lee Chan Hee, and Choi Gieun 2017). This is important because this eastern region of Jeollabuk-do Province during the reign of King Muryeong was where fierce struggles with Gaya happened, with a Baekje victory resulting in the consolidation of the lands as part of Baekje territory. The fact that stone from the eastern region of Jeollabuk-do Province, of all places, was used for the stone epitaph plaques and the proof of land purchase also presents an interesting contrast to the fact that, when a Silla stele was erected on the summit of Bukhansan Mountain in what is now present-day Seoul during the reign of Silla’s King Jinheung (眞興王, r. 540–576), the stone for the stele was quarried and transported from Gyeongju, the Silla capital located far away. 8. Headrests and Footrests The King and Queen were laid to rest supported by wooden headrests and footrests. Although the two are similar in shape, their colors and decorative patterns differ. Research has been carried out on the types of decorative patterns rendered onto the headrests and footrests, as well as their symbolic meanings (Lee Hansang 2010; Park Seoyoung 2016). The species of the wood used to make the coffin for the King and Queen has also been the subject of intense study (e.g., Park Sangjin 1991; Hideo Yoshii 2001); in recent times, it has come to be generally accepted that the wood came from the Japanese Umbrella Pine (Koyamaki) that only grows in Japan. As it has come to be revealed that not only the coffins from the Tomb of King Muryeong, but also those from Donghachong Tomb in Buyeo and Ssangryeung in Iksan were made of wood from Japanese Umbrella Pine, it now appears likely that this type of pinewood, which was imported from Japan, was highly favored for the wooden coffins of Baekje royalty in the Ungjin and Sabi periods. As such, the precise source of the wood of Japanese Umbrella Pine, the process through which it came to be imported to Baekje, and why Baekje royalty appear to have favored Japanese Umbrella Pine so highly are issues for future research. Fig. 2. Image of a bird-like human playing with a dragon from a brick chamber tomb of the Southern Dynasties period expressing the notion that the souls of the deceased ascend to the world of the Taoist Gods in the afterlife Funerary Rituals and Beliefs in the Afterlife The significance of the discovery of the Tomb of King Muryeong lies not only in its material elements, such as tomb structure and artifacts, but also in the information that it provides on the funerary rites of the time. In particular, the actual practice of the “three-year mourning period,” previously identified only through literary records, could be ascertained from the text of the epitaph plaques which state that the deceased were laid to rest at a separate location for 27–28 months prior to finally being laid to rest in the present royal tomb. Detailed studies on the temporary resting place of the King and Queen were made possible following the excavation of the Jeongjisan Mountain site in Gongju in 1996. The discovery of this temporary burial site opened the doors for the study of such temporary burials and associated funerary rituals which heretofore had not been possible for Korean pre-modern historians and archaeologists. Through analyzing the contents of the epitaph plaques and proof of the land purchase, it was possible to shed light on the burial process. It has been suggested that the jinmyosu statue, in addition to guarding the tomb, also played a role in guiding the deceased souls in their ascension to the world of the Taoist Gods (Cho Yun Jae 2019a). Comparative studies with epitaph plaques and proof of the land purchase from the Tomb of King Muryeong with their Chinese (Zhu Min and Tai Hui-ting 2014) or Japanese (Inada Natsuko 2018) counterparts have also taken place. It has also been proposed that, of the artifacts recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong, the animal-shaped jet ornaments worn by the King functioned as an amulet to ward off evil spirits and therefore may also be regarded, as with the jinmyosu statue, as a remnant of the belief in the deceased ascending to the world of the Taoist Gods (Kwon Ohyoung 2002). The belief in the afterlife held by Baekje royalty is a topic that requires future research. Comparative studies with the beliefs of the Six Dynasties of China, as well as Goguryeo, Silla, and Gaya, must be undertaken. If the fact that the Baekje culture of the Ungjin and Sabi periods heavily influenced the Asuka (飛鳥) Culture of Japan is taken into consideration, it also becomes clear that the influence of Baekje’s notions regarding the afterlife on ancient Japanese culture should also be examined. Future Research Prospects Research on the history of cultural exchange and interactions in East Asia has expanded as a result of studies undertaken on the Tomb of King Muryeong. It is expected that in the future, the role of conservation scientists will overshadow that of historians, archaeologists, and art historians in furthering this research. This is due to the emergence of new research methodologies. The work of conservation scientists in analyzing the production technology of artifacts and in identifying their provenance has been extremely important. An exemplary case in point would be the detailed analysis of the ring-shaped pommel-end decorated with a dragon decoration which proved that the artifact had been manufactured by Baekje craftspeople rather than having been produced in the Southern Dynasties of China, as had previously been believed. The work of conservation scientists is expected to increase in significance following further scientific and technological developments. This leads to the point that historians, archaeologists, and art historians must now consider in earnest what their role is to be in the future. It may be suggested that they should explore the possibilities of interdisciplinary research with conservation science—armed as the latter is with scientific equipment and technologies that allow various avenues of analytical research—by sharing research themes and questions, thereby amplifying research outcomes. Rather than offering interpretations that consist of mere speculations that cannot be proven, researchers may be better off sharing research questions and working together along with conservation scientists to produce synergistic research results. Another strategy is to develop a comparative historical or comparative archaeological strategy. Going beyond the current state of research, which has focused mainly on comparisons with the tombs and objects of China’s Southern Dynasties and the identification of influences, future studies must also consider the background that facilitated the adoption of Chinese cultural influences and the meanings that emerged from these influences. As an example, a key research topic that comes to mind is to trace the transition of the funerary architecture at the Baekje center during the Ungjin period (i.e., the transition of tombs from the early to late phase of the Ungjin period, the demise of Songsan-ri style stone burial chambers, the experimental use of brick chamber tombs with vaulted ceilings, and the emergence of Neungsan-ri style stone burial chambers of the Sabi period). Given the fact that various burial styles have been recognized for the Hanseong period, a brick chamber tomb has been identified at Gyochon-ri in Gongju, and numerous stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances have been discovered in the area around Buyeo, it is worth considering the position of the Tomb of King Muryeong within the long-term trajectory of Baekje tomb architecture, spanning from the Hanseong to Ungjin to Sabi period. Although it cannot be denied that the construction of the Tomb of King Muryeong took place against the background of influence from the brick chamber tombs of China’s Southern Dynasties, research should not stop at this point. Studies should expand to discuss the issue of the emergence of stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances in the Gaya region, such as the case of the Goa-dong mural tomb in Goryeong. The avenues by which the stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances came to be adopted in Gaya are diverse, and the structure of the tombs as well as the time period of their emergence, are also varied. In this context, it is, therefore, worthwhile to note that it is in Goryeong where the burial structures that are most similar to the Tomb of King Muryeong and other Ungjin period tombs have been found. Since Baekje artifacts of the Ungjin period have consistently been observed at Haman, Hapcheon, Jinju, and other Gaya sites, a broad research perspective that considers both Baekje and Gaya is required. In considering the relationship between Baekje and Goguryeo, it has been proposed (Lee Song-ran 2019) that a connection can be drawn between the flame motif decorating the king’s crown ornaments and that of Goguryeo tomb murals. Recently, some of the roof tiles found in Gongju, near a site where it is believed that Daetongsa Temple once stood, were identified as featuring formal and technological characteristics similar to those of Goguryeo roof tiles. Numerous roof tiles and pottery with Goguryeo elements from the Sabi period have been discovered at Buyeo, where the Baekje royal fortress was located. This indicates that Baekje culture in the Ungjin and Sabi periods was also influenced by Goguryeo. The mural from Songsan-ri Tomb No. 6, featuring images of the Four Guardians (四神圖, Green Dragon, White Tiger, Red Phoenix, and Black Snake and Tortoise), should also be compared against similar compositions of Goguryeo and the Southern Dynasties, as well as those discovered in the mural tombs of Japan’s Asuka period. Through this, it may become possible to trace the spread of notions of fengshui (風水) and the ideology of the Four Guardians which originated in China. Another issue that needs to be addressed is the fact that ornaments in the central Baekje style of the Ungjin period have been discovered in the tombs of the local leaders of the Yeongsangang River, such as Sindeok Tomb in Hampyeong and Naedong-ri Tomb in Naju. The fact that Chinese porcelain and coin impressed celadon have been discovered in the Shindeok Tomb, the square platform-shaped tomb at Geumsan-ri, and in the Yongdu-ri Tomb in Haenam must also be considered. The bestowment of a prestige goods set consisting of personal ornaments made of precious metals and Chinese porcelain and celadon to the local heads has long been regarded as a strategy of regional control used only by the Baekje center in the Hanseong period. These tombs have now revealed that similar practices took place into the Ungjin period, partially during the reign of King Muryeong. One element that is lacking in studying the Tomb of King Muryeong from the perspective of interaction at the international level is an understanding of the relationship with Japan. The site that is most frequently discussed in association with the artifacts from the tomb is the Takaidayama (高井田山) Kofun (Kashiwara Education Committee 1996). In this tomb, two individuals, believed to have been husband and wife, were placed side by side in separated coffins. The burial chamber, featuring a (modified) barrel vault-shaped ceiling, was built with tile-like flat stone slabs. Artifacts recovered from the tomb include a bronze long-handled iron and gold foil glass beads. It has also been noted that Asukabe (飛鳥戶) Shrine, which is said to have associations with Gonji (昆支), a prince of the Baekje royal family, is located nearby; the site of Oagata (大縣), also located in Osaka, has yielded evidence of Baekje cooking vessels and Baekje iron production. However, as Takaidayama Kofun has been attributed to an earlier date than the Tomb of King Muryeong, there is confusion over how to date the bronze longhandled iron which is almost identical in shape to its counterpart from the Tomb of King Muryeong. This, of course, does not present a problem for those scholars who have proposed that the current chronological framework of Japanese sueki (須惠器) ware is misleading by approximately 60 years (i.e., that 60 years should be added onto the presently accepted dates). However, for those who adhere to the current chronological framework, this time discrepancy between the burial structure and its grave goods is an issue that needs to be addressed. The bronze mirrors from the Tomb of King Muryeong also require further examination. Research on the bronze mirrors of the Three Kingdoms period is severely lacking, and therefore possibly reflecting this situation, Korean scholars have not been able to play a significant role in studies on the bronze mirrors from the Tomb of King Muryeong. There have been no recent developments on the study of the bronze mirror from Suda Hachiman (隅田八幡) Shrine in Hashimoto (橋本) City, Wakayama (和歌山) Prefecture (So Jincheol 2004), which features an inscription suggestive of links with Baekje along with images of people. The author has shared his opinions several times on the rise of the Keitai (繼體) Dynasty and associated archaeological sites and artifacts, but this is not sufficient. Fig. 3. Replica of the bronze mirror featuring images of people. Currently in the collection of Suda Hachiman (隅田八幡) Shrine, in Hashimoto (橋本) City, Wakayama (和歌山) Prefecture, Japan The time around the construction of the Tomb of King Muryeong was when the Japanese Archipelago, previously divided into multiple polities, was unified by the Keitai Dynasty, and is also around the time when keyhole-shaped tombs came to be constructed in the southwestern region of the Korean Peninsula. It has been confirmed that Baekje immigrants played a role in establishing the Keitai Dynasty, and that the Keitai Dynasty maintained a pro-Baekje stance in its diplomatic policies towards the Korean Peninsula. As such, it becomes clear that, through studies on the Tomb of King Muryeong, a deeper understanding of the relationship between Baekje and Japan should be achieved. It has long been suggested that the glass beads and some of the other ornaments from the Tomb of King Muryeong had links with India or Southeast Asia, and the plausibility of such claims has increased with recent studies (Kwon Ohyoung 2019b). The flower vase motif of the queen’s crown ornaments (Kwon Ohyoung 2014a) and the Makara motif of the headrests (Shao Lei 2007) also need attention for having possible links to India or Southeast Asia. Remaining Comments The Tomb of King Muryeong can also provide new insights into Baekje’s relationship with its regional communities, the remaining Mahan groups, and the communities of the eastern Honam region and the western Gyeongnam region. At present, there appears to be a tendency to over-emphasize the independent identity of the remaining Mahan groups or to regard Mahan and Baekje as being equals or rivals, resulting in a distorted picture of the relationship between the Baekje center and the groups of the Yeongsangang River region during the reign of King Muryeong. In-depth research into the Songjae-ri Burial Ground, which was recently excavated, may help to rectify this problematic perspective (NNRICH 2020a; 2020b). The topics of the construction of fortresses in the eastern Honam region and the Seomjingang River region—particularly the time period of their construction, the group responsible for their construction, and the reason for their construction—are all issues that cannot be properly addressed without considering the period of King Muryeong’s reign. It may appear at present that the Tomb of King Muryeong is irrelevant to the construction of these tombs, but it is possible that this may change in the future. Provenance analysis of the stone material of the jinmyosu and the epitaph plaques has revealed that it came from Jangsu or the locale of Ayeong in Namwon, both located in Jeollabuk-do Province (Park Jun Hyoung et al. 2017). It has also been pointed out that the bracelets, jet ornaments, glass beads, silver beads from Durak-ri Tomb No. 5 in Namwon bear similarities to those found in the Tomb of King Muryeong (Kim Nakjung 2018). Gilded metal shoes believed to be of the Baekje tradition and a Chinese bronze mirror were also discovered at the Durak-ri site. This region in the early sixth century CE was a stage where the intertwining interests of various groups, including Baekje, Dae Gaya, So Gaya, and Silla, were played out. In this sense, there are similarities with the political situation of the Yeongsangang River region during the same time period. Taking this into consideration, it thus becomes meaningful to consider why, of all places, the stone for the jinmyosu and the epitaph plaques came from Jangsu/Ayeong. Indeed, this may act as a starting point for considering the degree of interest that the Baekje center in the Ungjin period had in the eastern part of Jeollabuk-do Province, and indeed the Eastern Honam region. It is hoped that new research perspectives can be obtained by integrating these scientific research results with interdisciplinary studies involving archaeology and ancient history. In order to gain a better understanding of the Tomb of King Muryeong, a diachronic study of the tombs and funerary rites of the Baekje elite, spanning throughout the Hanseong–Ungjin–Sabi periods (BNM 2019) is needed, as is an examination of the nature of influences for each period. For example, the relationship with Chinese brick chamber tombs, the way in which the architectural structure and funerary practices, as well as the artifacts, of the Tomb of King Muryeong spread to Silla, Gaya, and Wa (Japan), and commonalities and differences between the tombs of the Baekje center and local areas are topics worth exploring in the future. In particular, following the re-investigation of the Gyochon-ri brick chamber tomb at Gongju, it can be said that an examination of the relationship between this tomb, Songsan-ri Tomb No. 6, and the Tomb of King Muryeong is now required. The development of new research methodologies is also required. For example, research on Baekje’s relationship with the Southern Dynasties until now has mainly focused on the tombs and objects of the Six Dynasties period that had a direct influence in the Tomb of King Muryeong. Research on the relationship between Baekje and the Japanese Yamato government has also mainly been explored through studies on objects, such as the ring pommel sword, gilded metal shoes, bronze long-handled irons and mirrors, gold foil glass beads, and bronze vessels such as the silver cup with bronze stand. However, this is not sufficient. Research on the Tomb of King Muryeong should expand even further to address issues such as the process through which the funerary custom of burying husband and wife together, clearly identified at this tomb (in particular, the way in which the coffins were placed side by side) was transmitted to Japan (Fig. 4), the issue of temporary burials and the “three-year mourning period” that has come to be discussed in association with the Jeongjisan Mountain site, and the notion that the souls of the deceased ascended to the world of the Taoist Gods. In other words, research should not be limited to the study of the tomb and its artifacts, but also explore intangible subjects associated with the Tomb of King Muryeong. For this, a deep understanding of the tombs and the funerary practices of Northeast Asia is urgently required. Fig. 4. Burial features indicating how the deceased were laid to rest side by side at the Takaidayama Kofun, Osaka, Japan

Baekje’s Relocation to Ungjin In the ninth month of 475 CE, King Jangsu (長壽王, r. 413–491) of Goguryeo attacked Hanseong (漢城), Baekje’s capital, with an army of 30,000. Closing the fortress gates, Baekje’s King Gaero (蓋鹵王, r. 455–475) resisted valiantly but could not withstand Goguryeo’s well-synchronized attack from all four sides. With the fortress gates on fire and completely surrounded by Goguryeo forces, the North Fortress (北城) fell first, followed by the South Fortress (南城), and King Gaero was eventually caught and beheaded. Having developed into a state based in the Northeast region of what is now present-day China, Goguryeo actively pursued strategies for southern expansion, such as the relocation of its capital from Gungnaeseong to Pyeongyang in 427. This expansion was met by fierce resistance from Baekje. In 371, the Baekje army defeated Goguryeo forces at Pyeongyangseong Fortress, and King Gogukwon (故國原王, r. 331–371) of Goguryeo was killed in the battle. This paved the groundwork for Baekje’s growth into the most powerful kingdom of the peninsula at the time. But starting from the fifth century, it was locked in a stalemate for hegemony with Goguryeo that had become more powerful. King Gaero attempted to put pressure on Goguryeo by maintaining close links with the Northern Wei (北魏) of China. To counteract this, Goguryeo carefully made plans and preparations for Baekje’s absolute defeat and marched southwards. The might of Baekje’s army at the time was not enough to defend against the attacking Goguryeo forces that, by then, had become the most powerful in Northeast Asia. Upon Goguryeo’s attack, King Gaero’s son, Munju (文周), quickly went to Silla to request reinforcements. However, by the time he returned with an army of ten thousand, the fortresses had fallen, and King Gaero had been killed. The newly crowned King Munju (文周王, r. 475–477) decided to leave Hanseong, which was in ruins, and relocate the Baekje capital to Ungjin (熊津), in present-day Gongju City, Chungcheongnam-do Province. Located along the banks of the Geumgang River, the geographic environment of Ungjin was more favorable for defending against Goguryeo’s attacks. Ungjin remained Baekje’s administrative and cultural center for 63 years until 638, when the capital was relocated once more, this time to Sabi (泗沘), in present-day Buyeo County, Chungcheongnam-do Province. King Munju attempted to overhaul the state system, but royal authority could not be easily recovered after it had become diminished due to the loss of control over the Hangang River region, which has been the kingdom’s center for approximately 500 years. In addition, the power base of the central and local noblemen and the powerful offcials (權臣) had increased to the extent that it became difficult to maintain control over them. King Munju and King Samgeun (三斤王, r. 477–479) died or were killed very soon into their reigns. King Dongseong (東城王, r. 479–501), who next ascended to the throne, made many efforts to strengthen royal authority but was eventually murdered by powerful offcials. King Dongseong’s heir and the fourth Baekje ruler of the Ungjin period was King Muryeong (武寧王, r. 501–523). It was during King Muryeong’s reign that Baekje royal authority was stabilized once more, and the kingdom was able to recover its status on the international stage. Having subdued the revolt by Baek Ga (苩加) who had murdered King Dongseong, King Muryeong reorganized Baekje’s system of local rule so that it could be controlled through centralized management. Baekje established close relations with the Liang (梁) of China and the Wa (倭) of Japan in order to fend off attacks from Goguryeo and the Mohe tribes. The state’s coffers were used for the benefit of the populace and to build embankments so that displaced communities could settle down and farm the land. Such strategies helped build up favorable public opinion and bring stability to the kingdom. The period spanning from the reign of King Muryeong to that of his successor, King Seong (聖王, r. 523–554), is regarded as the era of Baekje’s efflorescence. In 538 (sixteenth year of King Seong’s reign), the capital was relocated once again, from the narrow confines of Ungjin to Sabi (Buyeo) with its wide plains, thereby establishing the foundations for a grand vision of state management. Upon relocating the capital to Sabi, King Seong reorganized the system of administrative control for both Baekje’s center and its local areas, thereby establishing a political governance system centered around royal authority. Continuous efforts were made to reclaim the lands previously lost to Goguryeo and to expand the state’s power to the north and the south. In the process of pushing back Goguryeo forces to the north and reclaiming the Hangang River region, King Seong was killed by Silla forces that had launched a surprise attack at the Battle of Gwansanseong Fortress. As a result of this, Baekje’s relationship with Silla became antagonistic. Fierce battles with Silla took place, particularly during the reigns of King Mu (武王, r. 600–641) and King Uija (義慈王 r. 641–660), and Baekje established an alliance with Goguryeo in order to put pressure on Silla. Feeling threatened, Silla came to establish an alliance with Tang China, and in the seventh month of 660, Silla–Tang allied forces attacked Baekje. When the final line of defense fell, King Uija fled with the Crown Prince to Ungjinseong (Gongju). However, following the besiegement of the Ungjinseong Fortress, King Uija and several governors of the Baekje fortress surrendered. This brought an end to the 678 years-long history of Baekje, spanning the reign of thirty-one rulers. Upon Silla’s unification of the Three Kingdoms, Ungjinseong (Gongju) was restructured into the administrative district of “Ungcheon-ju” (熊川州). It was following the reorganization of place names that took place in 940 (twenty-third year of King Taejo’s reign) in the newly established Goryeo Dynasty that the name Gongju (公州) came to be used instead, continuing into the present day. In 1603 (thirty-sixth year of King Seonjo’s reign in the Joseon Dynasty), after the Imjin War (1592–1598), the Provincial Office of Chungcheong Province was relocated from Cheongju to Gongju, where it continued to function as the political, administrative, and cultural center of the Joseon Dynasty’s Chungcheong Province until the modern period. Gongju retained its high status into the period of Japanese Occupation, functioning as an important administrative locale where the Provincial Office of Chungcheongnam-do Province was located. However, with the relocation of the Provincial Office to Daejeon in 1932, the area lost its importance as an administrative center and declined into a provincial city. By the early twentieth century, almost all of the evidence of Baekje’s royal fortress walls, palaces, and temples—which were a testament to its past glory—ceased to exist, with only faint traces remaining. Baekje’s presence in the area could only be ascertained from the mounds scattered throughout Songsan-ri, said to have been the Baekje royal tombs and a museum run by a private organization. Investigation of the Songsan-ri Burial Ground The Songsan-ri Burial Ground, located approximately one kilometer northwest of Gongju’s city center, was remembered even during the Joseon Dynasty as the resting place of Baekje’s royalty. The mounded tombs can be found distributed throughout Songsan (松山) Mountain, which has an altitude of 130 meters above sea level. The tombs are situated along the southern slope of a ridge that extends in a north-south direction; one cluster is located in the middle section of the ridge and the other on the southern slope. Traces of no longer extant tombs have also been identified in the vicinity of these tombs. The earliest research investigation of the Songsan-ri Burial Ground was conducted by the Museum of the Joseon Government-General in 1927. Five mounded tombs situated in a row along the middle section of the ridge were investigated. As they had previously been subjected to grave robbing several times, few remaining artifacts were recovered. However, it was possible to establish the structure of the tombs’ architecture—they were identified as stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances featuring barrel, vault-shaped ceilings. Another five tombs were investigated between 1932 and 1933. Of these, Tomb No. 6 was identified as a brick chamber tomb (塼築墳), resulting in it receiving much attention. Tomb No. 6 had also been robbed several times, resulting in the absence of artifacts. However, it was possible to establish that the tomb had been constructed by stacking fired bricks of a standardized size, rather than the stone blocks that had been used for the other tombs. In addition, in contrast to the rectangular floorplan of the other tombs, Tomb No. 6 had a square-shaped floor and a barrel, vault-shaped ceiling. It also featured images of the Four Guardians (四神圖, Green Dragon, White Tiger, Red Phoenix, and Black Snake and Tortoise) with one on each of the four walls. Such brick chamber tombs with barrel, vault-shaped ceilings were popular in the Southern Dynasties of China, so it was judged that the building materials and tomb structure had been introduced from there. These characteristics of Tomb No. 6 are regarded as important evidence illustrating the close relationship between Baekje and China at the time. The archaeological material recovered from these investigations was housed separately in collections based in the Museum of the Government-General and the Gongju Museum. Upon liberation in 1945, the Korean government took over the management of national museums from the US Military Government in Korea (美軍政廳) and Gongju Museum first became the Gongju Branch of the National Museum of Korea before officially opening its doors as Gongju National Museum in 1946. However, the collection of Baekje artifacts recovered from sites in the Gongju region was extremely lacking, making it difficult to faithfully represent the situation of Baekje during the Ungjin period. As such, the unexpected discovery of a tomb at the Songsan-ri Burial Ground in 1971 had a great and long-lasting impact on studies of Baekje and Korean history. Fig. 1. View of the Songsan-ri Burial Ground in the early twentieth century Discovery and Investigation of Tomb of King Muryeong Maintenance Works Undertaken on the Songsan-ri Burial Ground in 1971 Until the 1970s, Tombs No. 5 and 6 of the Songsan-ri Burial Ground had been left open to the public, who were able to enter the burial chamber. However, the tomb structure experienced damage due to water seepage during the summer (particularly during the rainy season) and the damp atmosphere within the chamber. In order to solve these issues, a plan was made to add drainage facilities to the north of the burial mound of Tomb No. 6. In June of 1971, construction works began, overseen by the then Bureau of Cultural Property. On July fifth, during the process of digging up the northern section of the mound to make room for the drainage facilities, a worker digging at one end felt his shovel hit something hard. Careful excavation of the area revealed the presence of bricks that had been carefully stacked. Construction was stopped at once, and word was sent to the Bureau of Cultural Property. The uncovered brick structure was assessed to be part of a previously unknown Baekje tomb, and an excavation team comprised of members of the Bureau of Cultural Property and the National Museum of Korea was immediately formed. The first squad of the excavation team rushed down from Seoul and by the morning of July seventh was able to join the employee of the Gongju Museum who had been safeguarding the site. Upon the arrival of the rest of the excavation team, including Kim Won-yong (the Director of the National Museum of Korea at the time), who was the head of the excavation team, digging commenced once again at around four o’clock. The silent onlookers could not hold back their excitement as more and more sections of the brick structure came to be revealed. The possibility that the tomb might also be a brick chamber tomb, such as Tomb No. 6, as well as a royal tomb, was proposed. The silence was replaced with shouts of excitement as more and more soil was cleared away, and the upper edge of the tomb entrance—with the stacked bricks forming an arch—was revealed at last. Further clearing of the soil revealed the tomb entrance, closed off using stacked bricks. At the time of discovery, the area in front of the entrance had been packed with soil, and the outer side of the bricks used to close off the entrance featured a thick, hard layer of lime, making the task of digging through the layers time consuming and arduous. Eventually, the decision was made to borrow an emergency generator from the Gongju County Office. It was used to turn on the outdoor lighting and other equipment that allowed excavation to continue into the night. Around the time that the entrance structure and its surroundings were finally unearthed, raindrops began to fall from the sky that had been clear up until then. The rain soon became a torrent, quickly filling up the pit that had been dug in front of the tomb. At first, efforts were made to remove the water using buckets, but eventually the decision was made to demolish the east wall of the pit in order to drain the rainwater. The rain soon stopped, but it was impossible to continue work, so the excavation came to a halt near midnight. Excavation work commenced once again very early on the morning of July eighth. The digging of the pit in front of the tomb continued at a very slow pace because the soil was concrete-like as the layers had been stamped and lime had been added. It was around three o’clock in the afternoon when the original ground surface was reached, and the front of the tomb was completely revealed. Throughout the process of excavation, no evidence of tomb robbing was observed, which suggested a high possibility that the tomb had not been looted. Fig. 2. Songsan-ri Burial Ground and the Tomb of King Muryeong (Marking by the author) Fig. 3. The unearthed upper section of the entrance of the Tomb of King Muryeong At four o’clock, some food was prepared and used in a ritual to pray for the safe and successful excavation of the tomb. Afterwards, from a quarter past four, the bricks closing off the entrance began to be removed. Once a couple of the outermost bricks had been pulled out, the uppermost brick that had sealed off the entrance fell out. According to the witness accounts of several members of the excavation team that had been observing the removal of the entrance sealing bricks, at that moment when the uppermost brick fell out, white vapor could be seen escaping out of the hole. Fig. 4. Removal of the soil layers to reveal the entrance Discovery of the Tomb of King Muryeong The entrance sealing bricks were removed, layer by layer, and when the opened space reached eye level, it was possible to see what lay within the dark tomb. After using a flash, a horned monster-like statue could be observed standing within. As the eyes of the excavation team adjusted to the darkness, the presence of two square brick tiles laid down in front of the statue, featuring a pile of coins, bronze vessels and spoons, and lugged ceramic vessels could be seen strewn near the tomb entrance. In the darkness of the burial chamber, behind the stone animal statue, a chaotic heap of wooden planks could be seen in the distance. With one glance, it could be ascertained that this had been the deceased’s coffin which had rotted and collapsed. The wall and ceiling surfaces of the burial chamber were overgrown with roots that had grown into the crevices between the bricks, resulting in a spooky atmosphere. The excavation site soon became a place of chaos, as reporters and scholars who had heard that a new Baekje tomb had been discovered, as well as locals that had heard rumors, descended upon the site. The atmosphere and the tension at the site rose to a heightened state due to the reporters’ hopes for an exclusive and the anticipation of the locals. Even the police offcers, who had been brought in to control the premises, showed more interest in the excavation process than controlling the crowd. The process of removing the bricks continued until the remaining height of the entrance sealing bricks reached kneelevel. At that point, Kim Won-yong, Director of the National Museum of Korea, and Kim Youngbae, Director of the Gongju National Museum, entered the tomb to survey the inner space. Twenty minutes later, they reappeared, answering the torrent of questions asked by the reporters. They stated that the tomb was the final resting place of King Sama (斯麻王) of Baekje, otherwise known as the twenty-fifth king of Baekje, King Muryeong, and his Queen Consort. They said this fact was established based on the contents of the stone epitaph plaques, and they confirmed that the tomb was entirely undisturbed. Following these statements, a frenzy of excitement and shouting consumed the on-lookers, and chaos followed as researchers and reporters struggled to enter the tomb. Extra care was required in entering the tomb not only due to the artifacts and coffin fragments strewn around the burial chamber floor, but also because the dry roots that had covered the ceiling and the walls had also covered the floor, making it difficult to see what lay beneath. However, due to the adamant requests of the reporters, the excavation team had no choice but to let them in, albeit limitedly. The reporters entered through the tomb’s entrance, one by one, and took photos of the discovery. By the time the reporters had finished, the premises had calmed down, and it was possible to begin a full-fledged investigation of the burial chamber, as it had already become eight o’clock in the evening. Fig. 5. Removal of the bricks used to seal off the entrance Fig. 6. View of the tomb’s inner space Excavation of the Tomb of King Muryeong The excavation team conducted an emergency meeting to discuss the future direction of the investigation. It was eventually decided that, in order to contain the possible chaos that might arise during the investigation process, excavation of the tomb should be carried out as soon as possible. Records were made by taking photos and making drawings of, first of all, the artifacts found near the tomb entrance and corridor, and the remains of the wooden coffins spread out in the burial chamber. It was near ten o’clock at night when the drawings of the wooden coffin remains and the artifacts found on the tomb floor were finally completed. However, the excavation of the tomb continued around the clock as, at the time, there seemed to be no other option. Upon completion of the drawings, the Chinese celadon wares, bronze bowls, bronze spoons, stone guardian animal statue, and the stone epitaph plaques found along the tomb corridor were the first artifacts to be taken out of the tomb. After the corridor had been cleared, the wooden coffin remains were wrapped up in a cotton cloth and taken directly to the Gongju National Museum. The removal of the wooden coffin remains revealed the presence of additional artifacts, and work began on the photographic recording and illustration of the artifacts in situ, as well as their removal. The excavation team was divided into two groups. Each group worked in tandem, recording and removing the artifacts where the King and Queen had respectively been laid to rest. The unearthed artifacts were taken out of the tomb one by one, where additional recording and cataloguing took place. The rushed nature of the excavation meant that the illustrations were only made of the artifacts that could easily be seen. As a result, many of the not easily noticeable artifacts were inevitably overlooked and not recorded in situ through illustration. The removal of the artifacts had begun at midnight, and as it neared dawn, the excavation process sped up. After the larger artifacts had been recovered, the rest of the artifacts on the floor, along with the plant roots, were shoveled into sacks and taken out. This occurred around eight o’clock in the morning on July ninth, which meant that the excavation of the internal space of the burial chamber had finished within twelve hours. Fig. 7. Members of the excavation team interpreting the text of the stone epitaph plaques Fig. 8. The area of the tomb’s entrance surrounded by reporters Had this been a properly organized excavation, a large-scale excavation team—consisting of various specialists—would have undertaken investigations of the internal space of the burial chamber over a period of several months. However, the excavation of the Tomb of King Muryeong, the most monumental example of funerary architecture not only in Baekje history, but also in Korean archaeology—and Korean history—was carried out over a single day due to the above-mentioned circumstances. All the artifacts recovered from the tomb were sent to the National Museum of Korea on July fourteenth, one week after the excavation. This was met with fierce opposition from the residents of Gongju, and it was only after the promise was made that a new museum building would be constructed in order to house the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong that the artifacts were allowed to be taken out of Gongju. It is said that those people who had been involved in the excavation of the Tomb of King Muryeong later experienced large and small unfortunate incidents, such as automobile accidents, building collapse, bankruptcy, and the illnesses of family members requiring surgeries. Such continued bad fortune thus led some to believe that this was because the descendants had bothered the eternal sleep of the King. This demonstrates how those involved in the excavation were subjected to a lot of pressure, and how sacredly regarded the Tomb of King Muryeong was. In 1973, the new wing of the Gongju National Museum, located opposite to where the Gongju Museum stood, was opened. This new building housed the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong, which had been returned from the National Museum of Korea in Seoul after the excavation report had been published and conservation treatments had taken place. The newly opened museum became established as an institution specializing in the Tomb of King Muryeong, mainly exhibiting artifacts from the tomb. However, after around thirty years, the facilities became worn down, and the gradual increase of other excavated sites in Chungcheongnam-do Province resulted in a lack of space for exhibition and storage. A new building, four times the size of the previous museum building, was built and opened in May of 2004. The newly built Gongju National Museum exhibited not only the main artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong, but also artifacts that shed light on the ancient culture and Baekje culture (focusing on the Ungjin period) of the Chungcheongnam-do Province. Fig. 9. Removal of the wooden coffin planks Fig. 10. Making illustrations of the unearthed artifacts Fig. 11. An epitaph plaque of King Muryeong Research on the Tomb of King Muryeong The King that Paved the Foundations for Baekje’s Renaissance According to the text found on the stone epitaph plaques from the Tomb of King Muryeong, the King had passed away in 523, at the age of sixty-two. From this, it can be inferred that King Muryeong had been born in 461 or 462, in the seventh or eighth year of King Gaero’s reign. Records concerning the birth of King Muryeong can be found in the Samguk sagi (三國史記) and the Nihon shoki (日本書紀). It is recorded in the Samguk sagi that King Muryeong was “the second son of King Dongseong.” The Nihon shoki quotes the Baekje shinchan (百濟新撰), believed to be a Baekje historical text no longer extant, to say, “King Muryeong’s true name (諱) is King Sama (斯麻王) and he was the son of Prince Gonji (昆支王子) and the elder brother of King Dongseong, born from a different mother.” In this way, the accounts of King Muryeong’s genealogy and the context of his ascension to the Baekje throne presented in the two historical texts differ. In referring to King Muryeong, the name “Sama” (斯麻) appears on the stone epitaph plaques, and the names “Sama” (斯摩) and “Yeoyung” (餘隆) are both used in the Samguk sagi. Although different Chinese characters are used in the stone epitaph plaques and the Samguk sagi, the name “Sama” refers to the same individual; it it is, therefore, clear that “Sama” was the name that had been used during King Muryeong’s lifetime. The name “Yeoyung” is likely to be a compound word of ”yeo” (餘), an abbreviation of “Buyeo” (扶餘), the last name used by Baekje royalty, and “yung” (隆), a special title that may have been used when interacting with China. Fig. 12. The entrance of the Tomb of King Muryeong At the point in time when King Muryeong ascended to the throne, Baekje was experiencing a period of continued chaos, following the relocation of the capital to Gongju due to Goguryeo’s attacks. The Baekje kings that were crowned after the capital’s relocation were continuously assassinated by the Baekje aristocrats, and the frequent power struggles with the aristocratic class had threatened royal authority. Upon inheriting the Baekje throne, King Muryeong quashed the rebellion of the aristocrats and brought the chaos to an end. In order to weaken the power of the aristocrats, the King dispatched them to regional areas as local governors and reclaimed royal authority. He opened the storage houses to provide for the populace and built embankments to provide new farmland so that the displaced people could settle down once again and become farmers. This way, he gained the support of the general population. Moreover, he successfully fended off Goguryeo attacks and stabilized the state’s boundaries, even managing to restart attacks against Goguryeo. As a result of these efforts, King Muryeong was able to proclaim in an official document sent in 516 to the Kingdom of Liang (梁) in China that Baekje had “overcome the difficulties brought about by Goguryeo and had become a strong state once again.” In addition, the cultural resurgence was achieved through close exchanges with China, thereby laying down the foundations for Baekje’s cultural revival. King Muryeong was the only long-lived king of Baekje’s Ungjin period, ruling for twenty-two years before passing away in 523, at the age of sixty-two. The heir to his throne was King Seong, who is regarded as the greatest ruler of late Baekje. Fig. 13. Burial chamber of the Tomb of King Muryeong (south wall) Research on the Results of the Investigation of the Tomb of King Muryeong Research on the Tomb of King Muryeong began with the discovery and excavation of the tomb in 1971 and the subsequent formation of a large-scale investigation group for the writing and publishing of the excavation report. The excavation report on the Tomb of King Muryeong was published in 1973, two years after the excavation took place. The report featured sections on the site location, the context of the discovery, the process of excavation, the outer and inner structure of the tomb, and the grave items (divided into personal ornaments, ritual equipment, and other grave goods). In addition, there were sections about the interpretation of the stone epitaph plaques, King Muryeong’s position in Baekje history, the relationship between Baekje and the Chinese mainland during the Ungjin period, Baekje society and culture, the structure of Baekje’s tombs, and the results of the scientific preservation undertaken on the excavated artifacts, all of which contributed to establishing the significance of the discovery of the Tomb of King Muryeong. Fig. 14. Burial chamber of the Tomb of King Muryeong (north wall) Although the excavation report on the Tomb of King Muryeong features the basic structure and contents expected of such a report, it was found to be lacking in terms of length or the quality of the contents. In particular, even taking into account the problems related to the excavation process, it cannot be denied that descriptions of the grave items are extremely brief, with only a few important examples of the approximately 5,200 artifacts recovered from the tomb having been presented in the report, and in some cases, the photographs and illustrations do not match, resulting in a lack of credibility. Nevertheless, the investigation of the Tomb of King Muryeong and the subsequent publication of the excavation report can be considered to have played a crucial role in bringing about an explosion of interest in Baekje history and Baekje culture. Fig. 15. Lamp niche of the Tomb of King Muryeong 1. The Tomb and Funerary Rites The tomb of King Muryeong is a brick chamber tomb that was constructed in exact imitation of the tombs used by the ruling class of Liang (梁), one of the Southern Dynasties of China. Bricks featuring lotus flower motifs and checked patterns that had been carefully fired were stacked to form the tomb structure, which was subsequently covered with a protective earthen mound. The tomb ceiling was barrel vault shaped, and the burial chamber had a narrow corridor leading out from one wall. These structural characteristics of the Tomb of King Muryeong are frequently compared to those of the tombs of the Southern Dynasties. Right after the tomb’s discovery, the overall research trend was to focus on the elements characteristic of Baekje (i.e., elements not seen in the tombs of the Southern Dynasties) that could be observed in the tomb architecture in order to present the distinctively Baekje nature of the Tomb of King Muryeong. Later on, researchers began to explore how the structure of the Tomb of King Muryeong fit into the overall scheme of Southern Dynasties tomb architecture typology. Based on this, efforts were made to establish the position of the Baekje kings in an international context and to clarify the relationship between Baekje and the Southern Dynasties. Fig. 16. Lotus flower bricks used in the Tomb of King Muryeong According to the stone epitaph plaques from the Tomb of King Muryeong, the King and his Queen Consort were laid to rest in a “great tomb” (大墓) twenty-seven months (in other words, around three years) after their death. During the time between the death and the final burial, the deceased were laid out in a temporary burial (殯葬). The rite of the temporary burial ended when the deceased was formally transferred to the final resting place—the royal tomb—on an auspicious date that had been carefully selected. A three-year mourning period (三年喪) is regarded as a very important stage in the Chinese funeral rituals of the Confucian tradition. The fact that King Muryeong was laid to rest in a temporary burial for around three years is frequently regarded as evidence that Baekje had adopted Confucian rituals. However, it should be noted that in case of the Chinese rites, commemoration took place for three years by wearing mourning clothes after the deceased had been buried in his or her final resting place and funerary rites had been completed. In Baekje, on the other hands, it was the temporary burial that took place over three years before the final interment in the royal tomb and the associated funerary rites were carried out. These differences indicate that, as can be evidenced by the case of the Tomb of King Muryeong, Baekje actively adjusted the Confucian funerary and burial rites that had been adopted from China to fit their own needs. With the investigation of the Jeongjisan Mountain site in Gongju in 1996, which is believed to have been the place of temporary burial for King Muryeong and his Queen Consort, research on the burial and funerary rituals of the Baekje’s ruling elite in the Ungjin period experienced a new period of resurgence. The Jeongjisan Mountain site, located on a protrusion overlooking the Geumgang River at the northern end of the hill where the Tomb of King Muryeong also stands, was believed to be a special site (most likely a ritual site) from the earliest stages of excavation. This was due to the presence of numerous ritual-related artifacts, as well as the site structure and the distinctive layout of the buildings, in addition to its situation within the landscape. The findings of the excavation made it possible to suggest that the site may have been the location of the temporary burial of the King and Queen Consort mentioned in the stone epitaph plaques. These findings paved the way for interesting discussions on the reinterpretation of the stone epitaph plaque text, the likelihood that the temporary burial may have taken place elsewhere, and the possibility that a ritual altar might have existed within the Songsan-ri Burial Ground. Fig. 17. Altar and vessels used in rituals placed within the burial chamber 2. Excavated Artifacts The statue of an imaginary guardian animal was placed in the corridor leading to the burial chamber, and the stone epitaph plaques that contained information on the identity of the deceased were placed in front of it. Scattered in front of the stone epitaph plaques were bronze vessels that appear to have been used during the rites that took place prior to the closing off of the tomb entrance. The use of the imaginary guardian animal (known as jinmyosu) stone statue to protect the tomb and to guide the soul of the deceased to the land of the Gods derives from the Taoist worldview. The stone epitaph plaques also mention that the land whereupon the royal tomb was constructed had been purchased from the Land God, and Chinese iron wushu coins (五銖錢) were placed upon the plaques. This indicates that the stone epitaph plaques also functioned as the proof of land purchase. Due to the presence of the stone epitaph plaques, the Tomb of King Muryeong is the only tomb out of all of the Three Kingdoms period royal tombs identified thus far in which it is possible to establish the identity of the deceased. This makes the tomb a valuable resource for both archaeology and ancient history. In addition, since it is possible to establish the absolute dates for some of the excavated artifacts, the Tomb of King Muryeong has become an important chronological standard for research of the Three Kingdoms period. The collapsed remains of the respective coffins of the King and Queen were found in the burial chamber, and beneath the coffin remains were the personal ornaments that had adorned the bodies of the deceased King and Queen. Fig. 18. Silver cup with bronze stand Fig. 19. Gold crown ornaments of King Muryeong Fig. 20. Gold crown ornaments of the Queen Consort Fig. 21. Reconstruction of the King’s wooden coffin Fig. 22. Reconstruction of the Queen’s wooden coffin Approximately 5,200 artifacts, representing 108 types of objects, were recovered from the Tomb of King Muryeong. Amongst them were exquisite personal ornaments that symbolized the authority of the King and Queen, as well as grave articles that were intended to ward off evil spirits. Examples of the former include gold crown ornaments, earrings, necklaces, gilded metal shoes, belt ornaments, bracelets with characters inscribed, jade objects, glass beads, and a sword with a dragon and phoenix decorated ring pommel. The bronze mirrors, black jade decorations, and glass child statues are believed to be examples of the latter. Of the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong, seventeen were of such high quality that they were designated as National Treasures. In particular, the silver cup with bronze stand (銅托銀盞)—made for royal use—and other examples of fine metalware illustrate the exquisite nature of the production techniques of the time. This high-standard technology and the unique expressions of form demonstrate the true nature of the Baekje aesthetic that was distinct from that of the contemporaneous kingdoms of Goguryeo and Silla. In addition to the above, the bronze vessels that were likely used as ritual vessels, the spoons, the chopsticks, and the headrests and footrests recovered from the tomb provide valuable information that can be used to ascertain the nature of everyday life in Baekje. Other excavated artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong have been used as important study materials in various research fields, such as Baekje crafts technology, crafts communities, units of measurement, laws and regulations, calendrical knowledge, ideology, names, and posthumous names. In addition, recent developments in conservation made detailed investigation (even of the internal structure) of the artifacts possible using microscopes, infrared photography, CT-scanning, and X-ray photography. This has allowed active research on the production technology, chemical composition, patterns not visible to the naked eye, and provenance of the materials of the artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong to take place. 3. International Character The international character of the architecture of the Tomb of King Muryeong and its artifacts was acknowledged soon after the tomb’s excavation and became a subject of keen interest. Much research has been carried out on associations with Silla and Gaya, within the Korean Peninsula, as well as with China and Japan. The use of stone epitaph plaques, the proof of land purchase for the tomb, and a three-year period of mourning indicate that Confucian funerary rites from China had been adopted. The Chinese ceramic jars and bottles used during the rituals, the celadon cup used as an oil lamp, and the iron wushu coins also illustrate close links with China. The Chinese iron coins had been minted in the twelfth month of 523 and are believed to have been one of the items sent in a show of condolence from China. Research has been carried out on where the Chinese ceramics were crafted, the type of kiln in which they were fired, the time of their production, and how they went on to influence Baekje pottery production later on. The long-handled iron, spoon and chopstick sets, and bronze vessels discovered at the Tomb of King Muryeong had not been previously observed at Baekje sites and therefore were understood to be imported items. The general opinion of the silver cup with bronze stand, on the other hand, which is considered to be a masterpiece, is that it was made in Baekje. This type of bronze saucer-shaped shallow bowl and cup and stand set went on to influence Japan and Gaya, where similarly shaped examples have been found. It was revealed that the wooden coffin had been made using wood from the Japanese Umbrella Pine (金松, J. Koyamaki) that only grows in Japan’s southern region, thereby demonstrating the close relationship that existed between Baekje and Japan at the time. Other items from Japan were not identified at the Tomb of King Muryeong. The gilded metal shoes, gold crown ornaments, and metal vessels from this tomb are similar in form to many examples found in Japanese tombs; it is clear that the popular use of metal vessels in Japan was initiated by Baekje influences. Analysis has revealed that the thousands of glass beads from the Tomb of King Muryeong were mostly imported products. Research on their chemical composition indicates that they came from Southeast Asia. This has resulted in new efforts to interpret the significance of the Tomb of King Muryeong from a broader Asian perspective. The Significance of the Tomb of King Muryeong The Tomb of King Muryeong is the only example out of all of the royal tombs of the rulers of ancient Northeast Asia in which the identity of the deceased and the date of the tomb construction are known, the inner structure of the tomb has been fully investigated, and grave goods have been recovered entirely, with no disturbance by tomb robbers. Its discovery provided the impetus for heightened interest in Baekje history which, until then, had been a barren field of research. Interpretations on the tomb architecture and recovered artifacts, studies on Baekje history and culture in the era of the Tomb of King Muryeong, the ideology of the Baekje people, and the nature of the international relations at the time have all been fruitful in producing important research results. These findings have made contributions not only to Baekje history but also to our understanding of the history and culture of the kingdoms of China and Japan, as well as Silla and Gaya. Fig. 23. Present-day view of the Tomb of King Muryeong and the Songsan-ri Burial Ground It cannot be denied that the excavation process of the Tomb of King Muryeong was problematic, but certain aspects must be taken into consideration, such as the political context of the times and the limited nature of Korean archaeology’s infrastructure and personnel in the early 1970s. At the time, the number of archaeologists that had knowledge and experience with investigation and excavation of ancient tombs was very low. In addition, due to the fact that it was the first time that an excavation of that scale had taken place in South Korea, a manual providing the necessary guidelines for the organization and running of the excavation team, financial support, security measures, site preservation, and the removal and conservation of the artifacts was absent. However, the problems that arose during the process of excavation and self-critical reflection of the archaeological community that followed brought about key developments in Korean archaeology and South Korean cultural heritage policies. It was the experience of excavating the Tomb of King Muryeong that paved the way for the later systematic excavations of the Silla and Gaya royal tombs, as well as the associated conservation measures. In 2015, the Songsan-ri Burial Ground, where the Tomb of King Muryeong is located, was designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, along with other burial grounds, fortress sites, and palace sites located within the boundaries of Baekje’s old capitals in Gongju, Buyeo, and Iksan, etc. The artifacts from the Tomb of King Muryeong played a key role in the successful designation of the Baekje Historic Areas as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, an act whereby the historic importance, creativity, and cultural significance of the Baekje sites came to be acknowledged. In this way, forty-four years since its discovery, the Tomb of King Muryeong had become not only an important element of Korean heritage but also world heritage.

In July 1971, a brick tomb was discovered by chance in the Songsan-ri group of tombs in Gongju, Chungcheongnam-do Province. The stone epitaph plaque excavated from the burial chamber revealed that those interred in the tomb were King Muryeong (武寧王, r. 501–523), the twenty-fifth monarch of the Baekje Kingdom, and his Queen Consort. This discovery instigated archaeological research on the Ungjin period of Baekje. When the bricks closing the tomb entrance were removed, many items were discovered in their original state along the corridor from the entrance to the burial chamber. Most were Baekje artifacts, but a small quantity of items from the Southern Dynasties of China were also found. Most notably, luxurious items made of gold that had been worn by the King and Queen were discovered inside the wooden coffin. Since the 1990s, items similar to those excavated from the Tomb of King Muryeong have also been found in the ancient tombs of the Dae Gaya Kingdom. These artifacts included many items made in Baekje as well as items with Baekje-style features. But this aspect of exchange between the ancient kingdoms was not something that appeared for the first time in the early sixth century CE—it was a continuation of conditions existing during the latter half of Baekje’s Hanseong period. Unlike the Gaya tombs, however, the tombs of the Silla Kingdom have yielded only a small quantity of Baekje objects. This article investigates the artifacts excavated from the Tomb of King Muryeong, retrospectively linking them stylistically to the latter half of the Hanseong period in order to examine exchange between Baekje and its neighboring countries. Baekje–Silla Exchange The Baekje and Silla kingdoms shared borders, and while they did ally with each other at times, the periods of conflict between the two nations were longer than the periods of peace. Joining forces with Gaya and Wa (Japan), Baekje invaded the Silla capital of Gyeongju at one time. As for Silla, they decapitated King Seong (聖王, r. 523–554) of Baekje at the Battle of Gwansanseong Fortress. In 660 CE, Silla and Tang joined forces and conquered Baekje. Perhaps due to this flow of history, Silla items have rarely been excavated from Baekje historical sites, and Baekje items have rarely been excavated from Silla sites. Silla and Baekje maintained fairly amicable relations during the reigns of King Dongseong (東城王, r. 479–501) and King Muryeong. In the later years of the King Dongseong era, the royal houses of the two nations were united in marriage, and they continued on good terms until the reign of King Muryeong. Prior to the 520s, it was crucial for Silla to maintain friendly relations with Baekje as they had not been able to directly form diplomatic relations with the Southern Dynasties of China. According to the Liangshu (梁書, Book of Liang), “In 521, second year of the Putong era of Liang, for the first time Mojin [King Beopheung] of Silla sent envoys with the Baekje mission and offered jewels and accessories.”1 This record reflects Silla’s circumstances at the time and indicates that Baekje was the channel through which Silla received the diverse products and culture of China. Silla Elements in Artifacts from Baekje Tombs If the historical records are taken as the standard, Silla artifacts could potentially have been excavated from the Tomb of King Muryeong, but in reality, this is not the case. In contrast, a number of items made in China were discovered in the tomb. However, Silla elements can be partially detected in the earrings and the belt that were found there. What follows is an explanation of which aspects of these items can be regarded as Silla elements. 1. Earrings from the Tomb of King Muryeong (Fig. 1) These earrings consist of the main ring with two rows of pendants hanging from it: one with a heart-shaped ornament at the end and the other with a comma-shaped jade. The following examines the earrings based on the row of pendants with a heart-shaped end ornament. Fig. 1. Earrings from the Tomb of King Muryeong (bottom left photo: a trace of repair The middle ornament in this row has an unusual structure. It is composed of two cylindrical pieces joined together, top and bottom. Each cylindrical piece features three furled wing-shaped ornaments that are narrow at the top, rounded at the bottom and decorated with gold granules around the edge. A similar middle ornament can be seen in several artifacts, including the earrings from Hwango-ri Tomb No. 34 and Tomb No. 1 at 106-3 Hwangnam-dong in Gyeongju, from Seongsan-ri Tomb No. 1 in Hwawon, Daegu, and from Eta Funayama Tumulus in Kumamoto, Japan. Among them, the earrings discovered in Eta Funayama Tumulus appear to have been made in Baekje. The three pairs excavated from Gyeongju and Daegu were made in Silla during the first half of the sixth century CE. The shape of the middle ornament on the earrings from the Tomb of King Muryeong stands out from the general trend of Baekje earrings and seems to reflect the influence of Silla earrings. Earrings from the Three Kingdoms period are finished off by joining the separately made parts with gold wire or gold plate. For this reason, the metal pieces connecting the parts were also richly decorated. The connecting links on this pair of earrings from the Tomb of King Muryeong have an unusual structure. The two rings hanging from the central ring are wide and seemingly connect the middle ornament with the end ornament, but are, in fact, an ornament placed over the surface of the connecting link. This is the only pair of Baekje earrings to feature this style of connecting link, but similar examples can be seen on Silla earrings discovered in the southern coffin of Seobongchong (Auspicious Phoenix Tomb), Cheonmachong (Tomb of the Heavenly Horse), and Noseo-ri Tomb No. 138. Gaya earrings with the same kind of connecting link were found in Okjeon Tomb No. M4, Hapcheon. As the techniques used in the connecting link of the earrings from the Tomb of King Muryeong are the exception to the general stylistic and manufacturing trend of Baekje earrings, it would seem appropriate to trace the lineage of these earrings to Silla. The end ornament is composed of three pieces made of gold sheet. The largest piece in the middle is flat and heart-shaped. Attached to the front and back are circular pieces with a concave surface. A trace of repair remains on the inner side. The top of a smaller piece hanging from the connecting link had been lost, so the piece has been tied on with gold wire. The earrings from the Tomb of King Muryeong are composed of diverse parts. Essentially, they are made of hammered gold sheets, and were welded or assembled using sophisticated techniques such as gold granulation. In terms of techniques, they are similar to earrings made in the Silla and Gaya kingdoms. King Muryeong ascended the throne in 501 CE and passed away in 523 CE. After the funeral procedures and rites, he was interred in the tomb in 525 CE. Therefore, there is a possibility that the King’s earrings were also made in the first quarter of the sixth century CE. 2. King Muryeong’s Belt (Figs. 2) This belt was made entirely from metal, without the use of any leather, and is the most luxurious of all extant Baekje belts. The pendants hanging from it are decorated with tortoise, demon-face, white tiger, and red phoenix designs. Figs. 2. Belt from the Tomb of King Muryeong and its design The buckle is in the form of a mushroom on its side and the chape, connecting the buckle to the rest of the belt, is a seven-leaf-shaped ornament with a heart-shaped perforation in the center. The metal plaques making up the belt links (K. gwapan) are oval in shape with no openwork design, similar to those found on the pendants of Silla belts. Small plaques and large plaques are alternately linked together. The belt’s tip ornament is almost pentagonal in shape, and also has a heart-shaped perforation in the center. The belt pendant has a pentagonal gold-plate fitting at the top, featuring an openwork tortoise design. The rectangular plate further down features a demon-face design. The long rectangular end ornament, in the shape of a ritual plaque, is engraved with a white tiger and red phoenix design. It may be possible to associate the design on the pentagonal fitting with the image of the moon (in the form of a tortoise), and the design on the rectangular silver end ornament with the mural of the four guardian deities in Goguryeo tomb murals. If such speculation is valid, then the tortoise on the belt of King Muryeong can be seen as a representation of the moon, the tiger and phoenix as two of the four guardian deities, and the demon face as the mediator between heaven and earth. The Baekje people possibly had an awareness and understanding of these icons that were introduced from China via Goguryeo and chose to express half the icons on the pendant. Among Baekje belts made during the Hanseong and Ungjin periods, there are some with metal links decorated with an openwork dragon design or molded demon-face design, or are shaped like an inverted heart. In contrast, the links on the belts from the Sabi period are mostly shaped like an inverted heart. Therefore, the gold and silver links on the belt found in the Tomb of King Muryeong are unusual since they do not follow this general trend. That is, the links consist of big and small oval plaques hooked together; no similar example has yet been found in any neighboring country. There is merely a similarity with the Silla belt pendants of the sixth century CE, the earliest being the artifacts from Cheonmachong (Tomb of the Heavenly Horse). A notable discovery was the two silver-plate belt tip ornaments (Fig. 3) similar to those from Geumgwanchong (Gold Crown Tomb) in Gyeongju (Fig. 4) and Songsan-ri Tomb No. 4 (formerly No. 1) in Gongju, which predates the Tomb of King Muryeong. Fig. 3. Silver belt-tip ornaments from Songsan-ri Tomb No. 4 Fig. 4. Gold belt from Geumgwanchong Tomb These ornaments consist of a rectangular silver plaque with openwork fronds forming the shape of honeysuckle. At the center of the lower edge, there is a ring with a heart-shaped pendant hanging from it. In the center, the rectangular plaque has a simplified openwork three-leaf honeysuckle with a two-leaf design on either side. The design is vertically symmetrical and, apparently, was made by cutting out the design from a silver plate folded in half, which was then spread open, or by drawing the complete design onto the silver plate and cutting it out. Judging by the appearance and techniques, these ornamental plaques may be the end ornaments from a typical Silla three-leaf openwork belt; they are particularly similar to those on the belt excavated from Geumgwanchong in Gyeongju. Both exhibit the same design and techniques, and evidently, they were made in Silla. The question is, why was a Silla belt buried in the tomb of a Baekje king? Though it was possibly imported through trade, Baekje had its own system of official uniforms around that time, including the Baekje-style belts. The king could not have worn a belt from another nation while conducting the morning court assembly. Hence, it is necessary to look at the usage and owner of the belt from a slightly different perspective. That is, it may be deduced that the owner of the belt was a person from Silla. Regarding the owner of the belt, it is necessary to focus on the historical materials for the state wedding between Baekje and Silla in 493 CE. Related content found in both the Silla and Baekje sections of the Samguk sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms) states that the wedding took place when King Dongseong of Baekje made a nuptial request to King Soji (炤知王, r. 479–500) of Silla, and that the woman who came from Silla to be married was the daughter of Biji,2 an official of the first rank (伊伐飡, K. ibeolchan) or second rank (伊飡, K. ichan). Considering Silla’s society at the time, Biji may have been a member of the royal family, and his daughter may have worn Silla-style attire to maintain her identity even after the marriage brought her to Baekje. Baekje Elements in Artifacts from Silla Tombs From the fifth century CE, a series of very large tumuli were constructed in the center of Gyeongju, and a much larger number of foreign artifacts were excavated from Silla’s historical sites dating after that time. The foreign artifacts include not only items from neighboring states but also goods from the faraway western regions. They reflect the superiority of the Silla royal family, who monopolized foreign trade and controlled the provinces, as well as the rapid change in Silla’s foreign relations. However, unlike Baekje tombs, the Silla tombs yielded very few Chinese items, but rather many items either made in Goguryeo or in Goguryeo style. Among the artifacts excavated from the Silla tombs, the only items that can be considered objects from Baekje are the gilded metal shoes (飾履, K. singni) (Figs. 5-1 and 5-2) found in Singnichong (Tomb of the Shoes). The gilded metal shoes excavated from tombs of the Three Kingdoms period are items that show an aspect of the funerary customs of the time. Excessively large, structurally weak, and lavishly decorated, they cannot be considered shoes for everyday wear, which is why many regard them as ritual funerary items. The shoes excavated from Singnichong in Gyeongju are the most finely made and sumptuous pair of gilded metal shoes of the Three Kingdoms period. The shoes are composed of three thin layers of sheet copper covered with a thick layer of gold. The soles are edged with a bead design and a flame pattern band. Along the edge of the pattern band and at regular intervals inside the tortoiseshell design on the sole, there are a total of eleven lotus flowers, each with eight petals. The tortoiseshell sections are alternately filled with animal faces and twin-bird designs. These designs are symmetrically arranged and include figures with the face of a human and the body of a bird, ordinary birds, and the mythical kylin. The sides are decorated in a similar way to the soles, with a difference only in the designs inside the tortoiseshell sections, which include figures with the head of an animal and the body of a bird, ordinary birds, and the mythical kylin. Scholars are divided as to where the shoes were made. Some argue that they show the influence of Southern Qi, the second of the Southern Dynasties of China, while others believe they were made in Silla. Based on the techniques used to make them, they have the features of Baekje ritual implements. Similar Baekje gilded metal shoes were discovered in Stone Chamber No. 4 of Bongdeok-ri Tomb No. 1 in Gochang (Figs. 5-3 and 5-4); Stone Chamber No. 1 of Jeongchon Tomb in Naju; and the Tomb of King Muryeong. The main difference is that the metal plates used for the sides and bottom of the Singnichong shoes were cast in a mold, while the other gilded metal shoes were made from openwork plates. Figs. 5. Gilded metal shoes 1) from Singnichong Tomb and 2) their detail; 3) from Bongdeok-ri Tomb No. 1 in Gochang and 4) their detail Shoes aside, some objects cannot be seen as products of Baekje but were possibly introduced to Silla via Baekje. These include bronze mirrors, bronze clothes irons, and black-glazed, dish-mouthed jars excavated from the southern and northern mounds of Hwangnam Daechong (Grand Tomb of Hwangnam-dong) and Singnichong. Though the possibility that the bronze mirrors and irons were implements to ward off evil cannot be ruled out, there are few precedents on the Korean peninsula, so for the time being, they can be seen as Chinese-style products. Baekje–Gaya Exchange Baekje and Gaya maintained close relations for many years. Conflict arose in the early part of Baekje’s Ungjin period when Dae Gaya forces advanced westward, but relations were apparently restored after the reign of King Muryeong. The exchange of people and goods between Baekje and Gaya would have been signiflcant in such circumstances. Nevertheless, almost no Gaya objects have been excavated from Baekje sites. The reason may lie in the cultural time gap between the two nations. In contrast, Gaya tombs have occasionally yielded items not only from Baekje but also other neighboring nations, including Silla, China’s Southern Dynasties, and Japan. Finished goods from Baekje were introduced to Gaya as well as elements such as design or techniques. Few excavations have been carried out on the large tumuli in Goryeong, the central part of Gaya. Indeed, as the tombs were robbed several times before any excavations could be conducted, the discovery of Baekje objects has been rare. However, in the tombs of the rulers of Dae Gaya, such as the Okjeon tomb cluster in Hapcheon, items made in Baekje or reflecting Baekje style have sporadically been excavated. Accessories Among the items discovered in the Tomb of King Muryeong, the gold earrings (Fig. 6-1) worn by King Muryeong’s Queen Consort not only have all the Baekje-style features but are the most finely made pair of Baekje earrings. They represent the consolidation of Baekje’s metalworking capabilities that had been developing since the Hanseong period. Earrings similar to these were also found in a Gaya tomb. Figs. 6-1 through 6-3. Earrings of the Queen Consort and their details The distinguishing features of the two pairs of earrings excavated from the remains of King Muryeong’s Queen Consort are the middle ornament and end pendant. e middle ornament is composed of two dark green glass beads with a domed cap. e end pendant has a four-winged shape, composed of four heart- shaped pieces of gold plate vertically folded (forming an inverted V-shaped section) and joined together at the folds in a cross form. Protruding from the tip of the pendant is a longish piece of gold wire. is wire provides the framework for the attachment of the gold granules. e ring connecting the middle ornament is also made of a gold wire, which is wound twice around the ring above and then once crosswise. is type of connecting ring is one of the distinguishing features of Baekje earrings from the Hanseong period onwards. This pair of earrings also has features from the Ungjin period that differ from the Hanseong period features: the glass bead decorated with a domed cap made of small rings joined together and the four-winged end pendant. These earrings were buried in the tomb in 529 CE and serve as a standard for dating earrings of the same type. Other earrings that also have a domed cap over a glass bead have been found in Songsan-ri Tomb No. 6 in Gongju and the Kamo-Inariyama Tomb in Shiga Prefecture, Japan. The earrings found in Okjeon Tomb No. M11 (Fig. 6-4) have a domed cap over both the top and bottom of the glass bead, a decoration considered similar to the middle ornament on the earrings of King Muryeong’s Queen Consort. Aside from the middle ornament, the connecting ring and the end pendant were also made with the same techniques seen in earrings from the Baekje Ungjin period and hence were, presumably, made in Baekje. Fig. 6-4. Earring from Okjeon Tomb No. M11 The silver belt excavated from Okjeon Tomb No. M11 and another found in Gyeongsan-ri Tomb No. 2 in Uiryeong are similar to the gold belt found in the Tomb of King Muryeong. Considering that belts were not actively made in Gaya and, therefore, no particular Gaya style of belts ever developed, it is possible to conclude that both silver belts were made in Baekje. Even before the time the Tomb of King Muryeong was built, Baekje accessories had been transmitted to Gaya. Generally, the number increased from around the mid-fifth century CE, and the Gaya style was created, showing no large time gap with Baekje. Among the typical accessories found in the tombs, the only items in which the Gaya style manifests are the gold earrings. The number of crowns, belts, textiles, and gilded metal shoes is small, and while the Gaya style can be seen in the crowns, it is not uniform. Among Gaya accessories of the fifth century CE, those made in Baekje or which are in the Baekje style will be discussed below. The gilt-bronze cap-type crown excavated from Okjeon Tomb No. 23 in Hapcheon (Fig. 7-7) is very similar to the Baekje gilt-bronze crowns from the Hanseong period. Attached on the left and right sides of the body of the peaked crown is a feather-shaped ornament with a trefoil, openwork design. A pipe is attached at the top, but it does not have a bowl-shaped finial ornament. The crown most similar to this one is the gilt-bronze crown excavated from the wooden coffin of Yo-ri Tomb No. 1 in Hwaseong (Fig. 7-1). Like the crown from Okjeon Tomb No. 23, it is a cap-type crown with the exterior in a peaked shape. The sides are decorated with a regular, openwork pattern based on a trefoil design. The Yo-ri crown and the Gildu-ri gilt-bronze crown (Fig. 7-6) are early examples of items made in the Baekje style, and in terms of absolute chronology, they have been dated to the first half of the fifth century CE. Figs. 7. Baekje-style gilt-bronze crowns from 1) Yo-ri Tomb No. 1, 2) Bujang-ri Tomb No. 5, 3) Yongwon-ri Tomb No. 9, 4) Suchon-ri Tomb Nos. II-1 and II-4, 5) Ipjeom-ri Tomb No. 86-1, 6) Andong Tomb in Gildu-ri, 7) Okjeon Tomb No. 23, and 8) Funayama Kofun Compared to the metal crowns excavated from the Jisan-dong tomb cluster in Goryeong, the Okjeon crown is of a different type; the delicacy of the techniques used indicates that it is probably a product of Baekje. As an aside, Baekje style earrings have also been discovered in Okjeon Tomb No. 23. The middle ornament on these earrings is disc-shaped with small globules hanging from the end of a long chain, similar to Baekje earrings from the Hanseong period (Figs. 8). There are Hanseong Baekje precedents of a disc-shaped middle ornament, such as the earrings excavated from the stone coffin of Yongwon-ri Tomb No. 9 in Cheonan and Bujang-ri Tomb No. 6-6 in Seosan, which suggests that the Okjeon Tomb No. 23 earrings were influenced by Baekje. Figs. 8. Gold earrings from Sinbong-dong Tomb in Cheongju (top) and Okjeon Tomb No. 23 in Hapcheon (bottom) The main hoops of all Dae Gaya earrings are the thin type, and—as yet—no thick-type ones have been found. This is a common point in Baekje earrings. Many Baekje elements are found in early Gaya earrings, and the absence of thick-hoop earrings from that time can be understood in this context. However, as in the case of earrings discovered in Okjeon Tomb No. M4 and No. M6, earrings where the main hoop is a little bit thicker and made hollow in the middle in the same way as thick-hoop earrings, appear in the first half of the sixth century CE. The major characteristic of Gaya earrings is that they have a globular middle ornament and chains. For the end pendant, heart-shaped ornaments were popular, and various other shapes such as cones, three wings, globules, and cape jasmine flowers are found. Few Gaya earrings from the fifth century CE are finished products of Baekje; most of them are in the Gaya style, created by assimilating the characteristics of Baekje earrings. Lastly, fragments of Baekje-style gilded metal shoes were discovered in Yugok-ri and Durak-ri Tomb No. 32 in Namwon. The sides and soles are decorated with a repoussé diamond design, similar to artifacts excavated from Ipjeom-ri Tomb No. 86-1 in Iksan and Sinchon-ri Tomb No. 9 in Naju. The shoes were seemingly transmitted to Gaya from Baekje. The pottery excavated with the shoe fragments is Dae Gaya-style earthenware made in the local area. Ornamental Swords Ornamental swords of Baekje were first made during the Hanseong period, and as evidenced by the sword of King Muryeong, the highest quality swords were made around the latter half of the Ungjin period. These ornamental swords were also transmitted to Gaya since Baekje maintained close political relations with them. Actual swords were transmitted as well as the technology, design, and techniques. An item that can be directly compared to the ornamental sword of King Muryeong is the sword from Jisan-dong Tomb (formerly) No. 39 in Goryeong (Fig. 9). The ring pommel on the sword was made of cast iron and may be hollow inside. It was decorated using the repoussé technique, and there is a rounded recess at all the nodes formed by the dividing lines of the design. The sections inside the lines feature a design of circles and flames. Inside the ring sits a metal phoenix with red wings and neck, which was made separately then gilded with white gold and attached afterwards. The horns at the top of the head were also made separately and attached. The metal fitting connecting the pommel and the hilt was made using the same techniques as the pommel. That is, after executing a repoussé design on the metal plate, bronze was embedded in the nodes of the design, and the whole piece was then covered with gold plating. Engraved inside the sections of the tortoiseshell design are phoenixes with wings spread wide. The crosshatch design on the handle is openwork on a silver plate, in contrast to the metal sheath attachment with an X design that was welded onto the scabbard of the sword discovered in the Tomb of King Muryeong. Fig. 9. Sword with dragon and phoenix decorated ring pommel from Jisan-dong Tomb (formerly) No. 39 The techniques used to make the sword differ from those used on the swords discovered in the stone coffin of Yongwon-ri Tomb No. 1 in Cheonan and the ornamental swords of Baekje, including King Muryeong’s sword with ring pommel. In the case of Baekje swords, the ring pommel and figure inside the ring are cast together as one piece. Therefore, it can be presumed that the sword from Jisan-dong Tomb (formerly) No. 39 in Goryeong is a product of Gaya rather than Baekje. There are some fifth-century CE ornamental swords of Gaya that may have been made in Baekje. The most likely items are explained below. First, there is the phoenix-decorated sword from Jisan-dong Tomb No. 32, NE-1. The ring pommel features a silver inlaid grass design. Similar examples have been excavated from the Baekje tombs, namely Hwaseong-ri Section A, Tomb No. 1 in Cheonan, and Suchon-ri Tomb No. II-7 in Gongju. Inside the ring is the head of a phoenix with three protruding horns. It seems the inlay technique of the early emergence period was as sophisticated and high-level as the granulation technique. Moreover, based on materials known so far and considering the existence of many inlaid items from Baekje’s Hanseong period, it is possible that the sword mentioned above was either made in Baekje or with the help of a Baekje artisan. The second example is the sword from Okjeon Tomb No. 35 in Hapcheon (Figs. 10, right). It is one of the early Dae Gaya swords with dragon and phoenix decorated ring pommel. Particularly notable in this case is the execution of the design. The basic raised design was made with cast iron, then the raised parts were inlaid with a silver wire for emphasis, and the lowered background parts were covered with gold leaf. Swords with these characteristics have also been excavated from the Baekje tombs. The typical form is embodied in the sword from Suchon-ri Tomb No. II-1 in Gongju (Figs. 10, left). After casting the dragon design on the ring pommel and emphasizing it with silver wire inlay, the lower background was covered with gold leaf. The use of the same techniques is evident on the sword discovered in the stone coffin from Yongwon-ri Tomb No. 12 in Cheonan. The twin dragons on the ring pommel and the dragon head or phoenix head inside the ring are decorated with precious metals using techniques such as silver inlay and gold leaf. Figs. 10. Swords from Suchon-ri Tomb No. II-1 (left) and from Okjeon Tomb No. 35 (right) When examined in terms of production skill, the sword from Okjeon Tomb No. 35 in Hapcheon was made with complex techniques, though not of the same level as the sword from Suchon-ri Tomb II-1 and is therefore unlikely to have been made by a Gaya artisan on his own. It can be presumed that the sword was made in Baekje or with techniques directly transmitted by Baekje. The third example is the sword from Okjeon Tomb No. M3. Among the four swords with dragon and phoenix decorated ring pommel excavated from the same tomb, one of them (Fig. 11) stands out for its clear difference in techniques. The part below the pommel is overlaid with a silver plate with an openwork dragon design and the carved out background parts are covered with gold leaf. Based on the techniques used to execute the design and color contrast, and to make the handle, the sword can be said to have similar characteristics to the Baekje swords excavated from the stone chamber of Yongwon-ri Tomb No. 1 in Cheonan, Suchon-ri Tomb No. II-1 in Gongju, and Stone Chamber No. 4 of Bongdeok-ri Tomb No. 1 in Gochang. Therefore, this sword from Okjeon Tomb No. M3 may have been brought into Gaya directly from Baekje. Fig. 11. Sword with dragon decorated ring pommel from Okjeon Tomb No. M3 The fourth example is the silver sword from Okjeon Tomb No. 28. The ring pommel is silver plated, and the metal fitting on the front of the scabbard is made of a silver plate decorated with a repoussé wave design. Similar examples are the swords from Suchon-ri Tomb No. II-1 in Gongju and Mochon-ri Tomb No. II-5 in Nonsan. As discussed above, among the ornamental swords excavated from Gaya tombs there are a few that were made in Baekje. Many more of them, however, exhibit a style that was developed in Gaya. While finished swords from Baekje were introduced to Gaya in the emergent period, it is likely that a definitive Gaya style emerged soon afterwards. Metal Vessels It seems that metal vessels were not so commonly used in Gaya as they were in Baekje and Silla. The only Gaya metal vessels that have been discovered are: the copper cauldrons from the major Geumgwan Gaya tomb clusters in Daeseong-dong and Yangdong-ri in Gimhae, a number of bronze bowls and other metal dishes from the Okjeon tomb cluster in Hapcheon and the Gyeongsan-ri tomb cluster in Uiryeong, and bronze mounted cups from Songhak-dong Tomb No. 1-C at the So Gaya site in Goseong. The Geumgwan Gaya relics would have been made in the Manchurian region and introduced directly from there. The first items to be discussed are the bronze vessels excavated from Okjeon Tomb No. M3 (Fig. 12-4), Jisan-dong Tomb No. 44 (Fig. 12-3), and Gyeongsan-ri Tomb No. 2 (Fig. 12-5). The bronze bowl from Okjeon Tomb No. M3 has eleven lines running horizontally around the body and a thick, pronounced rim that slants inwards. The bowls from Jisan-dong Tomb No. 44 have a similar rim. One has no lines while the other is engraved with more than six horizontal lines around the body. The basic form of the bowls was made using a casting technique. Each bowl was then fixed in place on a lathe, the walls of the bowl were smoothed down, and the lines were carved using rotary power. These bowls are notable for their similarity to the bronze bowl found in the Tomb of King Muryeong of Baekje (Fig. 12-1) that also has an inwardly protruding rim and lines running around the body just like the Gaya bowls. Figs. 12. Bronze vessels excavated from the tombs of Gaya and Baekje: 1) the Tomb of King Muryeong, 2) Okbuk-ri in Seocheon, 3) Jisan-dong Tomb No. 44 in Goryeong, 4) Okjeon Tomb No. M3 in Hapcheon, 5) Gyeongsan-ri Tomb No. 2 in Uiryeong The second item is the small, bronze mounted cup from Songhak-dong Tomb No. 1-C in Goseong. As Tomb No. 1-C is one of the stone chambers of Songhak-dong Tomb No. 1 that was constructed at a comparatively later date, the artifacts inside it were excavated intact. Pottery from So Gaya made up the greatest proportion of the items, and some earthenware vessels from Dae Gaya were also found. Among the metal objects discovered, the bell-shaped, bridle-strap pendant is of the Silla type, while the ornamental sword and the small daggers are of the Baekje or Dae Gaya type. The bronze mounted cup is a small vessel, 6.3 centimeters high with a mouth diameter of 10.6 centimeters. It is the only one of its kind among artifacts from the Three Kingdoms period, which makes it diffcult to conclude exactly where it was made. However, in terms of techniques used and the treatment of the mouth, it is similar to the bronze vessels of Baekje. Few Silla metal vessels with thin walls and shaped with rapid rotary power have been found. The mounted cup, therefore, can be presumed to be a product of Baekje. As seen above, a large number of objects made in Baekje or of the Baekje type have been excavated from Gaya historical sites. Of course, there are objects from various other places as well, including Silla, China, the northern regions, and Japan, but there are many metal craft artifacts that can be connected with Baekje. This would be the result of an exchange between Baekje and Gaya, who maintained close relations from the fourth century CE, as mentioned previously. As recorded on the Stele of Gwanggaeto the Great, international affairs in the late fourth century CE saw serious conflicts between Goguryeo–Silla and Baekje–Gaya and Wa (Japan). In this situation, Baekje and Gaya formed a blood alliance, which means many Baekje goods would have been introduced to Gaya. However, Goguryeo’s attack on the southern part of the peninsula in 400 CE dealt a severe blow to the Baekje, Gaya, and Japanese forces, and it was a long time before the situation was restored. When Silla drove out the Goguryeo soldiers and formed an alliance with Baekje, it can be presumed that the culture of both Silla and Baekje was naturally introduced to Gaya. Gaya’s status in international society was officially recognized when the king was conferred a title by the Southern Qi Dynasty of China.3 Around that time, Baekje had lost the Hangang River basin to the southward advance of Goguryeo and moved Baekje’s capital to Ungjin. It was a difficult time when national welfare was of paramount concern. Evidence from written records and archaeological materials indicate that Gaya took advantage of this opportunity to expand to the upper reaches of the Geumgang River and the area west of the Seomjingang River. They also appear to have strengthened their network with Qi forces in the Yeongsangang River basin. The expansion of Gaya was only temporary, however. Through the reigns of King Dongseong and King Muryeong, Baekje regained its original strength, recovered lost territory, and apparently also intended to strengthen its influence on Gaya. The Baekje-made items excavated in the Jisan-dong tomb cluster in Goryeong, the Okjeon tomb cluster in Hapcheon, the Gyeongsan-ri tomb cluster in Uiryeong, and the Songhak-dong tomb cluster in Goseong are materials that clearly reflect the situation at the time. Conclusion This article examines exchange among the kingdoms in the central and southern parts of the Korean peninsula based on the artifacts excavated from the Tomb of King Muryeong. The major points can be summed up as follows. From the fifth century CE, Baekje made concerted efforts to build foreign relations with neighboring states to protect itself from the threat posed by Goguryeo. The situation grew especially serious following the relocation of the Baekje capital to Ungjin. This is evidenced not only by historical records but also by excavated artifacts. Baekje strived to maintain closer relations, particularly with Silla and Gaya, with which it shared borders. However, such relations did not last, and alliances shuffled around according to changes in the international situation. The circumstances at the time are partially reflected in objects excavated from archaeological sites. Baekje and Silla maintained an alliance for some 120 years from the first half of the fifth century CE, but objects from each other’s country have rarely been excavated from their respective territories. The silver belt links excavated from Songsan-ri Tomb No. 1 in Gongju are practically the only Silla objects that were transmitted to Baekje, and the only Baekje objects introduced to Silla were the gilded metal shoes discovered in Singnichong in Gyeongju. Most of the Chinese products of the Southern Dynasties that were discovered in other royal tombs of Gyeongju were likely transmitted to Silla via Baekje. Up until that time, Silla had not been able to send envoys to China on its own. The flow of material culture between Baekje and Gaya is relatively clear. Rather than a bilateral exchange between the two countries, Baekje culture was transmitted to Gaya unilaterally. The Baekje-type artifacts excavated from Gaya tombs indicate diverse contexts as they include items made in Baekje, items made in Gaya under the guidance of an artisan from Baekje, and items made by Gaya artisans copying Baekje techniques.

The Tomb of King Muryeong (武寧王, r. 501–523) was accidentally discovered on the fifth of July 1971, during drainage work at the Songsan-ri royal tombs site in Gongju. As it is the only untouched royal tomb from the Baekje Kingdom and the sole identified tomb from the Three Kingdoms period, its cultural and historical importance are well known within the study of ancient Korean and East Asian history and culture. According to the inscriptions in the tomb, the tomb owners were identified as the Baekje royal couple—King Muryeong and his Queen Consort, who lived in the early sixth century CE. Construction of the tomb might have been concluded in 529 CE, when the Queen Consort was interred in the tomb, but there are uncertainties. The excavation itself, which was completed in only one day and night, and its excavation report published in 1973, had many mistakes (Bureau of Cultural Property 1973). During the fifty years since this famous but regrettable excavation of the tomb, many scholars in Korea and East Asia have been studying the tomb’s structure and excavated artifacts. The excavated artifacts from the tomb were collected and are now displayed in the Gongju National Museum, which is the main research organization responsible for maintaining and studying the collection. Since 2005, the Gongju National Museum has conducted many scientific analyses and conservational research on the artifacts, then published annual reports with the latest findings (Gongju National Museum 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2011a, 2013, 2014, 2018a, 2018b, 2019). In 2021, the museum plans to open a special exhibition on the Tomb of King Muryeong, commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of its excavation. In this paper, I critically review the stylistic features and cultural significance of the metalworks found in the tomb, while taking into consideration previous studies and recent publications.1 Previous studies on the metalworks of the tomb in the 1970s were led mostly by Japanese scholars. They insisted that the greatest masterpieces discovered, such as the King’s sword and a silver cup with bronze stand, might have been made in Southern China and later presented to King Muryeong as an imperial gift from Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (Liang Wudi 梁武帝, r. 502–549). However, numerous subsequent archeological excavations in old Baekje territory, as well as in Southern China, revealed a different view on those artifacts. In fact, most of them were created in a unique style by master craftspeople of remarkable creative ability in Baekje territory. Many cultural characteristics of these artifacts reveal the diverse international relationships between Baekje and other contemporary states, such as Goguryeo, Silla, the Liang of South China, and the Northern Wei of North China. Among these foreign cultural influences, the new Buddhist art of Northern Wei in the Pingcheng period might be one of the most influential sources for the new artistic style and ideological background of these royal metalworks from Baekje. Classification of the Metalworks in the Tomb of King Muryeong According to the excavation report in 1973, the number of artifacts discovered in the Tomb of King Muryeong was 2,561, with eighty-eight types in total. However, reexamination by the Gongju National Museum changed the total number of the collection into 4,687 with 108 types (Gongju National Museum 2008, 4), and recently rechanged the total number of them into 5,232 with 124 types (Gongju National Museum 2021, 207). Changes in the amount and composition of the tomb collection were a result of conservation research conducted by the museum and may be further adjusted according to future research. Recently, metal objects comprising of 3,848 pieces of seventy-seven types were identified, accounting for approximately 70% of the total collection. In a previous study, Lee Hansang classified the metal objects into two basic groups: personal ornaments and decorative objects (Lee Hansang 2014, 45). However, they can be rearranged into many groups based on the classiflcation purpose. For example, by materiality, in situ location at the tomb site, or usage. The most popular way to classify these artifacts is by materiality. This is also the primary method used for scientific preservation and conservation. The fundamental materials of the metalworks in this tomb are gold, silver, bronze, and iron (including steel), but there are many artifacts composed of mixed materials, including peculiar metal alloys and metal plating. The majority of the metalworks are small gold ornaments with unidentified usage, and only a few artifacts made of silver, bronze, and iron. However, it is important to understand that a mix of these metal materials was predominantly used in the production of the metalworks in the tomb. For example, the King’s sword (left of Fig. 15) comprises several assembled parts: a steel blade, a gilt-bronze ring-shaped pommel, a wooden handle decorated with gold and silver, and a decorative sheath. This indicates that the craftspeople who made this sword could work with more than five materials at a time. As in the case of several of the comma-shaped jade beads, gokok (曲玉), each main bead was made of green jade, but the fitted cap at the top was made of gold sheet and decorated with tiny gold granules and red cinnabar pigment (Gongju National Museum 2018a, 52–53). The King’s headrest and the footrest were made of wood covered with black-colored lacquer and decorated with gold sheet embellishments (Gongju National Museum 2011a, 40–41). As such high-quality artifacts were mostly for the King, the artifacts made of mixed materials with diverse and bright colors might have been a considerably more favored style for the royal couple’s prestige goods than simple gold or silver artifacts. The creators of these prestige goods required a high technical ability to utilize such a diverse range of natural materials and satisfy the colorful artistic tastes of the Baekje royalty. These artifacts made of mixed materials cannot be classified into any simple material categories and thus provide important evidence for the versatile abilities of Baekje craftspeople. Moreover, they seem to reflect a unique, hybrid taste of the Baekje royal families, which intricately mixed their original cultural traditions with international, artistic traditions from ancient Eurasia, such as the nomadic preference for polychrome-style gold ornaments, the ancient, traditional Han Chinese style, and the style of the newly adopted religion of Central Asian Buddhism. The second way these artifacts are often classified is by their location at the tomb site. This classification centers on an understanding of the basic process of the funeral service and ritual, as well as the exact usage of the artifacts. Regarding the previous reports on the Tomb of King Muryeong, the metalworks discovered in the tomb can be divided into five groups according to their in situ locations (Fig. 1). The first group consists of metal vessels, spoons, chopsticks, metal nails, and coins found in the tomb entryway (羨道, K. yeondo). These artifacts may have been placed there for use in funeral rituals. The second group consists of metal vessels, metal nails, silver ornaments with black lacquer, and an iron spear with silver rim, which were discovered on the ground level in the main chamber. Both royal coffins were situated on the main floor or the platform found on the ground level in the main chamber. The third group consists of artifacts found in the coffin of King Muryeong. These include the King’s body ornaments, weapons, and two bronze mirrors. A pair of gold crown ornaments were found on the head of the King, as well as a gold hairpin, a pair of gold earrings, and a bronze mirror. On the King’s torso were many small beads made of gold, silver, glass, and other materials, which could be a part of his necklaces or chest ornaments. Sets of belt ornaments with pendants, a sword, and an ornamental knife were discovered around his waist. A pair of gilded metal shoes and another bronze mirror had been placed around his feet. The fourth group consists of artifacts found in the coffin of the Queen Consort. A bronze mirror and several metal vessels, including a silver cup with bronze stand (Fig. 27), were discovered around her head. She also had a pair of gold crown ornaments and a pair of gold earrings. She wore a pair of silver bracelets with inscriptions (see page 56) on her left wrist and a pair of gold bracelets on her right wrist. Around her waist were found many gold ornaments and an ornamental knife. On her feet, she wore a pair of tight silk shoes overlaid with a pair of bigger gilded metal shoes. To the left of her feet, there were a bronze long-handled iron, several small gold earrings, and bracelets. Unlike the King’s coffin, which had no vessels inside or nearby, the Queen Consort had several unique metal vessels inside or just near her coffin. The final in situ classification group consists of an assortment of silver ornaments with black lacquer that were laid outside the two coffins. Fig. 1. Excavation Site Plan of the Metalcrafts in the Tomb of King Muryeong However, the classification of these artifacts in terms of their actual usage is complicated, as some aspects of the usage remain unknown. Regarding the Queen’s silver bracelets with inscriptions, which were made in 520 CE when she was still alive, they might have been used as actual jewelry in her lifetime. Many of the gold and silver body ornaments of the royal couple might have been used in their lifetime, as with the bracelets. However, the gilded metal shoes of the royal couple were too big and impractical to have been worn on an everyday basis. Such metal shoes in Baekje might have been made and interred only in the tomb for the dead as ritual funerary objects. The reason and the underlying ideological background for this practice has not yet been determined. Although many disputes on the actual usage of these metalworks in the tombs of the Three Kingdoms period persist, the most common theory is that the majority of the gold body ornaments and metal vessels discovered in this tomb were used at some point in the owner’s lifetime. Considering their usage and in situ locations, I will divide the metalworks of the tomb into four groups here: 1) personal body ornaments, 2) iron weapons, 3) bronze mirrors, and 4) metal vessels and other miscellaneous items, and then discuss their features and cultural significance. Personal Body Ornaments A lot of research on the personal body ornaments of the royal couple has been conducted by Korean and international scholars, especially the Japanese, since the excavation of the tomb. Notably, these body ornaments were discovered untouched in their exact locations. The royal couple shared a similar, but at the same time, unique style for their body ornaments. Both had a pair of gold crown ornaments, a pair of earrings, several sets of necklaces, belts with ornamental pendants, and a pair of gilded metal shoes. However, only the Queen wore bracelets on her wrists, and only the King possessed a gold hairpin and a sword. This difference might be due to the gendered costume culture in the Baekje period. Most of these body ornaments are made of high-quality gold and silver. The Gongju National Museum published a scientific analysis report on sixty-four pieces of twenty-nine gold artifacts discovered in the tomb in 2007 (Choi Gieun and Yu Heisun 2007). The Museum continues to conduct scientific studies and 3D scanning projects on the gold and silver artifacts from the tomb (Gongju National Museum 2019). According to the analysis, the level of gold purity across body ornaments shows only minor differences; most contain a high proportion of gold with minute traces of silver and copper. The purity of the gold used to make the couple’s crown ornaments and earrings is highest (98%–99% gold), but the King’s gold hairpin is of lower purity (92%–94% gold) (Choi Gieun and Yu Heisun 2007). As the general information on these personal body ornaments has already been published in previous museum catalogues and studies, I will specifically focus on the four recently identified and debated arguments regarding these body ornaments. The first argument concerns the different images of the gold crown ornaments and gold hairpin in older photos compared to their present condition (Figs. 2–7).2 Since unpublished images of the excavated artifacts in their original state in the tomb were not revealed until 2012 (Gongju National Museum 2012), the unidentified hidden facts of the tomb excavation and grave goods have only recently come under debate. Among various opinions on these artifacts, the original shape of the royal crown ornaments is the most controversial. The original images in the old photos more clearly reveal the crown ornaments were contoured with three-dimensional modeling, compared to their present flattened state. In addition to their total modeling, the pegs of the crown ornaments, which connect to the crown, were severely different from how they appear in their current flat state (Figs. 3 and 5). The most significant change occurred in the case of the King’s gold hairpin. In the old photo image, in its original state, the gold hairpin was bent in the shape of an “Γ” at the top (Fig. 7), but its present shape is a flattened sheet (Fig. 6). Fig. 2. Gold crown ornaments of King Muryeong. Baekje, 6th century CE. Gold. H. 30.7 cm, W. 14.0 cm. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 3. Original state of the gold crown ornament of King Muryeong during the excavation. Black and white photo. Taken in 1971. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 4. Gold crown ornaments of the Queen Consort. Baekje, 6th century CE. Gold and gold-plated copper. H. 22.2 cm, W. 13.4 cm. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 5. Original state of the gold crown ornament of the Queen Consort during the excavation. Black and white photo. Taken in 1971. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 6. Gold hairpin of the King. Baekje, 6th century CE. Gold. L. 18.4 cm, W. 6.9 cm. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 7. Original state of the gold hairpin during the excavation. Color photo. Taken in 1971. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju All five gold ornaments for the royal couple’s head decorations were made of gold sheets, mainly by the hammering technique. Among them, two pairs of gold crown ornaments have notably different body thicknesses (from 0.9 to 0.2 millimeters), with the thinnest part always at the top. Each of these four crown ornaments has a peg at the bottom, and the peg of the King’s crown ornament is a part of the same base gold sheet. However, the peg of the Queen’s crown ornament (now broken and rusted green) is made of a pure copper sheet plated with gold and was attached to the gold sheet crown ornament using small copper nails (Choi Gieun and Yu Heisun 2007, 156–157). The last and sole hairpin of the King was made of one gold ingot using the hammering and repoussé techniques. The upper part was hammered into a very thin plate in the shape of a bird’s wing, but the lower and thickest parts were divided into three legs, much like a pronged stick. The thickest part is 1.8 millimeters and the thinnest is 0.25 millimeters. Considering the embossed surface decorations with the chasing and repoussé technique, the original shape of the hairpin might be close to the bent image in the old photo (Fig. 7). The present condition in a flat sheet (Fig. 6) might have been wrongly modified and repaired by the modern excavators. As these four gold crown ornaments and a hairpin were manufactured by the hammering technique, the ancient craftspeople could have fashioned them in an adequate three-dimensional modeling and thickness for proper use and artistic expression. However, modern modification of these gold ornaments into a flat sheet image damaged the original artistic intentions and forms. Unfortunately, the exact reasons and processes of such modern modification of these gold ornaments have not been determined yet. Originally, the royal crowns might have been made of fabric or other organic materials, now corrupted or absent due to natural degradation over time, and several gold ornaments found nearby might have been attached together to the surface of the crown. Although there are many reconstruction models of the Baekje royal crowns, their exact shape remains unknown. There is a need for a new reconstruction model of the royal crowns, considering the original bent and three-dimensional state of these five gold head ornaments. The second argument concerns the design motifs and manufacturing techniques of the four gold crown ornaments. The basic manufacturing technique is hammering and cutting with hammers and chisels. All four of the sheet ornaments represent a flame-like flower motif, but all of them differ slightly in size and shape. In previous studies, scholars have vaguely argued that a pair of crown ornaments might have been made by one particular craftsperson. However, the detailed tool traces, size, and shape of these gold crown ornaments reveal some differences, even in the case of a pair. It means that each ornament of the pair might have been made separately by different manufacturers, presumably by at least two craftspeople with different abilities. The deformation of the original design of the pair could be caused by the fact that one main design motif was shared with two or more craftspeople. The main motif of the four crown ornaments is a flame-like flower consisting of palmette leaves and lotus flowers, which originated in the Near East and Central Asia (Lee Song-ran 2019). However, the King and Queen’s ornaments reveal slightly different designs and techniques. The King’s crown ornaments have a dynamic asymmetrical design and were decorated with multiple small, round gold spangles (Fig. 2). However, there are no spangles on the Queen’s crown ornaments, which have a balanced symmetrical design (Fig. 4). The King’s ornaments are more decorative than the Queen's. Moreover, the craftsperson who made one of the King’s crown ornaments tried to decorate it with dotted lines at the rims with a sharp pointed chasing tool, but the trial was ceased, with only a few traces visible on a minor section in one sheet (Fig. 8). Since the gold base sheet is too thin to be chased with a tool, the craftsperson might have decided not to proceed with the dotted decoration at the rims to avoid wrinkling the base sheet. Fig. 8. Dotted line pattern. Detail of a gold crown ornament of King Muryeong (Fig. 2). Baekje, 6th century CE. Gold. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju The pair of the Queen’s crown ornaments shows a symmetrical, flower-like design consisting of a blooming lotus in a vase or “Badra kumbha” (an ancient Indian religious motif of a miracle vase or a bottle) on a lotus flower-patterned pedestal, surrounded by palmette leaves (Fig. 4). Scholars have noticed that the motif of the Queen’s crown ornament might be the Buddhist motif related to the ideology of rebirth in the lotus flower (蓮花化生, K. Yeonhwa hwasaeng) (Lee Song-ran 2019). However, the design of the King’s crown ornaments is much more controversial than that of the Queen’s. The entire theme of his ornaments is an asymmetrical, flame-like flower consisting of a lotus flower at the top center surrounded by palmette leaves. There are two strange puffy narrow cloud-like motifs under the central lotus flower (Fig. 9). While there have been debates on the iconography of these two puffy motifs, they can be identified as two bunches of grapes (Hayashi 1978, 99). I discovered many incised lines made during the sketching of the pattern remaining on the surface of the King’s crown ornaments, and, indeed, the wavy traces in the puffy motifs seem to resemble grapes (Fig. 9). In previous art historical studies in Korea, the grape pattern was thought to have been introduced to Korea during the Unified Silla period under the influence of the global artistic style of the Chinese Tang Dynasty. However, the grape pattern first reached China through the Silk Road during the Han Dynasty, and the most important grape motif comparable to King Muryeong’s period is the representation at Cave No. 8 of the Yungang (雲岡) grottoes in Datong (大同), China, which was built in the late fifth century CE, sponsored by the Northern Wei royal families. In this cave, the guardian deity, Shiva, was carved in the entrance wall, sitting on a bull and holding a bunch of grapes (Fig. 10). In addition to this guardian’s attribute image of grapes, there are several decorative patterns consisting of palmette and grape-vines on the door jambs in several Yungang grottoes. The grape pattern with a puffy shape and lotus flower motifs seen on King Muryeong’s gold ornaments might be a symbolic icon of the new Buddhist culture and ideology that arrived in Baekje from the Northern Wei. In addition, it is noteworthy that this is the first representation of grapes in Korean art history Fig. 9. Sketch of the grape. Detail of a gold crown ornament of King Muryeong (Fig. 2). Baekje, 6th century CE. Gold. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 10. Shiva holding a bunch of grapes. Northern Wei, 5th century CE. Cave 8 at Yungang Buddhist Grotto. Datong City, Shanxi Province, China The third argument concerns the manufacturing technique of Queen Consort’s silver bracelets (Gongju National Museum 2011a, 55–57). The bracelets have long inscriptions engraved on the inner surface, recording that they were made for the Queen in the year of Gyeongja (庚子), or 520 CE, by Dari (多利), the only known, famous master craftsperson from the Three Kingdoms period. Since the Queen died in 526 CE, she might have worn this pair of bracelets in her lifetime, then kept them in the tomb as prestige goods for her next life. The bracelets were made using the lost-wax casting technique, with the images of two dragons on each piece. The detailed eyes and scales of the dragons might have been carved in the original wax model (Fig. 11). However, some detailed spots of the bracelets show melting and repair traces after the casting process (Fig. 12). It is important to note that the lost-wax casting technique and the representation of the dragons on these bracelets are very similar to the gilt-bronze ring pommel of the King’s sword (Lee Hansang 2020) (Fig. 15). Therefore, we can presume that the manufacturer of the Queen’s silver bracelets and the King’s sword could have been the same person, or they were craftspeople in the same workshop. Fig. 11. Dragon's head on the Queen's silver bracelet. Baekje, 520 CE. Silver. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 12. Melted and repaired part of the Queen's silver bracelet. Baekje, 520 CE. Silver. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju The fourth argument concerns the design motif and manufacturing technique of the gilded metal shoes of the royal couple.3 Since scientific research on these shoes has not yet been completed, and their several previous descriptions create confusion on account of errors, research on these shoes still has many limitations. During the scientific research and conservation on the Queen’s shoes, scientists in the museum discovered silk shoes made of several layers of textiles inside the metal shoes (Gongju National Museum 2011a, 102–103). This means that the metal shoes were made only for the dead or for funeral rituals. However, the cultural meaning of the gilded metal shoes in Baekje royal tombs has not yet been identified. From the viewpoint of manufacturing techniques, the shoes of the royal couple are the only examples made from double-layer metal sheets, in contrast to other gilded metal shoes of Baekje, which are all made from a single-layer metal sheets. The King’s shoes are comprised of inner silver sheets and outer gold-plated copper sheets (Gongju National Museum 2018b, 104–105). The Queen’s shoes are made of double-layer, gold-plated copper sheets (Gongju National Museum 2018b, 120–121). The main decorative motif of these shoes is a repeated hexagon pattern. In previous studies, there have been many disputes regarding the meaning of this repeated hexagon pattern, identifying it as a tortoiseshell pattern (Joo Kyeongmi 2013b), a honeycomb pattern, or an expression of the ideal heaven. The exact meaning of this pattern remains uncertain and controversial, but the pattern might have come to Northern Wei, Goguryeo, and Baekje from Western and Central Asia (Lee Song-ran 2012). A phoenix or a flower with diverse shapes as an openwork decoration is represented inside each hexagon unit of the Queen’s shoes (Fig. 13). Some parts of the flower shape and the rims of each hexagon in the King’s shoes have been decorated by embossing or chasing techniques, together with a simple openwork technique (Fig. 14). At the bottom of the shoes, we can see several spikes and a few eroded spangles in the shape of a fish (Lee Hansang 2011). As both shoes of the royal couple are still in poor condition with thick, greenish rust, the Gongju National Museum continues working on their preservation and conservation. Fig. 13. A phoenix in a hexagon pattern. Detail of the gilded metal shoes of the Queen Consort. Baekje, 6th century CE. Gold-plated copper. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 14. Phoenixes and flowers in hexagon patterns. Detail of the gilded metal shoes of the King. Baekje, 6th century CE. Gold-plated copper. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Iron Weapons Only a few pieces of iron weaponry and no iron horse harnesses were discovered in this royal tomb. This is a very unusual case compared to the contemporary tombs of Silla and Gaya in the Three Kingdoms period. In total, only six examples of iron weaponry were discovered, and all were decorated with gold and silver wires and sheets. The most important one is the King’s sword with ring pommel, laid to the left of his waist (left of Fig. 15). Along with this sword, the King had a small, ornamental knife (right of Fig. 15). The Queen Consort had three small ornamental knives, all of which were decorated with gold and silver wires and sheets (Fig. 16). The last item is an iron spear with a silver rim, discovered on the ground level in the main chamber. The reason for the small amount of weaponry and lack of horse gear in this royal tomb is uncertain, but it might arise from the ideological changes in the worldview of the royal family of Baekje, which transformed from traditionalism in ancient East Asia to the newly adopted Central Asian Buddhism. Fig. 15. A sword with ring pommel and an ornamental knife of the King. Baekje, 6th century CE. Mixed materials: iron, gilt-bronze, gold, silver, etc. L. 82.0 cm (sword), L. 25.5 cm (knife). Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 16. Ornamental knives of the Queen Consort. Baekje, 6th century CE. Mixed materials: iron, gold, silver, etc. L. 16.5–25.5 cm. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Although only a small quantity of weaponry was found in this royal tomb, these rare examples show the highest quality of metalcraft techniques. Among them, the King’s sword is the most important and luxurious example of his prestige goods. This kind of sword with ring pommel is typical for the Three Kingdoms period but reveals the most exquisite manufacturing techniques and the finest artistic modeling among the remaining examples preserved from that time. As aforementioned, this sword is made of diverse materials using various techniques. The ring pommel at the top, representing three dragons, was made of gilt-bronze by the lost-wax casting technique (Lee Hansang 2006). The lost-wax casting and the dragon representation in this round pommel are very similar to the silver bracelets of the Queen Consort. The hilt, originally made of wood and now decayed, is fully decorated with gold and silver sheets, wires, and tiny granules. The upper and lower parts display a band of silver openwork phoenixes, each within a hexagon pattern, on a gold sheet decorated with a zigzag pattern created by the gold granulation technique (Fig. 17). The space between both decorative end parts is fully and densely covered with gold and silver beaded wires. Fig. 17. Detail of the sword with ring pommel of the King (left of the Fig. 15). Baekje, 6th century CE. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Of most importance for understanding the high technical achievement of the Baekje craftspeople is the incised circular expression of the phoenix’s eyes and the cornerstones of the hexagon pattern. These were crafted using a new chasing tool called nukkaljeong (누깔정), or “fish-roe pattern tool” (魚子文 정, K. eojamunjeong), made of steel in order to mark these tiny, incised circles. In many previous studies, the fish-roe pattern tool was identified to have been transported during the late seventh century CE, first from Sasanid Persia to Tang China, and then to Unified Silla in Korea. However, prior to this, the tool had already been used in ancient Xiongnu and Han Chinese gold works (Joo Kyeongmi 2011). Out of the kingdoms of ancient Korea, the craftspeople in Baekje were the first masters who crafted and used this tool. The so-called “fish-roe pattern technique” is a type of chasing and repoussé technique, and it might have been brought to Baekje in Korea during or before the late fifth century CE. This fish-roe pattern technique was also used in the gilded metal shoes from Bongdeok-ri Tomb No. 1 in the Gochang region, which was excavated in 2009 (Fig. 18). Traces of this tool can be found in the eyes of intercrossed twin birds in the Bongdeok-ri metal shoes (Lee Munhyung 2015). The Bongdeok-ri Tomb No. 1 and the shoes are estimated to be from the fifth century CE, which predates the Tomb of King Muryeong. The craftsperson who made the shoes used more than two tools of different diameters (0.9 millimeters and 1.4 millimeters). As in the case of King Muryeong’s sword, the diameter of the tool for the phoenix’s eye was 1.2 millimeters. These are the earliest examples of the usage of the fish-roe pattern technique in Korea. During the seventh century CE, the craftspeople in Baekje came to express a ring-mat pattern, fully filling tiny, incised circles using the same fish-row pattern tool as the background of the main design, which shows the stylistic transition of the same tool’s usage. Fig. 18. Detail of the gilded metal shoes. Baekje, 5th century CE. Gold-plated copper. Bongdeok-ri Tomb No. 1, Gochang, Jeollabuk-do Province. Jeonju National Museum The other important decoration technique on the King’s sword is the combination of the gold granulation technique and the red cinnabar filling technique in the zigzag pattern of the hilt (Fig. 17). Such color and material combinations are also found on the gold earrings and the ornamental gold knife of the King (Choe Kieun 2014). This technique might have been acquired from ancient Nangnang and applied to Baekje royal goldwork (Joo Kyeongmi 2013b, 2017; Yu Heisun and Ro Jihyun 2020). In 2019, a small gold ornament with a similar decorative technique and style was excavated in Western Tomb No. 2 of Neungsan-ri site in the Buyeo region (Seo Hyun-ju and Lee Sol-eon 2019). This means that such goldwork techniques continued on as the royal goldwork style into the later Baekje period. These unique decorative techniques mentioned above represent the high technical skill and excellent representational artistic style of Baekje royal craftspeople. Bronze Mirrors Three round bronze mirrors were excavated in the Tomb of King Muryeong. As all of them have stylistic similarities with the Han Chinese mirrors, it has been thought that all were made in China and transported to Baekje. However, it is very difficult to identify their exact manufacturing location because the mirrors could have been repeatedly made as new ones by casting technique with the copied mold of the original mirrors from other regions since an earlier time period. Since several mirrors of the same style have been excavated in ancient sites in Japan, some scholars have even insisted that these mirrors might have been made in Japan, not in China. Although all three mirrors were made by the bronze casting technique, location where they were found, size, and surface patterns differ. The King had two mirrors, one at his head and another at his feet, while the Queen Consort had only one mirror at her head. Among them, the two mirrors of the King have inscriptions written in Chinese characters, which appear on the typical bronze mirrors of the Han Dynasty. However, the contents of the inscriptions are common wishing phrases with no dates or a specific manufacturer’s name. At the center of each mirror, there is a large round knob with a hole. Around the central knob, the surface design of all three mirrors can be roughly divided into three sections: the center, the middle, and the border. All three sections exhibit different decorative patterns and images. The outermost border section has only simple decorative patterns, such as a zigzag pattern and unidentified curvy line patterns. The center and middle sections have different decorations, with Chinese characters placed in those areas. The two mirrors at the royal couple’s heads (Figs. 19 and 20) share some stylistic similarities in that the center sections have nine small, decorative knobs, and the middle sections represent seven auspicious animals with seven decorative knobs. However, the mirror at the King’s feet is different from the other two mirrors. It has a unique square center section with twelve decorative knobs and a middle section with new images different from the traditional “TLV” patterns of Han Chinese mirrors (Fig. 21).4 The bronze mirror at the King’s head has three Chinese characters, “ui” (宜), “ja” (子), and “son” (孫), in the central section between the nine decorative knobs (Fig. 19). The three Chinese characters make up a favorable phrase wishing for the prosperity of the descendant. In the middle section, there are seven decorative knobs and seven auspicious animals, but the iconography of the animals is not fully identified due to severe erosion of the surface. The diameter of this mirror is 23.2 centimeters, making it the largest of the three. Bronze mirrors of similar size and decorative patterns have also been excavated in Japan. The most similar one was a bronze mirror excavated at Kannonyama (觀音山) tomb site in the Gunma (群馬) region, dating to the early seventh century CE, slightly later than the Tomb of King Muryeong (Oda 1991; Gunma Prefectural Historical Museum 2020). Recently, a bronze mirror stylistically resembling the one discovered at King Muryeong’s head was excavated at Tomb No. 32 of the Yugok-ri (酉谷里) and Durak-ri (斗洛里) tomb sites in Namwon (南原), Korea (Jeonbuk National University Museum 2015, 104–107). This mirror, 17.45 centimeters in diameter, is smaller than that of King Muryeong’s. However, it was also placed at the tomb owner’s head, similar to the royal couple. Tomb No. 32 in Namwon was constructed in the late fifth century CE, which predates the Tomb of King Muryeong. This means that the King’s mirror found at his head could be a legacy of the old funeral tradition in Baekje. It could not be of Southern Chinese influence or imported because no similar style mirror has yet been found in contemporary Chinese tombs. Fig. 19. Bronze mirror at the King’s head. Baekje, 5–6th century CE. Bronze. D. 23.2 cm. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju The bronze mirror at the Queen’s head (Fig. 20) has a similar composition to the mirror placed near the King’s head but is smaller in size. The diameter of this mirror is 18.1 centimeters, and there are no Chinese characters inscribed. The representation of the animals in these two mirrors has some stylistic differences. Although several scholars insist that this mirror resembles the contemporary Japanese bronze mirrors, the exact representation style of the animal patterns and their sequence are significantly different from other Japanese and Chinese mirrors of that time. According to the linear style of the animals and several subtle brush stroke traces on the surface, this mirror could have been made by the lost-wax casting technique. However, further scientific research and analysis are required to confirm this supposition. Fig. 20. Bronze mirror at the Queen Consort’s head. Baekje, 5–6th century CE. Bronze. D. 18.1 cm. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju The most important bronze mirror of this royal tomb is the one found at the King’s feet (Fig. 21). Since this mirror has the famous, old “TLV” pattern and the Chinese inscriptions of Han Chinese mirrors on the surface, most scholars have thought that this mirror might have come from China, having been bestowed to King Muryeong of Baekje by the Chinese Emperor. However, I would like to argue with the previous studies, which have ignored the five voluminous, unique relief images represented on the “TLV” pattern surface, erasing some original Chinese characters and the typical “TLV” patterns. These five relief images have been added to the old model of “TLV” mirror patterns, creating a new image of the contemporary Baekje world. The most important to note is the deliberate erasing of the Chinese character “seon” (仙, Ch. xian) near a deer in the middle section (Fig. 24). The character and its next character “in” (人, Ch. ren) mean “the hermit” of Taoism, but the manufacturer intentionally erased the character meaning “hermit” during the wax modeling process. This means that the manufacturer understood the original meaning of the Chinese characters in the mirror decoration and deliberately transformed it for his or her own purpose. This change could be related to King Muryeong and his Queen Consort’s ideological change to Buddhism. Fig. 21. Bronze mirror at the King’s feet. Baekje, 6th century CE. Bronze. D. 17.8 cm. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju The most unique image among the five additional high reliefs in this mirror is a male hunter holding an eccentric two-pronged spear at the top center (Fig. 22). He wears only a “satba” (샅바), a kind of traditional Korean loincloth, which frequently appears in the mural paintings in Goguryeo. With a traditional Korean topknot, “sangtu” (상투), on the top of his head, he represents a flying warrior who is going to fight with the tiger facing him. The tiger, its long tail outstretched, is also poised to fight with him (Fig. 23). Similar hunting scenes were frequently represented in the mural paintings of the Goguryeo tombs. The hunter image is also similar to the tomb guardians on the front door of the Goguryeo tombs (Jeon Ho-tae 2018). Therefore, these additional images can be identified as a representation of a traditional hunting scene in ancient Korea. Three more animals are following behind the tiger. They are a female deer (Fig. 24), a dog, and a fantastic animal (Fig. 25). Among them, the iconographic identification of the last odd animal is uncertain. It has four legs, a horn with wavy form, and a forked tail (Fig. 25). However, the unique wavy horn is reminiscent of the stone guardian animal with an eccentric wavy horn made of iron, which stood at the front of the entryway of the Tomb of King Muryeong (Gongju National Museum 2018b, 84–87; 2018c). Therefore, this animal could be regarded as a more figurative representation of a tomb guardian animal in Baekje. Since it is standing with its back turned to the hunter, this fantastic guardian animal seems to support the hunter together with the dog, rather than fighting with him. Thus, only the tiger and the female deer are the prey animals in this hunting scene. Regarding the existence of the guardian-like hunter and the guardian animal image, this hunting scene can be interpreted as a ritual hunting scene or as guardian images for the deceased King. Fig. 22. Hunter. Detail of the bronze mirror at the King’s feet (Fig. 21). Baekje, 6th century CE. Bronze. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 23. Tiger. Detail of the bronze mirror at the King’s feet (Fig. 21). Baekje, 6th century CE. Bronze. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 24. Deer. Detail of the bronze mirror at the King’s feet (Fig. 21). Baekje, 6th century CE. Bronze. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 25. Fantastic animal or tomb guardian. Detail of the bronze mirror at the King’s feet (Fig. 21). Baekje, 6th century CE. Bronze. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju It is interesting to note that these images remind us of the front guardian images at the Buddhist Caves at Yungang, dated to the Northern Wei period. A similar iconography of a hunter or a fantastic animal can be found on the entranceway walls of the sacred shrine in these caves (Fig. 26). These Buddhist, but foreign images in Yungang Caves frequently appear in Caves Nos. 7 to 12, which were constructed during the late fifth century CE. In these caves, the newly adopted Buddhist or Central Asian iconographies and the traditional Chinese or East Asian iconographies, such as dragons and phoenixes, were mixed together to represent the new Buddhist ideal world at the time. This new but traditional hybrid world imagery in North Chinese Buddhism might have influenced contemporary Goguryeo and Baekje. The manufacturers of the metalworks found in the Tomb of King Muryeong might have recognized such new Buddhist blended iconographies or representations. In addition, they creatively transformed these images to match the traditional royal art and funeral rituals of Baekje. Fig. 26. The front door of Cave 9 at Yungang Buddhist Grotto. Datong City, Shanxi Province, China. Northern Wei, 5th century CE These five unique but important high-relief images on this mirror have not been researched before, and it is noteworthy that this representation of additional images can be found only on this mirror. The unique combination of the old “TLV” pattern and the new, high-relief images was a result of a highly sophisticated wax modeling technique and the proactive creativity of the Baekje craftspeople. Considering the abundant use of the mixed pattern modeling style, this mirror might have been made by the lost-wax casting technique that was used in other metalworks found in the same tomb. Seeing these metalworks in the Tomb of King Muryeong, there is no doubt that the lost-wax casting technique was fully utilized by Baekje royal craftspeople during the early sixth century CE. This mirror with high relief must have been made in Baekje, combining the older Han Chinese “TLV” mirror pattern and the new Buddhist and funeral imagery of the Northern Wei and Goguryeo by a newly perfected high-tech casting technique. Metal Vessels and Other Miscellaneous Items Most of the metal vessels in King Muryeong’s Tomb were made of bronze. However, one silver cup with silver lid and bronze stand was made of mixed materials such as silver, gold, and bronze (Fig. 27). This silver cup with bronze stand is known for its engraved and chased line drawings on the surface. The iconography of this cup was identified in a previous study (Joo Kyeongmi 2006). On the lid of the silver cup, auspicious animals are represented along with the outline of four mountains. The knob at the top of the lid was made in a lotus bud shape, and the decorative patterns of the upper part of the lid represent a lotus flower. On the body of the cup, there are three flying dragons portrayed in a similar style to the dragons on the silver bracelets and the ring pommel of the King’s sword. These incised images were represented using several chasing tools. Among them, there is a unique chasing tool creating a double-dots pattern, or “ssangjeom-mun” (雙點文), which was used only by Baekje craftsmen (Fig. 28). However, it is interesting to note that the craftsperson who made this cup also ceased to chase the double-dots pattern at the bottom of the cup, likely because the spots were invisible and nonessential to the decoration. There are several auspicious and fantastic animals portrayed on the bronze stand of this cup, including a dragon and a human-faced bird. The whole design of this cup is one of the most important ancient artworks from Baekje, and it serves as a precedent to the masterpiece of the famous, gilt-bronze incense burner of Baekje that was excavated at the Neungsan-ri Temple Site in Buyeo (Korean Foundation 2006). Fig. 27. Silver cup with bronze stand. Baekje, 6th century CE. Mixed materials: silver, gold, and high-tin bronze. H. 15.0 cm (total). D. 14.7 cm (stand). Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Fig. 28. Double-dots pattern. Detail of the silver cup with bronze stand (Fig. 27). Baekje, 6th century CE. Silver. Tomb of King Muryeong, Gongju Scientists at the Gongju National Museum have conducted an analysis of the silver cup with bronze stand recently. According to the report, the top gold lotus flower decoration consists of a metal alloy comprising 88% gold, 10% silver, and a small amount of copper. The most important analysis result is on the materiality of the bronze stand, which consists of 78% copper and 22% tin (Gongju National Museum 2019, 192). This metal alloy component is the same as the Korean traditional metal alloy of high-tin bronze, called “yugi” (鍮器), or “notgeureut” (놋그릇) in Korean and “sahari” (響銅/佐波理) in Japanese (Ahn Kui Sook 2002). In previous studies, it was presumed that the traditional Korean high-tin bronze had not been used before the Unified Silla period. However, the metal alloy analysis of this stand reveals that the material was already common during the early sixth century CE in Baekje. This silver cup with bronze stand is identified as the earliest example of a Korean traditional high-tin bronze with the exact date known. The tradition of the high-tin bronze manufacturing technique is still handed down to the present and is now designated as a national intangible heritage in Korea. Many other metalworks have been discovered in the Tomb of King Muryeong, but we are still waiting for more detailed scientific research. Some were used for decorating the wooden coffin or the royal couple’s body or attire. Although there are several imported metal artifacts, such as iron coins and a bronze long-handled iron from the Liang Dynasty in Southern China, most of the metal artifacts in the tomb were made in Baekje, revealing the high technical ability and creative artistic style of the Baekje craftspeople. Conclusion In this paper, I briefly and critically reviewed the major metal artifacts found in the Tomb of King Muryeong of Baekje, taking into consideration recent scientific research and new archeological evidence in Korea. Most of these metalworks were crafted in the early sixth century CE and represent the most prestigious and luxurious artifacts of the royal couple. Among them, the most representative is the King’s sword, which shows the highest level of technical and stylistic skill, with the most diverse prestige materials involved in its creation. The ring pommel of the sword with dragons has stylistic and technical affinity with the silver bracelets of the Queen Consort, which were made in 520 CE by the master craftsperson, Dari. Dari might be the representative master of all-metal craftspeople in Baekje or a great expert on the exquisite lost-wax casting technique, as well as diverse chasing and engraving techniques. Under Dari’s guidance, the metalcrafts in Baekje developed at the highest level utilizing diverse mixed materials and creative technical processes. In previous studies on the metalworks in King Muryeong’s Tomb, many scholars presumed that most of the masterpieces were imports or imperial grants from Southern China and Chinese Taoism. However, the technical and iconographical analysis of these metalworks reveals diverse international relationships and cultural hybridity between Baekje and other countries, such as Goguryeo and the Northern Wei. The grape, palmette, and lotus patterns in the gold crown ornaments of the royal couple are the most important visual evidence of Buddhist ideology from Central Asia and the Northern Wei. However, traditional Han Chinese stylistic features were found in the bronze mirrors of this tomb as well. The gilded metal shoes and sword with ring pommel might be representatives of an ancient tradition of Baekje or ancient Korea. In addition, the iconography of the bronze mirror at the King’s feet represents the old, but at the same time, a completely new vision of the world and worldly guardians of ancient Baekje. Baekje culture under King Muryeong in the early sixth century CE has to be reconsidered as an international blend under the new Buddhist ideology. The metalworks from the tomb reveal a complex mixture of several ancient East Asian traditions and new Central Asian Buddhist culture from that time. Moreover, they represent the high level of technology of the metalsmiths and creative artistic styles of the Baekje royal craftspeople. Accordingly, this new visual evidence from the Tomb of King Muryeong must be reexamined under the wider view of the transitional East Asian history in the fifth and sixth centuries CE, combined with more careful scientific analysis. The most important cultural significance of the metal artifacts found in the tomb is the internationalism and creative adoption of all foreign cultures, including artistic styles and techniques.

Sixteenth-century paintings show a gradual progression from the painting style formed in the early Joseon period (1392–ca. 1550) to the painting style of the mid-Joseon period (ca. 1550–ca. 1700).1 In the sixteenth century, the painting style of An Gyeon (active in the fifteenth century), a canonical court painter of the early Joseon period, had a dominant presence, as a new painting style, which fully developed in the seventeenth century, was introduced as well. The paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion, which are introduced in this paper, bear a colophon showing that they were produced as part of a folding screen painted based on a trip to the Gwandong region in 1557 (Figs. 1–2). These paintings, therefore, serve as groundbreaking material to broaden the understanding of the sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting.2 All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings, or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the everchanging nature and striking beauty of the real-life scenery. These two paintings differ from other real scenery landscape paintings produced in the early and mid-Joseon periods in characteristics and appearance. They bear great significance because they were produced only for the simple appreciation of nature. The Production Background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion through the Colophon and Poems Currently, both paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are mounted in the same format as hanging scrolls. Chongseokjeong Pavilion, in particular, bears a colophon recording its production background (Fig. 3). I will first examine this colophon since it will be a core starting point for understanding the Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion paintings. 余丁巳春, 與洪君德遠, 約爲關東之遊, 遍觀楓岳 嶺東勝區, 其峯巒之峻秀, 溪壑之深邃, 雲嵐之 變態, 湖海之汪洋, 皆入於遊山錄, 時或披覽, 第以塵 緣在躬, 祿食東華, 泉石眞面目, 徒勞夢想而已. 每見 古人, 雲臥溪山, 不接世事者, 其高卓乎不可及矣. 遂繪畫 若干名勝地爲屛風, 因抄出昔年遊觀時賦詩七(八)絶, 書其 後, 以慰余不得更往而拘攣未解之懷耳. 商山逸老志. Fig. 1. Gyeongpodae Pavilion. Joseon, late 16th century. Ink and light color on silk. 102.0 x 55.0 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 2. Chongseokjeong Pavilion. Joseon, late 16th century. Ink and light color on silk. 100.0 × 54.0 cm. National Museum of Korea In the spring of the Jeongsa Year, I promised Honggun Deokwon to go on a sightseeing trip to the Gwandong region. He and I were able to enjoy magnificent scenery throughout the Geumgangsan Mountain region and the east of Daegwallyeong Pass. In my travelogue Yusanrok, I wrote about the towering and exceptional mountain peaks and ridges, deep and quietly secluded valleys, clouds and haze in all kinds of forms and figures, and surging waves of lakes and seas in the distance. Sometimes, I unfolded and read it. However, as my body is tied to the secular world and I hold a post, I bring the true character of nature to mind only in my dreams. Whenever I saw old people from the past, lying like a cloud in mountains and streams and not intervening in mundane matters, their loftiness and excellence were beyond my reach. I finally painted (or had a painter paint) several scenic spots and turned these paintings into a folding screen. By adding to the folding screen heptasyllabic quatrains that I composed while traveling in the past, I am only soothing my hopeless longing for [Gwandong region] as I cannot go there again. Sangsan Ilro wrote this. This colophon contains many clues about the production date and background of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion. Particularly, it enables us to make assumptions about the two figures who traveled to the Gwandong region. The first figure to examine is Honggun Deokwon (洪君德遠). This figure is likely Hong Yeon (洪淵). His courtesy name is written as Deokwon (德源) in the “List of the Names of the Candidates Who Passed the Classics and Literary Licentiate Examination on the Ninth Month of the Byeongo Year during the Twenty-fifth Year of the Reign of Emperor Jiajing” (1546) and as Deokwon (德遠) in Gukjo bangmok (Roster of Examination Graduates). This indicates that Hong Yeon used both “源” and “遠” characters for his name. As will be discussed later, assuming that Hong Yeon was active in the mid- and late sixteenth century, the painting style of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion also corresponds to that of the mid- and late sixteenth century. Accordingly, the Jeongsa year when Hong Yeon traveled, as written in the colophon, might refer to 1557. The second figure in question is Sangsan Ilro (商山逸老), who wrote this colophon. The colophon is preceded by a seal that reads “Sangsan Gaebu” (商山開府) (H. 4.2 × W. 1.4 centimeters), and at the end of the colophon are two square seals with inscriptions in relief, “Unjeongjisa” (雲情/之思) (H. 2.5 × W. 2.5 centimeters) and “Namae Cheosa” (南崖/處士) (H. 2.6 × W. 2.6 centimeters) (Figs. 4-1 and 4-2). These seals offer vital clues about who Sangsan Ilro was. In particular, the seal bearing the inscription “Namae Cheosa” suggests that the figure who used “Namae” as a sobriquet in the sixteenth century is Park Chung-gan (朴忠侃, ?–1601). Park Chung-gan became a secretary of the Ministry of Taxation (戶曹 正郞, K. Hojo Jeongnang) in 1584 (the seventeenth year of the reign of King Seonjo). While serving as a magistrate of Jaeryeong County in 1589, he exposed Jeong Yeo-rip’s conspiracy against the king, along with Han Jun, Yi Chuk, and Han Eung-in. In recognition of this meritorious deed, Park Chung-gan was promoted to the position of Vice Minister of the Ministry of Punishments (刑曹 參判, K. Hyeongjo Champan). He was also appointed as a first-grade Pyeongnan Gongsin (平難功臣, Meritorious Subject Who Rendered Distinguished Services in Suppressing Rebellions) and given the honorific title of Sangsan-gun (商山君). Fig. 3. Colophon in Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 2) Figs. 4. Seals from the colophon in Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 3): 1) “Sangsan Gaebu,” 2) “Unjeongjisa” and “Namae Cheosa” The colophon on the painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion provides the following information: 1) In the spring of 1557, Park Chung-gan, the author of the colophon, traveled to Geumgangsan Mountain and the Gwandong region in the company of Hong Yeon. 2) After his travel, Park Chung-gan wrote the travelogue Yusanrok. 3) Park Chung-gan is presumed to have held a post in Seoul (祿食東華). 4) Park Chung-gan painted (or had a painter paint) several scenic spots and mounted them on a folding screen (遂繪畫若干名勝地爲屛風). However, this phrase does not clarify whether Park Chung-gan himself painted them or had a painter paint them. 5) Park Chung-gan wrote a selection of heptasyllabic quatrains that he composed during his travel on the paintings. The Chinese character “八” (eight) following “七” (heptasyllabic quatrain) can be interpreted as eight heptasyllabic quatrains, which indicates these poems were written on the eight-panel folding screen. 6) As written in the colophon, Park Chung-gan called himself “商山逸老,” namely “an old man.” Assuming that Park was over fifty years old, the age that he could call himself an old man, when he wrote this colophon, the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion appear to have been produced after 1571, thirty years before 1601 (the year of his death in his eighties). 7) In the seal reading “Namae Cheosa” (南崖/處士), cheosa refers to a scholar who holds no government post and lives in seclusion. Considering that Park Chung-gan wrote this colophon while serving as an official, the word “cheosa” does not fit with his status as a Pyeongnan Gongsin. Thus, it is highly probable that Park stamped the seal “Namae Cheosa” before 1590 when he was appointed as a Pyeongnan Gongsin. Another seal reading “Sangsan Gaebu” (商山開府), which means his appointment as a Pyeongnan Gongsin, seems to have been added to the beginning of the colophon after 1590. It is thought to have been stamped at a different time than the two square seals at the end of the colophon. Fig. 5. Poem in Gyeongpodae Pavilion (Fig. 1) Fig. 6. Poem in Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 2) To summarize, Sangsan Ilro, identified as Park Chunggan, went on a sightseeing trip to Geumgangsan Mountain (also known as Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region with Hong Yeon in the spring of 1557. He wrote Yusanrok, and several years later painted—or had a painter paint—several scenic spots of Geumgangsan Mountain and the Gwandong region, which he mounted on a folding screen. Hong Yeon passed the civil service examination held on a special occasion in 1551 and lived until 1584. Based on the colophon, the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are presumed to have been produced around the latter half of the sixteenth century after Park traveled in 1557 and after 1571 when Park was over fifty and became an old man. The painting style found in the trees, mountains, and streams also corresponds to the painting style of the late sixteenth century, as will be discussed later. Besides the colophon, each of these paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion bears a heptasyllabic quatrain as follows: Gyeongpodae Pavilion (Fig. 5) 百頃澄潭徹底淸 好看天影倒空明 嵓奇樹老四千嶂 波映長橋見客行 As a hundred acres of the pool of water is thoroughly clear, It is nice to see the reflection of the sky’s shadow on the water. Bizarre-looking rocks and old trees surround four thousand peaks, And I see a visitor going [by crossing] a long bridge reflected in the waves. Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 6) 叢石奇奇造化工 此間神妙問崆峒 從來物像人難測 漫向滄溟引晩風 The Creator has crafted oddly-shaped rock clusters. I ask if these mystical rock clusters are a mountain where Daoist immortals are living together. Their former shapes are unpredictable by human effort. [Standing] crammed towards a large sea, rock clusters face an evening breeze. Fig. 7. Detail (upper section) of Gyeongpodae Pavilion (Fig. 1) Fig. 8. Detail (lower section) of Gyeongpodae Pavilion (Fig. 1) Both poems show Chinese characters larger than those in the colophon (Fig. 3) but demonstrate consistency with the colophon in the use of an unrestrained calligraphic style. To the right of the poem on the painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is an inscription which reads “Tongcheon Chongseokjeong” (通川叢石亭, Chongseokjeong Pavilion in Tongcheon) and is carefully written in a regular script (Fig. 6). The calligraphic style in this inscription indicating the theme of the painting differs from the unrestrained calligraphic style in the colophon and poems. It shares affinities with the calligraphic style used to designate the names of natural features and scenic spots depicted in paintings. Based on the calligraphic styles, two people engaged in writing the inscriptions: one person for the colophon and poems, and the other for “Chongseokjeong Pavilion in Tongcheon” and the names of natural features and scenic spots. Since Sangsan Ilro, probably Park Chung-gan, wrote the colophon and poems, the rest appears to have been written by the second person. The second person is believed to be the painter who created these two paintings. As mentioned above, the colophon fails to clarify if Park Chung-gan himself produced these paintings or if he ordered a painter to do so. However, given the discrepancy in calligraphic styles, Park is presumed to have had a painter produce the paintings. The quality of the paintings also suggests it is diffcult to think that the civil offcial Park Chung-gan was skillful enough to create them. Composition of Natural Features and Scenic Spots Gyeongpodae Pavilion The contents of the colophon discussed earlier indicate that the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were parts of a folding screen. The Chongseokjeong Pavilion painting bearing the colophon is considered the last panel of the folding screen. In the case of Gyeongpodae Pavilion painting, the upper left section of its vertically long picture plane bears a heptasyllabic quatrain. There is an oval-shaped Gyeongpoho Lake surrounded by various natural features and buildings in the middle of the painting (Fig. 1). The front view of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion with a hipped-and-gabled roof and three frontal bays is depicted against a backdrop of mountains (Fig. 7). The columns painted in red catch a viewer’s eye. The pavilion stands above a single-tier stone foundation with stairs in the middle. Its decorative roof-end tiles, figurines called japsang, and brackets are illustrated in detail and colored in green and red. While columns are shown, no doors or walls are described. On the left of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, two buildings, each with a hipped-and-gabled roof, three frontal bays, and red columns, are placed in a T shape. Since these two buildings are smaller and stand on a lower foundation than the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, they are inferior to the pavilion. According to the records, buildings within the precinct of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion were erected in 1326, but the main building was destroyed by fire in 1524. The main building was restored before 1530 and subsequently underwent several repairs. In 1628, a full-scale remodeling project to remove the lodging facilities affiliated with the Gyeongpodae Pavilion was conducted. Since the depiction of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion in this painting features the actual building that existed in and after 1557, this painting offers the earliest powerful testimony to verifying a visual image of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which is otherwise only imagined through records. Fig. 9. Saseonbong Peak in Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 2) In the lower section of the painting, the names of natural features and scenic spots are written in ink, including, from right to left, Baeksaori Sandy Beach (白沙五里), Gangmungyo Bridge (江門橋), Cheongchoju Sandbank (靑草洲), Jukdo Island (竹島), and the Chodang House (草堂) (Fig. 8). These names help viewers recognize natural features and scenic spots. Along the long sandy beach where the inscription of “Baeksaori” is written on the far right, layers of pine trees are standing. On the left of the Baeksaori Sandy Beach is a sandbank on which green grasses grow in the shallow waters of Gyeongpoho Lake. “Cheongchoju” is also inscribed over the sandbank. Below the Cheongchoju Sandbank is Jukdo Island full of overgrown bamboo trees and Gangmungyo Bridge. The Gangmungyo Bridge, made of wooden boards, is located at the exit where the Gyeongpoho Lake water streams back to the sea. Fig. 10. Saseonjeong Pavilion and uninscribed stele in Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 2) Fig. 11. Protruding hill in Gyeongpodae Pavilion (Fig. 1) Fig. 12. Detail of Landscape with the Eulogy by Hakpo. Joseon, early 16th century. Ink on paper. National Museum of Korea On the lower left of the painting is a roof tile house, with the inscription “Chodang” (草堂). The Chodang is a sobriquet of Heo Yeop (許曄, 1517–1580), and Heo Yeop is the father of Heo Bong (許篈, 1551–1588), who is related to the traveler Hong Yeon. This building appears to have depicted a house where Heo Yeop lived. It has a hipped-and-gabled roof, decorative roof-end tiles, and roof figurines, but it is a simple roof tile house standing on a low foundation, equipped with two bays and a vertical lattice-worked window on the side. Chongseokjeong Pavilion According to the poem “Matching Rhymes from the Poem on Chongseokjeong Pavilion” (次叢石亭詩韻) in the first volume of Geunjaejip (謹齋集, Collected Works of Geunjae) written by An Chuk (安軸, 1282–1348) about the Chongseokjeong Pavilion, overhanging cliffs and oblong rocks are standing in a row like square pillars. It also states that these angular and flat cliffs and rocks standing straight appear similar in size as if they are sculpted using an inking line. In An Chuk’s poem, the four stone pillars standing while being separated from each other are called Saseonbong Peak (四仙峯), and Saseonbong is described as dozens of oblong rocks that form a peak. Corresponding to this description, the painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 2) depicts four bundles of stone pillars and shows an inscription “Saseonbong” atop the pillars on the far left (Fig. 9). In this painting, natural features are arranged at three distances to create a sense of space among such gigantic stone pillars. The foreground shows low stone pillars, and in the middle-ground massive stone pillars of Saseonbong that form a triangle are depicted. A sense of distance across the natural features is produced by portraying seawater flowing in front and in back of low stone pillars in the foreground and water waves between tall stone pillars in the middle ground. In the background is a sloping road, which is illustrated by a diagonal line descending from the Saseonjeong Pavilion (四仙亭) on the left mountaintop towards the pillars. “Dongyugi” (東遊記, Journey to the East) in the fifth volume of Gajeongjip (稼亭集, Collected Works of Gajeong) by Yi Gok (李穀, 1298–1351) mentions a stele whose surface has chipped off and has been worn out to the extent that even a single word is illegible. The painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 10) exhibits a stele matching such description. Here, the stele bears no inscription on its surface, and “moljabi” (沒字碑, uninscribed stele) is written in ink above the stele. Next to the stele, a straw-thatched hut with the inscription of “Saseonjeong” (四仙亭, Saseonjeong Pavilion) instead of “Chongseokjeong” is depicted. The inclusion of the hut is noteworthy in that the straw-thatched hut with the inscription of “Saseonjeong” in the scene depicting the area of the Chongseokjeong Pavilion appears only in this painting. The Formation of Composition and the Changes in Composition after the Eighteenth Century Gyeongpodae Pavilion The composition of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion painting relates to that of early Joseon landscape paintings. In the middle left section of the painting is a protruding hill where two people are conversing with one another (Fig. 11). Such a spatial element does not exist in the actual landscape of Gyeongpoho Lake and cannot be found in other paintings of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion produced later than this example. This compositional element originated from an asymmetrical arrangement of early Joseon landscape paintings, including the Landscape with the Eulogy by Hakpo (Fig. 12), which places natural features on one side and a hill in the foreground and middle ground. The Gyeongpodae Pavilion painting (Fig. 1), however, presents a diversification of composition and perspective by emphasizing real-scenery elements and expanding them to a wider area. As a case in point, an overall view of Gyeongpoho Lake is successfully illustrated by depicting the distant mountain in the upper section in bilateral symmetry and the oval-shaped Gyeongpoho Lake against the symmetrical background through a bird’s-eye view perspective. Unlike early Joseon landscape paintings in which lakes or rivers flow horizontally or are placed asymmetrically, the Gyeongpodae Pavilion painting displays a rather inclusive and expanded composition. The texture strokes used in the painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion are reminiscent of those used by the traditional painting school of An Gyeon. For example, in the case of the hill in the lower left section of the painting (Fig. 13-1), it is first outlined with brushstrokes of greatly varying thickness, then layers of brushstrokes are applied to the surfaces of the hill in order to create a three-dimensional effect, and protruding blocks of rocks are portrayed in dark ink. This Gyeongpodae Pavilion painting, however, shows the transformation in texture strokes of the An Gyeon painting school. In depicting the Jukdo Island (Fig. 13-2), cloud-head strokes are gradually flattened and turned into angled shell shapes. Tooth-shaped projections outside of the contour lines of the mountains, which are characteristic of the An Gyeon painting school, change into rock shapes with no dots. In addition to the changes in traditional texturing techniques, the painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion indicates a reflection of the real scenery of the Odaesan Mountain in Gangwon-do Province, as illustrated by the triangular mountains in the background (Fig. 15). Dots usually placed over the outlines of mountains in early sixteenth-century landscape paintings (Fig. 14) become more stabilized in this painting. The shape of the mountains and the use of dots above them are similar to those in the painting of Arrival of Ming Envoys at Uisungwan Guesthouse from 1572 (Fig. 16). Texture strokes of short lines and dots, which are often found in sixteenth-century paintings by the An Gyeon school, turn into layers of long, slender lines to add a three-dimensional effect. Figs. 13-1 and 13-2. Details of Gyeongpodae Pavilion (Fig. 1) Fig. 14. Detail of Eight Views of the Xiao and Xiang Rivers. Joseon, early 16th century. Ink on silk. 35.8 × 28.5 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 15. Triangular mountains in Gyeongpodae Pavilion (Fig. 1) Fig. 16. Detail of Arrival of Ming Envoys at Uisungwan Guesthouse. Joseon, after 1572. Light color on silk. 46.5 × 38.5 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies Pine trees standing in a row on the sandy beach and rocky that the islands vertically connected in the middle of Gyeongpoho Lake are depicted by using angular, oblique lines with a bird’s-eye view perspective (Figs. 17-1 and 17-2). As a result, a vista with continuously overlapping natural features unfolds in this painting. This painting employs multiple perspectives to effectively depict a wide area of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Gyeonpoho Lake. The Gyeongpodae Pavilion is illustrated from a frontal perspective, and the haze between the pavilion and the distant mountains makes the pavilion stand out (Fig. 7). A diagonal, bird’s-eye view perspective is also used for the natural depiction of the relations between innate features and the characteristics of scenic spots. Figs. 17-1 and 17-2. Details of Gyeongpodae Pavilion (Fig. 1) Red color is applied to both the Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the upper section of the painting and the Chodang House in the lower section (Fig. 1). These two buildings are vertically in alignment with one another. A comparison between such composition and arrangement of building features in this sixteenth-century painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and that of composition in other later paintings of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion shows an intriguing change. Case in point, there is the “Gyeongpodae Pavilion” from the Album of the Ten Scenic Spots in Gwandong Region (1746–1748) (Fig. 18), which was considered the earliest Gyeongpodae Pavilion painting before the release of the sixteenth-century example. The biggest difference between the sixteenth-century painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and the “Gyeongpodae Pavilion” leaf is that the Gyeongpodae Pavilion buildings depicted in the upper portion of the painting are moved to the lower section of the leaf. In the latter, a scene of sunrise unfolds in the background, and Jukdo Island, which is located in the lower section of the sixteenth-century painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, is observed in the middle ground. The tile-roofed house on the hill in the middle-right section is thought to be the Chodang House, a house of Heo Yeop. Here, the Gyeongpodae Pavilion buildings and Jukdo Island are the focal points. The placement of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion buildings facing the sea in the lower section of the picture plane consequently aligns the buildings, Jukdo Island, and the East Sea. Such placement continued to be used in the “Gyeongpodae Pavilion” from the Album of Famous Mountains of Korea (after 1788) (Fig. 19) by Kim Hongdo (金弘道, 1745–after 1806). This placement became a popular convention in other paintings of the Gyeongpodae Pavilion produced in subsequent periods. Fig. 18. “Gyeongpodae Pavilion” from the Album of the Ten Scenic Spots in Gwandong Region. Joseon, 1746–1748. Color on silk. 31.5 × 22.5 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies Fig. 19. “Gyeongpodae Pavilion” from the Album of Famous Mountains of Korea by Kim Hongdo. Joseon, after 1788. Ink on paper. 30.5 × 43.0 cm. National Museum of Korea However, it is noteworthy that the painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung (Fig. 20-1) in the folk painting style maintains the arrangement of the sixteenth-century painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung produced at the end of the Joseon Dynasty depicts not only Gyeongpoho Lake but the Hohaejeong Pavilion (湖海亭) and the lake in front of the pavilion in the right section of the picture plane. Natural features and scenic spots are inscribed with their names, which helps determine their locations. For example, from top to bottom, the inscriptions written on the hill stretching to the middle of the lake include the Maehakjeong Pavilion (梅鶴亭), the Banghaejeong Pavilion (放海亭), and Hongjangam Rock (紅粧巖) (Fig. 20-2). Joam Rock (鳥巖) is also spotted across the water. This hill where the Maehakjeong Pavilion, the Banghaejeong Pavilion, and Hongjangam Rock are marked corresponds to the rocky islands vertically connected in the middle of Gyeongpoho Lake in the sixteenth-century painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion (Fig. 17-2). While the sixteenth-century painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion illustrates only one roof-tiled house of Chodang, this folk painting shows a village of houses centering around the Chodang. Unlike the former, the latter adds the depiction of the nearby region of the Hohaejeong Pavilion on the right. Nevertheless, the latter follows the composition of the former by placing the Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the upper section of the picture plane and Gyeongpoho Lake in the lower section. Figs. 20-1 and 20-2. Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung and its detail. 19th century. 91.0 × 61.0 cm. National Museum of Korea Figs. 21. Compositional changes in the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion: 1) late 16th century, 2) 1746–1748, 3) after 1788 (by Kim Hongdo), 4) 19th century (Markings by the author) An examination of the compositions in the Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings (Figs. 21) reveals that the composition shared by the sixteenth-century painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and the painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung changed in and after the eighteenth century. A new composition that placed the Gyeongpodae Pavilion buildings in the lower section of the picture planes and made them head toward the sea in the upper section emerged. Accordingly, the painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung is an important example that shows the composition in the sixteenth-century painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion was transmitted to folk painting circles. Chongseokjeong Pavilion Unlike the painting of Gyeongpodae Pavilion that demonstrates links to traditional compositions and texture techniques in early Joseon landscape painting, the painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 2) features very dramatic arrangement and expression modes. With the highest stone pillars in the center of the painting, layers of stone pillars that occupy most of the picture plane form a triangle. Such a central axis is rarely seen in existing early Joseon paintings. A similar, symmetrical composition positioning the main mountain in the center of the painting can be observed in other landscape paintings, including The Gathering at the Dokseodang Hall (ca. 1531, private collection in Japan), The Gathering of the Inspectors at the Office of the Censorate (1591, Naju National Museum), and The Gathering of the Elders Born in the Sinhae Year (1622, National Museum of Korea). However, such a composition seems to be seldom used compared to the asymmetrical composition which was popular at the time. In the painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion, Saseonbong Peak has a dominant presence in the middle ground. Vertical stone pillars of the peak are depicted as segmented and flat, yet they fail to create a three-dimensional and natural sense of space. However, the whitened lower part and the darkened upper part of each pillar heighten a sense of looking up at a mountain from below. To amplify this effect, a thin layer of white color is added to each stone pillar (Fig. 22). As for the texture technique used to describe each stone pillar, light ink is applied to the pillar surface and the fine lines in dark ink are drawn to portray the texture and cleavages of rock clusters. The strokes are made by pressing the tip of a brush at an oblique angle and pulling it down vertically, showing early stage aspects of the technique of ax-cut brushstrokes (斧劈皴). The contrast between black and white and the use of vertical texture strokes hint at the future popularity of the Zhe painting style in the following periods. Fig. 22. Detail of Saseonbong Peak in Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 2) The composition and arrangement of paintings produced after this sixteenth-century painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 2) radically changed. In “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of Pungaksan Mountain in the Sinmyo Year (1711) (Fig. 23) by Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676–1759), Saseonbong Peak, which occupies most of the picture plane in the sixteenth-century Chongseokjeong Pavilion painting (Fig. 2), is reduced to a scale similar to that of the cliff on which the Chongseokjeong Pavilion is situated. Moreover, the East Sea takes up a large proportion of the upper section of the picture plane. Another compositional change can be found in viewing Saseonbong Peak and the Chongseokjeong Pavilion. The sixteenthcentury painting (Fig. 2) depicts Saseonbong Peak and the Chongseokjeong Pavilion as seen from the East Sea, whereas Jeong Seon’s painting (Fig. 23) illustrates them as seen from the inland side. Similarly, in the “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of the Ten Scenic Spots in Gwandong Region (Fig. 24), Saseonbong Peak is downscaled even further and depicted smaller than the cliff on which the Chongseokjeong Pavilion is located. It emerges as part of the scenery to draw attention to the Chongseokjeong Pavilion on the cliff rather than Saseonbong Peak. The “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of Famous Mountains of Korea (Fig. 25) by Kim Hongdo places the Chongseokjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the right section of the picture plane and the Saseonbong Peak of similar height to the cliff in the left section in order to emphasize the peak’s majesty. While the first two “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” album-leaf paintings (Figs. 23–24) show the Saseonbong Peak situated in between the Chongseokjeong Pavilion and the Hwanseonjeong Pavilion (喚仙亭 or 奐仙亭), the “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” in Kim Hongdo’s painting album (Fig. 25) omits the Hwanseonjeong Pavilion on the left. This compositional change in the Chongseokjeong Pavilion paintings indicates that the focal point moved from rock clusters with the Saseonbong Peak at the center to the whole scenery, including the sea. Fig. 23. “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of Pungaksan Mountain in the Sinmyo Year by Jeong Seon. Joseon, 1711. 38.3 × 37.5 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 24. “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of the Ten Scenic Spots in Gwandong Region. Joseon, 1746–1748. Color on silk. 31.5 × 22.5 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies Fig. 25. “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of Famous Mountains of Korea by Kim Hongdo. Joseon, after 1788. Ink on paper. 30.5 × 43.0 cm. National Museum of Korea Like the sixteenth-century painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 2), other examples from later periods depict the rock clusters as seen from the sea. For instance, the “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of Seas and Mountains (Fig. 26) produced in 1816 by Kim Ha-jong (金夏鍾, 1793–after 1875) places the cliff with the Chongseokjeong Pavilion in the left section and arrays a row of rock clusters in front of the cliff. The Superb Landscape of Chongseokjeong Pavilion (1920) (Fig. 27) by Kim Gyu-jin (金圭鎭, 1868–1933), from the modern era, features a similar composition and perspective but in a dramatically expanded scope and scale. Fig. 26. “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of Seas and Mountains by Kim Ha-jong. Joseon, 1816. Light color on silk. 27.2 × 41.8 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 27. Superb Landscape of Chongseokjeong Pavilion by Kim Gyu-jin. 1920. Color on silk. 205.1 × 883.0 cm. Changdeokgung Palace A compositional change observed in the Chongseokjeong Pavilion paintings from the sixteenth century through the modern era shows a change in perspective from viewing rock clusters from the sea to looking at the sea from the inland area (Figs. 28). This change is related to the popularization of paintings of the Gwandong region that use the compositions of Jeong Seon and Kim Hongdo. By the time Kim Ha-jong painted “Chongseokjeong Pavilion,” paintings depicting a view of rock clusters from the sea like the sixteenth-century examples reemerged. A comparison of depictions and titles of scenic spots (Figs. 29) indicates that a thatched-hut with the inscription of “Saseonjeong Pavilion” in the sixteenth-century painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes into a tiled house with a hipped-and-gabled roof and the inscription of “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” in other paintings. Moreover, all scenes of the Chongseokjeong Pavilion include a stele of a different shape. In the sixteenth-century painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion (Fig. 29-1), a stele inscribed with “moljabi” (沒字碑, uninscribed stele) stands next to the hut. The “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of Pungaksan Mountain in the Sinmyo Year (Fig. 29-2) also illustrates a stele painted in white next to the building but bears an inscription of “maehyangbi” (埋香碑, stele for the incense burial ceremony). A white stele also appears in the “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from the Album of the Ten Scenic Spots in Gwandong Region (Fig. 29-3), but it bears no inscription; it might be either moljabi or maehyangbi. In the “Chongseokjeong Pavilion” from Kim Hongdo’s Album of Famous Mountains of Korea (Fig. 29-4), only the pedestal for the stele is depicted near the building. This depiction matches the records in Yi Gok’s “Dongyugi” that there used to be another stele on the cliff besides moljabi, but only its footstone remained. Given Kim Hongdo’s painting style of emphasizing the reality of the scenery, he is presumed to have excluded the stele designated as moljabi or maehyangbi since it was invisible from his perspective and to have painted only the pedestal visible to him. Figs. 28. Compositional changes in the paintings of Chongseokjeong Pavilion: 1) late 16th century, 2) 1711 (by Jeong Seon), 3) 1746–1748, 4) after 1788 (by Kim Hongdo), 5) 1816 (by Kim Ha-jong), 6) 1920 (by Kim Gyu-jin) (Markings by the author) Figs. 29. Changes in the building and stele of the Chongseokjeong Pavilion: 1) late 16th century, 2) 1711 (by Jeong Seon), 3) 1746–1748, 4) after 1788 (by Kim Hongdo) (Markings by the author) The Tradition of Producing Paintings of Gwandong and the Status of Paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion The paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are presumed to have originally been parts of a folding screen depicting the Gwandong region. Several historical records point out that the famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were already painted in the sixteenth century. These records include a review that Sin Heum (申欽, 1566–1628) wrote about the painting of Gwandong by Kim Saeng (金生, 711–?) in his Sangchonjip (象村集, Collected Works of Sangchon); a verse from Taekdangjip (澤堂集, Collected Works of Taekdang) by Yi Sik (李植, 1584–1647) that mentions an ink painting by An Gyeon (active in the fifteenth century) at Naksansa Temple was very unusual; and a poem that Yi Hwang (李滉, 1501–1570) wrote for the painting of “Traveling to Gyeongpodae Pavilion” in his Toegyejip (退溪集, Collected Works of Toegye). The painting of the Gwandong region appears to have been produced not just in a single scroll but in a folding screen with several panels. After the theme of ‘Eight Views of the Xiao and Xiang Rivers’ was introduced to Korea during the Goryeo Dynasty, eight songs (八詠詩, K. palyeongsi) about the regions of Gangneung, Samcheok, Pyeonghae, etc., began to be composed. By the sixteenth century, a perception of the motif of ‘Eight Scenic Spots of Gwandong’ was shaped, as illustrated in “Eight Songs about Gwandong” (關東八詠) from Nuljaejip (訥齋集, Collected Works of Nuljae) by Park Sang (朴祥, 1474–1530) and in Yi Hwang’s comments on Gyeongpoho Lake as the foremost among the eight scenic spots of Gwandong in his Toegyejip. In a similar vein, in his Ganijip (簡易集, Collected Works of Gani), Choe Rip (崔岦, 1539–1612) states that he composed poems by using rhyme words that were matched to several outstanding works from the poems or paintings produced by Yi Jeong (李霆, 1554–1626) in the Gwandong region. Choe also composed four pentasyllabic quatrains about the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, the Jukseoru Pavilion, the Mangyangjeong Pavilion, and the Wolsongjeong Pavilion. These records prove that in the sixteenth century, favorable circumstances for designating several places in Gwandong as its scenic spots and producing folding screens illustrating Gwandong’s scenic spots were formed. Moreover, the records on the hanging scroll of “Hakrimsu’s Journey to Geumgangsan Mountain” in Sojaejip (穌齋集, Collected Works of Sojae) by No Su-sin (盧守愼, 1515–1590) are noteworthy. This scroll contains a painting by Kim Si (金禔, 1524–1593) and poems by Yi San-hae (李山海, 1538–1609) and No Su-sin about the travel of Yi Gyeong-yun (李慶胤, 1545–1611; fief title: “Hakrimsu”) to Geumgangsan Mountain. It aptly demonstrates the synthesis of traveling experiences of several literati. In his poem, No Su-sin reflects back on his own journey to Geumgangsan and states that he is about to turn seventy. This suggests that the hanging scroll of “Hakrimsu’s Journey to Geumgangsan Mountain” may have been produced around 1585. The practice of writing poems and creating paintings about travels is in line with the production background of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion, reflecting the trend in art and literature at the time. The production of a folding screen depicting the Gwandong region is verified in the “Colophons in the Records of Scenic Spots in Gwandong” (關東勝賞錄跋) from Choe Rip’s Ganijip (簡易集, Collected Works of Gani). These colophons state as follows: … while the governor Sir Han visited mountains, seas and scenic spots of each region along the path within the precincts to look into the customs of people, he appreciated [scenic spots] and recited poems [about them] along with guests and the young. There was nothing that he did not enjoy. He then ordered a painter to paint [these scenic spots] and specially mount the paintings on a folding screen so that he could store it at his house and look at it whenever he wanted … This quote indicates that Han Deok-won (韓德遠, 1550–?), who was appointed as the governor of Gangwon-do Province in 1605, asked a painter to produce a folding screen depicting scenic spots in the Gwandong region. Another reference illustrates the production of a fourpanel folding screen with images of scenic spots in Gwandong. In his Taecheonjip (苔泉集, Collected Works of Taecheon), Min In-baek (閔仁伯, 1552–1626) documents that when he served as the district magistrate of Samcheok, he commissioned the production of a folding screen with Kim Si-heon (金時獻, 1560–1613), the district magistrate of Yangyang, and Jo Tak (曺倬, 1552–1621), the district magistrate of Gangneung, to commemorate their passing of the civil service examination with the highest score within the first ranking group. According to Min, the production of the four-panel folding screen began in the Imja Year (1612) by painting the Naksansa Temple, the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, and the Jukseoru Pavilion on each of the three panels and writing the title and poem on the one panel, but its completion failed. Other accounts on folding screens of the Gwandong region can be found in the Cheonghajip (靑霞集, Collected Works of Cheongha) by Kwon Geuk-jung (權克中, 1585–1659) which records that he wrote a heptasyllabic poem with four rhymes on a folding screen of landscape in Gwandong. As mentioned above, historical records on the paintings of scenic spots in Gwandong region from the Goryeo Dynasty through the Joseon Dynasty show that they were produced as a single hanging scroll, a folding screen with several panels, and an album with several leaves. There had been no actual works that verified such records before the emergence of the two paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion that have been discussed in this paper. These two paintings are significant in the history of painting in that they evince the production of folding screens of the Gwandong region that has been confirmed only on record as the earliest extant examples of Gwandong paintings. According to the inscription on the painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion, these two paintings were produced as parts of an eightpanel folding screen, suggesting that the painting format of eight scenic spots in Gwandong was already established in the late sixteenth century. Park Chung-gan who wrote the colophon is presumed to have commissioned a painter to paint the scenic spots that Park visited during his travel. Park also added poems about his reflection on true qualities of the nature that he composed during his journey. The painter intended to display the characteristics of the places by visualizing real life scenery observed during Park’s sightseeing trip and writing the names of natural features and scenic spots. The paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion try to apply new arrangements, perspectives, and expression modes to exhibit characteristics of real scenery. In particular, the painting of Chongseokjeong Pavilion presents a bold composition of a central axis, a striking contrast in gradations of ink tone, and vertical texture strokes which are considered the prototype of ax-cut brushstrokes. The paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are of great significance in that they are the earliest existing examples to verify a historical fact that sightseeing trips were documented in poetry and paintings. They also hold considerable importance since they have broadened our understanding of Korean real scenery landscape painting by showing compositions, perspectives, and texture techniques of the unprecedented sixteenth-century landscape painting.

The Gilt-bronze Standing Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva (Figs. 1-1 through 1-3), National Treasure No. 293, was excavated along with another gilt-bronze sculpture of a standing bodhisattva in 1907 from Gyuam-ri, Gyuam-myeon, Buyeo-gun, Chungcheongnam-do Province. This sculpture presumably was put up for sale by the Japanese military police, passed through many hands, and came to be owned by a Japanese man named Niwase Hiroaki (庭瀬博章) or Niwase Nobuyuki (庭瀬信行), who was active in Joseon during the period of Japanese colonial rule. After Korea’s liberation, the sculpture entered the collection of the National Museum. Currently, it is displayed at the permanent exhibition hall in the Buyeo National Museum. The sculpture is 21.1 centimeters high, 7.5 centimeters wide, and weighs 860 grams. Since there is a representation of a transformed Buddha within the crown on his head, the main statue standing atop of a round lotus pedestal appears to have been produced as Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. The inside of the pedestal is hollowed out, while the parts where the pedestal and the statue are connected are plugged. This indicates the statue section is filled with cast metal. The thickness of the pedestal measures 2.8 millimeters at the thinnest and 7.3 millimeters at the thickest, but overall, it is very thin. There is even a hole in one of the thinner sections. The other gilt-bronze sculpture of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva (Fig. 2), excavated along with the first one mentioned above, is known to have been purchased and owned by a Japanese man named Ichida Jirō (市田次郞), who lived in Daegu during the Japanese colonial era. Before Korea’s liberation, Ichida brought it with him to Japan. Afterwards, its whereabouts were unknown. However, the media revealed recently that the sculpture is in the possession of another Japanese person, which drew considerable attention. A comparison between these two gilt-bronze bodhisattva sculptures shows that the sculpture in Japan features a more natural facial expression, drapery, and posture than the one in possession of the Buyeo National Museum. Moreover, they differ in the connecting method of the figure to the pedestal. The main statue and pedestal of the Buyeo sculpture were cast at one time as a single unit, whereas in the case of the other sculpture, the pedestal was cast separately and attached to the figure later. Thus, despite the same excavation location, taking into account the clear differences in the natural depiction and the casting method used to connect the figure to the pedestal, these two gilt-bronze bodhisattva sculptures appear to have been produced at different times. In other words, these two sculptures are not contemporaneous. Considering the realistic body depiction, naturally flowing drapery folds, and sophisticated ornaments of the sculpture in Japan, the sculpture at at the Buyeo National Museum was likely produced earlier than the former. Further scientific research on the sculpture in Japan would enrich a comparative study with the Buyeo sculpture. Fig. 1-1. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (front) Fig. 1-2. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (back) Fig. 1-3. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (detail) Fig. 2. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva in Japan This paper intends to explore the structure, casting method, material components, and surface treatment method of the Giltbronze Standing Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva excavated from Gyuam-ri, Buyeo, and currently housed at the Buyeo National Museum (hereafter, Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva) by examining it under a microscope and through nondestructive analysis and X-ray radiation. Survey Methods The form of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was examined at a magnification of 7.8 through an optical microscope (Leica M205A, Germany). The components of the statue’s base bronze and plating layer were analyzed using a portable µXRF spectrometer (ArtTAX, Germany) under the settings of voltage 50kV, current 600µA, and time 120s. The inner structure of the sculpture was inspected through hard X-ray equipment (Smart EVO 300DS) under the settings of voltage 210kV, current 3mA, and time 40s. Survey Results Examination of Form The Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva stands straight on top of a lotus pedestal, holding a small bead with his right thumb and index finger and holding up his long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth with his left thumb and index finger. He wears a three-sided crown with an image of a transformed Buddha on the front side (Fig. 3-1). This suggests that the sculpture might have been produced and worshipped as a manifestation of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. Below both sides of the crown, strands of hair tucked behind the ears fall over the shoulders. The sculpture has a round face (Fig. 3-2), which is large in relation to the body. The eyebrows form gentle arches and continue to the ridge of the nose. The upper eyelids look almost straight towards the corners of the eyes, while the lower eyelids form crescent-shaped lines and meet the upper eyelids at the corners of the eyes. The ridge of the nose is straight, and the nostrils are not depicted. The philtrum is deeply indented. The upper lip is thin and forms a gentle curve, while the lower lip is plump. The lips are tightly pressed, and the corners of the mouth appear to be slightly lifted, giving the impression that the Bodhisattva is giving a gentle smile. The ears are small in relation to the large face. The short and thick neck has three horizontal grooves (Fig. 3-3). Behind the head, a peg for placing a mandorla still remains (Fig. 3-4). Fig. 3-1. Transformed Buddha on the front side of the three-sided crown Fig. 3-2. Face Fig. 3-3. Neck and chest Fig. 3-4. Peg for placing a mandorla on the back Fig. 3-5. Right shoulder Fig. 3-6. Left shoulder The whole body is portrayed without a sense of proportion. The shoulders are narrow, but the arms are thick (Figs. 3-5 and 3-6). The right arm is folded almost to 180 degrees, and the right palm is facing forward (Fig. 3-7). The Bodhisattva is holding a small bead with his right thumb and index finger, while stretching out the rest of his three fingers which are stuck together. The left arm is naturally lowered down, with the wrist folded upwards almost at a right angle, and the palm facing downwards (Fig. 3-8). The deity is lifting a long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth with his left thumb and index finger. The yeongnak (瓔珞, strings threaded with large beads) is draped in the shape of an “X” over the front and back of the body, adding decorativeness to the sculpture (Fig. 3-9). The long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth is naturally flowing down from the shoulders on both sides of the body. The necklaces, bracelets, and drapery folds are expressed with shallow lines. The skirt falls down to the tops of the feet, and creases of the skirt are depicted with fine lines over the legs (Fig. 3-10). The left foot sticks out slightly forward (Fig. 3-11). The pedestal is carved with a lotus blossom with eight petals, each of which is divided into two lobes (Fig. 3-12). The petals vary in size. The ones on the back are rather roughly formed. Although this Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was buried and then excavated, the gilding remains rather intact, particularly on the backside. The statue’s round face and slightly pulled-in corners of the mouth are indicative of tender and gentle expressions in Buddhist sculptures from the Baekje Kingdom. Rust and peeled-off gilding around the eyes make the Bodhisattva look as if he is gently closing his eyes. Such an impression of the Giltbronze Standing Bodhisattva in harmony with gentleness creates an atmosphere of calmness, as if he is giving a soft smile. Despite simple depictions of necklaces and bracelets, this sculpture holds a strong decorative quality owing to yeongnak decorations draped over the front and back of the body which is one of its main characteristics. The distinctive features of this sculpture, which is thought to have been produced in the Baekje Kingdom, include: a high crown, decorations with a pointed center over the neck, and a gentle smile (made by the pulled-in corners of the mouth). This Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva sculpted to be viewed from all angles reflects a more advanced aesthetic sense than that of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva from the temple site in Gunsu-ri, Buyeo (Figs. 4) which only was carved on the front. Moreover, it shows a soft and gentle smile on his round face and has a pedestal adorned with multiple petals of a lotus flower. Given all these aspects, the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva is presumed to have been produced after the seventh century CE in the Baekje Kingdom. Fig. 3-7. Right hand Fig. 3-8. Left hand Fig. 3-9. Yeongnak decoration on the waist Fig. 3-10. Legs Fig. 3-11. Upper part of the pedestal and feet Fig. 3-12. Lotus flower petal on the pedestal Figs. 4-1 and 4-2. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva excavated from the temple site in Gunsu-ri, Buyeo (1. Front, 2. Back) Because the small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures were more easily portable and replicable compared to middle- and large-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, their excavation sites, production sites, and authenticity are always in question. The exact location where this Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was unearthed is unknown, but it is believed to have been found in Gyuam-ri, Gyuam-myeon, Buyeo-gun. In Gyuam-ri, Buddhist ruins from the Baekje Kingdom, including Wangheungsa Temple (王興寺), still remain. Verification of the exact excavation location of this Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva will help to further develop studies related to the Buddhist ruins of Baekje. Figs. 5-1 and 5-2. Inner side of the pedestal (1. Traces of spacers, 2. Trace of the sprue for pouring molten metal) Fig. 6. X-ray image of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva Fig. 7. X-ray image of the Buddha Plaque excavated from Wolji Pond Casting Method The pedestal of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva from Gyuam-ri is hollow inside (Figs. 5-1 and 5-2), and the traces of spacers or chaplets used to fix the internal core to the outer casting mold can be identified. There is also a trace of a sprue that the molten metal was poured through. These marks indicate that the molten metal might have been poured into the opening on the bottom of the sculpture’s pedestal while it was turned upside down so that it could flow into the head. This casting method is similar to the method commonly observed in ancient small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. X-ray analysis of the inner structure has identified bubbles which formed inside the arms and the pedestal during the bronze casting, yet were invisible to the naked eye (Fig. 6). These bubbles are thought to have failed to burst when the hot molten bronze was poured and have become solid instead. The Buddha Plaque unearthed from Wolji Pond in Gyeongju (Fig. 7) is a similar example of such a case. The bubbles are not visible on the surface of the plaque either, but the X-ray shows that they formed inside. Using X-ray analysis on the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva, cracks in both the thumbs and index fingers have been confirmed. The use of spacers, the verification of a sprue for casting, and bubbles inside the sculpture attest that the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was created using a lost-wax casting technique that was often employed to produce ancient small and mid-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. This casting technique involves sculpting a layer of wax applied over an inner core of clay, covering the wax sculpture with the clay, adding heat to remove the wax, and pouring molten metal into the space where the wax was previously in place. Component Analysis The metallurgic composition of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva is of copper (Cu), tin (Sn), and lead (Pb). The average composition amount, taken from three different tests, comes out to 82.6% copper, 14.1% tin, and 3.4% lead (Table 1). The inclusion of lead in the bronze artifacts often caused defects like the separation of the metal. Nevertheless, lead was often added intentionally to this type of sculpture to lower the melting temperature, facilitate the smooth flow of molten metal, and eventually form a distinct shape with well-defined decorations. Based on the previous compositional analyses of the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, a blend of copper, tin, and lead, along with that of copper and tin, or copper and lead, is often found in the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in the sixth and seventh centuries CE during the Three Kingdoms period. Several small, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures show similar proportions for their bronze alloy. According to the component analysis of the base metal layers of the gilt-bronze Buddha sculptures at the Gyeongju National Museum (Figs. 9–12), Silla gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in the seventh century CE—when the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was created—also contain 4–7% of lead (Table 2). The small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in and after the eighth century CE during the Unified Silla period, however, contain almost no lead. They were made from an alloy of copper and tin or made of pure copper. This indicates that by the eighth century CE, owing to the development of better reforging techniques, sculptures were produced at higher temperatures using high-purity bronze. Figs. 8-1 and 8-2. Analysis locations of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (1. Front, 2. Back) Table 1. Components of the Base Metal of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva Analysis Number Analysis Location Components (wt.%) Note Cu Sn Pb Au Hg Fe M335_1 Base metal (front) 81.08 15.29 3.41 - - 0.17 M335_2 Base metal (back) 84.38 12.96 2.5 - - 0.08 M335_3 81.72 13.87 4.21 - - 0.14 Table 2. Gilt-bronze Buddhist Sculptures and Their Components Analysis Number Object Title Components (wt.%) Period Note Cu Sn Pb Au Hg Fe duk 2223 Gilt-bronze Buddha Triad with a Large Mandorla 79.85 12.55 7.5 - - 0.06 Second half of the 6th c. Base metal ssu 484 Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha 78.47 16.55 4.78 - - 0.11 First half of the 7th c. kyo 373 Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha 92.14 7.67 0.07 - - 0.07 8th c. duk 4052 Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha 95.21 4.09 0.51 - - 0.11 9th c. duk 4685 Gilt-bronze Standing Vairocana Buddha 38.65 11.5 38.43 8.97 1.38 0.79 End of the 9th c. Gilding layer Fig. 9. Gilt-bronze Buddha Triad with a Large Mandorla Fig. 10. Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha Fig. 11. Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha Fig. 12. Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha Gold (Au) and mercury (Hg) were detected in the gilding layer, indicating that the method for plating the surface of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was a mercury amalgamation technique. This technique was mainly used when gilding ancient metalware, including gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. Whether or not the gilding layer of a gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture contains mercury serves as a critical clue for guessing which plating technique was applied. The gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods were commonly gilded using a mercury amalgamation technique, where gold was melted and amalgamated into mercury. This mixture is then applied to the surfaces of a sculpture, and—by heating the surfaces—only the mercury is evaporated. Other plating techniques include the application of gold leaf using mercury as an adhesive and heating it, as well as a hand application of thin gold leaf to an adhesive layer of organic materials, like lacquer varnish or glue, over the base metal. The former technique was employed in the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures from the Unified Silla period. Both gold and mercury (Table 2) were found during the component analysis of the Gilt-bronze Standing Vairocana Buddha in the National Museum of Korea (Figs. 13). The rear side of the sculpture exhibits square gold leaves attached to the surface. This statue serves as a reference for the study of surface treatment techniques used in Buddhist sculptures. Table 3. Components of the Gilding Layer of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva Analysis Number Analysis Location Components (wt.%) Note Cu Sn Pb Au Hg Fe M335_4 Gilding layer(front) 52.77 28.85 1.18 14.52 0.83 1.51 M335_5 21.97 20.94 1.36 45.15 8.98 0.93 M335_6 1.66 15.21 0.16 69.33 12.81 0.06 M335_7 28.42 13.01 1.41 45.87 9.62 1.24 M335_8 30.77 48.38 1.25 17.06 1.36 0.74 M335_9 14.85 24.44 0.62 50.82 8.37 0.43 M335_10 25.39 12.44 0.83 51.15 8.63 1.12 M335_11 3.01 13.31 0.33 71.16 11.34 0.24 M335_12 20.09 35.46 1.19 36.57 5.6 0.61 M335_13 19.65 52.6 2.36 22.07 2.66 0.14 M335_14 4.46 12.56 0.3 71.74 10.34 0.08 M335_15 42.69 37.43 1.49 14.19 2.29 1.55 M335_16 14.17 44.35 1.59 33.9 5.45 0.1 M335_17 Gilding layer (back) 9.36 27.84 0.45 53.59 8.18 0.08 M335_18 2.24 28.67 0.29 58.78 9.25 0.04 M335_19 2.5 16.24 0.35 70.46 9.87 0.04 M335_20 0.79 10.88 0.36 76.4 11.1 0.05 M335_21 5.29 37 0.34 47.17 9.46 0.07 Figs. 13-1 and 13-2. Gilt-bronze Standing Vairocana Buddha (1. Front, 2. Rear-side) Conclusion This paper aims to analyze the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva crafted in the Baekje Kingdom in the seventh century CE and excavated from Gyuam-ri in Buyeo to identify its shape, structure, and casting technique. This statue strikes an unusual pose by holding a small bead in its right hand and lifting a long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth with its left hand. The yeongnak draped in an X-shape at the front and back of its body features strong decorativeness. A close examination of the shape of this sculpture has found that it bears characteristics of the Bodhisattva sculptures produced in the Baekje Kingdom, including ornaments such as a three-sided crown and a soft, gentle smile. Accordingly, it is presumed to be an Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva sculpture created in the Baekje Kingdom in or after the seventh century CE, during the Sabi period. Traces of spacers used to affix the interior core to the outer casting mold and those of a sprue for pouring molten metal were found inside the pedestal. Moreover, bubbles formed during casting were observed inside the arms and the pedestal. The use of spacers, the identification of the sprue, and bubbles inside the sculpture all suggest that the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was produced by using a lost-wax casting technique. This method is often used to cast ancient small and mid-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. The base metal of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva consists of a blend of copper, tin, and lead, commonly observed in the sixth- and seventh-century CE gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures of the Three Kingdoms period. The lead appears to have been included intentionally to increase the castability of the bronze and allow for detailed patterns and decorations to be clearly depicted. The alloy composition of copper, tin, and lead is one of the common blends used during the Three Kingdoms period, as demonstrated by the existing analysis results of gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. The small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in and after the eighth century CE during the Unified Silla period, however, were chiefly made of pure copper or an alloy of copper and tin with nearly no lead, indicating that the development of better reforging techniques led to the production of the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures at higher temperatures with high-purity bronze. The detection of mercury in the gilding layer of the surface of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva suggests that the sculpture was gilded using a mercury amalgamation plating technique that dissolved gold in mercury. As shown by the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva, this plating technique was a surface treatment method principally used while crafting giltbronze Buddhist sculptures on the ancient Korean Peninsula.