The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

Gaya (42–562) has long been denied its proper place in Korean history due to the “Three Kingdoms Period” conception that views ancient Korean history exclusively in terms of the Goguryeo (37 BCE–668 CE), Baekje (18 BCE–660 CE), and Silla (57 BCE–935 CE) Kingdoms. Furthermore, the view of “Imna Ilbon-bu” (任那日本府) portrays Gaya territory as actually having been under the control of forces from ancient Japan. However, evidence from the excavation of numerous Gaya tombs that has been taking place since the 1970s in order to allow land development has clearly established a unique and independent Gaya culture which in many ways rivaled that of Silla. Centered in what is now Gyeongsangnam-do Province at the southernmost reach of the Korean Peninsula, for most of its history, Gaya existed as a confederation of statelets and then took on the form of an early ancient state in its final stages. Gaya culture emerged early in the first century BCE and survived for nearly seven centuries (Kim Taesik 2002, 78–79). No systematic chronology of Gaya exists since the polity did not record its own history. The historical data on Gaya, therefore, consists only of fragmentary records extracted from the writings of neighboring states. These sources are as follows: Chinese sources, including “Account of the Eastern Barbarians” (東夷傳) in the “Book of Wei” (魏書) from Sanguozhi (三國志, Records of the Three Kingdoms) and “Account of Gara” (加羅國傳) and “Illustration of Envoys Presenting Tribute at the Liang Court” (梁職貢圖) from Nanqishu (南齊書, Book of Southern Qi); Korean sources, including Samguk sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms), Samguk yusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), the Stele of King Gwanggaeto, and Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam (新增東國輿地勝覽, Revised and Expanded Edition of Survey on the Geography of Joseon); and Japanese sources, such as the Nihon shoki (日本書紀, The Chronicles of Japan). Among these sources, three are particularly essential to our understanding of Gaya history. Consisting of sixty-five chapters written in the annals-and-biographies format, Sanguozhi is a historical text covering the period of the Chinese Three Kingdoms (220–280) of Wei, Shu, and Wu that was compiled by a Western Jin Dynasty (265–316) official named Chen Shou (陳壽, 233–297). The rich and detailed passages concerning relations between the Samhan polities that appear in the “Account of the Eastern Barbarians” section of the “Book of Wei” make it the most important written source for understanding the nature of Gaya up to the third century. Spanning fifty chapters also written in the annals-andbiographies format, Samguk sagi, is a historical text covering Korea’s Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods that was compiled by the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392) official Kim Busik (金富軾, 1075–1151) in 1145 after his retirement. The “Annals of Silla” (新羅本紀) is scattered with numerous references to Gaya that have been used to establish the conventional chronology for Gaya’s history. The “Book of Music” (樂志), “Book of Geography” (地理志), and “Biographies” (列傳) sections also contain fragmentary records related to Gaya. Nihon shoki is a historical text consisting of thirty chapters in a chronological format covering the ancient period of Japanese history. It was completed in 720 by Prince Toneri (676–735), a son of Empress Genshō (r. 715–724). Records from the reigns of Emperor Keitai (r. 507–531) and Emperor Kinmei (r. 539–571), which contain information obtained both directly and indirectly from the “Annals of Baekje” (百濟本記), provide plentiful accounts on the respective members of the Gaya Confederacy around the early to mid-sixth century. However, these records can, in places, be severely distorted by the Japanese and Baekje perspectives from which they were derived. The available archaeological data concerning Gaya has mostly been recovered from tomb sites in today’s Gyeongsangnam-do and Gyeongsangbuk-do Provinces in South Korea, where the bulk of Gaya territory was concentrated. Many of these Gaya tombs were elite burials, and the practice of interring objects used in daily life along with the deceased has made it possible to compile important information on Gaya’s history and culture. Gaya tomb sites of particular importance are the burial grounds of Yangdong-ri and Daeseong-dong in Gimhae, the Bokcheon-dong burial ground in Busan, the Marisan burial ground in Haman, and the Jisan-dong burial ground in Goryeong. Establishment and Development of Early Gaya First Century BCE to Second Century CE An agricultural society characterized by dolmens and pottery with undecorated surfaces flourished in the Nakdonggang River Basin of southern Korea during the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. However, the geographical conditions of this region nestled in the southeastern corner of the peninsula were unfavorable to the introduction of more developed elements of civilization. As a result, the degree of social organization and the ability to craft metal objects were less developed there compared to other regions around the Korean Peninsula. Fortunately for the residents, an opportunity to overcome this geographic handicap came from the outside. Gojoseon located in the northwestern region of the peninsula fell in 108 BCE under attacks from an army dispatched by Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BCE) of China’s Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE). The chaos of war produced a large number of refugees, and a large number of them appear to have made their way to southeastern Korea via land or sea routes. Sites such as the Daho-ri burial ground in Changwon, which was established in the first century BCE, demonstrate the emergence of new power groups distinct from the indigenous groups of the region. The definitive tomb at this site, Dahori Tomb No. 1, is a wooden coffin tomb that yielded black and brownish pottery with undecorated surfaces, Gojoseon-style lacquerware, and metal objects such as Korean-type bronze daggers, bronze spearheads, bronze bells, bronze mirrors, iron daggers, and iron axes (Fig. 1). The pottery from this burial shows no significant changes from earlier examples, but the lacquerware and metal objects are novel examples not previously seen in this region and reflect the introduction of more evolved culture elements. Fig. 1. Artifacts from Daho-ri Tomb No. 1 in Changwon. L. 61.1 cm (Left Scabbard), L. 60.9 cm (Right Scabbard). National Museum of Korea The area that is now Gyeongsangnam-do Province witnessed an increase in the number of wooden coffin tombs from the first century BCE onwards. The pottery recovered from these wooden coffin tombs shows the transition from brownish wares with decorated surfaces to grayish wajil pottery (瓦質土器). The impetus for the manufacture of this wajil pottery was the adoption of new production technologies by local craftspeople. The Gaya foundation myth presented in the “Garak Gukgi” (駕洛國記) section of Samguk yusa relays how the ‘nine gan’(九干), the chiefs of the indigenous polities of the Gimhae region, selected as their king Suro—a man from an external lineage said to have descended from the heavens—and established the state. This myth can be viewed as depicting the complex interactions of cultural elements observed in the archaeological record. A transition in burial practices during the middle and late second century can be observed at the Yangdong-ri burial ground, as reflected by the use of wooden chamber tomb that feature greater internal space and an increase in the number of iron objects found among the grave goods. Yangdong-ri Tomb No. 162 is a typical example of an early-phase wooden cist burial (Fig. 2). Individuals interred in the Yangdong-ri burial ground are likely to have been the heads of Guyaguk (狗邪國)—later became Geumgwan Gaya—which controlled both economic wealth and political power in the area. Fig. 2. Yangdong-ri Tomb No. 162 in Gimhae Third Century The Gyeongsang region in the early third century was home to the twelve statelets (國, guk) of Jinhan including Saroguk (斯盧國, which later became Silla) and the Byeonhan twelve statelets including Gayaguk — also known as Guyaguk, Gaya Hanguk (加倻韓國), or Geumgwan Gaya. Archaeological evidence indicates that these guks were peer-level polities, and even the comparatively advanced statelets of Gayaguk and Saroguk had yet to gain hegemony over other statelets. Long-distance trade within northeast Asia at the time was carried out through the Nangnang (108 BCE–313 CE, Ch. Lelang) and Daebang (early 3rd century–314, Ch. Daifang) Commanderies, which served as intermediaries connecting China, the Korean Peninsula, and the Japanese Archipelago. In the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, Gayaguk was located at the mouth of the Nakdonggang River in what is now Gimhae and served as the most active intermediary in this trade in iron and other advanced items of civilization. This suggests that the twelve statelets of Byeonhan had integrated with Gayaguk at the political center and formed a coalition of Byeonhan statelets, otherwise known as the Early Gaya Confederacy (Kim Taesik 1993, 66) (Map 1). Map 1. Location of the Statelets Forming the Early Gaya Confederacy The confederacies of the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, namely the one controlled by the chief of Mahan, the one ruled over by the king of Jinhan, and Sinmiguk (新彌國), all actively conducted trade as independent entities. The political growth of these Samhan heads went hand in hand with the decline of the governing authority of the Western Jin Dynasty in China (Yoon Yonggu 2004, 138). In the late third century, the center of power in Gimhae was relocated from Yangdong-ri and its environs in Jucheon-myeon to the area around the Daeseong-dong burial ground, which is located in the center of present-day Gimhae. The situation at the time is well illustrated by Tomb No. 29 of the Daeseong-dong burial ground (Fig. 3). Compared to the tombs in the burial grounds found in the surrounding areas, the Daeseong-dong tombs are relatively larger in scale and contain a greater volume of grave goods. This is taken to illustrate a power imbalance that existed between the group associated with the Daeseong-dong burial ground and neighboring groups. Fig. 3. Daeseong-dong Tomb No. 29 in Gimhae The Jinhan cultural sphere with Saroguk as its political center and the Byeonhan cultural sphere, centered on Guyaguk, were originally quite similar, but a clear distinction in local pottery styles emerged in the late third century along the border between what is now Busan and Ulsan. This period also witnessed the deposition of large quantities of iron weapons as grave goods, an expansion of the social classes that could access such weapons, and the appearance of iron armor. This indicates that relations between the statelets of the Gyeongsang region had become strained in the late third century and warfare had increased, resulting in a consolidation of the Jinhan statelets around Saroguk and the Byeonhan statelets around Gayaguk, and the two polities’ respective development into political authorities (Kim Taesik. 2010, 296). Fourth Century The Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were destroyed in the early fourth century by the Goguryeo Kingdom, a state based in the northern portion of the peninsula. This had significant implications for Gayaguk, which had developed in the southeastern part of the peninsula by facilitating longdistance trade with the Daebang Commandery. As the maritime network through which Gayaguk had obtained advanced culture weakened, the eight Posang statelets (浦上八國, eight polities located in coastal port regions) who no longer acknowledged Gayaguk hegemony mounted an attack. Gayaguk fended them off by successfully rallying the polities located in the hinterlands of its riverine trade routes (in the middle and upper reaches of the Nakdonggang River) and those along the southern reaches of the eastern coast. Gayaguk’s victory does not seem to have been complete, however: Starting in the early fourth century, two distinct ceramic styles for mounted pottery and other vessel types came to be established in the broader region, respectively to the east and west of the Masan Bay area (Ahn Jaeho and Song Gyehyun 1986, 53). This appears to indicate an east-west divide in the Gaya Confederacy that emerged out of the war of the eight Posang statelets. Following the erasure of Daebang from its existing trade network in the late fourth century, eastern Gaya, centered in modern Gimhae, had no option but to focus on trade with Wa (倭) in the Japanese Archipelago. Daeseong-dong Tombs Nos. 2, 13, and 23, all dating to the late fourth century, yielded bronze spiral-shaped shield ornaments of Japanese origin (Kyungsung University Museum 2000, 183) (Fig. 4). On the other hand, the Jinhan region grew increasingly closer to Goguryeo, as demonstrated by the appearance there of Goguryeo-style objects. Fig. 4. Bronze Spiral-shaped Shield Ornaments. (top and center) Excavated from Daeseong-dong Tomb No. 13 in Gimhae. Gaya, 4th Century. D. 12.0 cm. Jinju National Museum. (bottom) Excavated from Daeseong-dong Tomb No. 2 in Gimhae. Gaya, 4th Century. D. 6.1 cm. Jinju National Museum The tombs of the Bokcheon-dong burial ground, situated in between the Gimhae and Gyeongju areas, were characterized by a juxtaposition of elements from both Silla and Geumgwan Gaya culture until the middle of the fourth century. Silla-style artifacts disappear entirely, starting with tombs from the late fourth century, however, while Geumgwan Gaya-style artifacts continued to be interred (Bokcheon Museum 2004, 90). This has been taken to indicate an expansion of Geumgwan Gaya’s influence and power, which was supported by alliances with Baekje and Wa. In other words, it seems likely that Gaya was pressuring Silla with help from the Wa army. Around the same period, King Geunchogo (r. 346–375) of Baekje attacked Goguryeo and gained control over territories in what is now Hwanghae-do Province. The situation quickly reversed following ascension of King Gwanggaeto (r. 391–412) to the Goguryeo throne in 391. By 396, Goguryeo’s might had grown to the extent that it was able to seize 58 Baekje fortresses in that year alone. King Gwanggaeto also sent an army of fifty thousand infantry and cavalry troops to assist Silla in the year 400. Upon their arrival, the Goguryeo units chased the Wa forces from Silla territory and back to Imna Gara (任那加羅), referring to the Gimhae region, the center of the Gaya Confederacy. The fact that the Wa troops fled all the way from Gyeongju to the Gimhae area indicates that these Wa forces had been dependent upon Imna Gara’s support. When the pursuing troops of the Goguryeo-Silla alliance reached Imna Gara, several fortresses surrendered. This event eventually allowed Silla to overcome Gaya in the competition for hegemony over the Gyeongsang region. Another result is that Baekje’s trade network with Wa, which had utilized the Gaya regions as intermediary nodes, could no longer be maintained. The cessation of large-scale tomb construction in Gimhae in the early fifth century—as evidenced in the Daeseong-dong burial ground—can be seen as an indication of the sudden collapse of the Gaya polity in this area. Growth and Collapse of Late Gaya Fifth Century Gaya polities to the east of the Nakdonggang River, in areas such as modern-day Changnyeong and Busan, surrendered without resistance to the allied Goguryeo and Silla forces that had vanquished Imna Gara. Gaya polities located to the west of the Nakdonggang River, on the other hand, continued on with little disturbance. In particular, the polities in the Goryeong and Hapcheon areas in the mountainous interior of the Gyeongsang region, which had previously been a backwater region, began to slowly develop from the early fifth century onwards. The Banpaguk (伴跛國) polity in the Goryeong region accepted migrant artisans from the Gimhae area specializing in pottery and iron production and began to exploit the local iron resources of the Yaro (冶爐) area at the foot of Mt. Gayasan to develop its iron production system (Kim Taesik 1986, 28). From the middle of the fifth century, Banpaguk began to dominate trade with both Baekje and Wa. After changing its name to Dae Gaya, it organized the surrounding polities to once again embody a Gaya Confederacy. The fact that Dae Gaya’s mythological progenitor King Ijinasi was believed to be the son of the spirit of Mountain Gayasan and the elder brother of King Suro of Geumgwanguk (金官國), also called as South Garaguk (加羅國), seems to suggest that political forces based in Goryeong had become the leaders of the Late Gaya Confederacy. Dae Gaya expanded westwards in the late fifth century, crossing the Sobaek Mountain Range to annex the polities in Namwon and Imsil (in present-day Jeollabuk-do Province) and Yeosu, Suncheon, and Gwangyang (in present-day Jeollanam-do Province) and consolidate their territories. The Late Gaya Confederacy at its zenith consisted of 22 statelets organized around Dae Gaya in Goryeong (Map 2). Map 2. Location of the Statelets Forming the Late Gaya Confederacy In 479, the king of Dae Gaya—King Haji (r. unknown), also referred to as the King of Gara (加羅王)—received the title Bogukjanggun Bongukwang (輔國將軍本國王), meaning “General Defending the State, King of Gara” after presenting a tribute to the Southern Qi Dynasty (479–502) court. It is highly likely that the final resting place of King Haji is Tomb No. 44 in the Jisan-dong burial ground in Goryeong (Fig. 5). The largest tomb in this burial ground is Tomb No. 47 (presumed to be the Royal Tomb of King Geumrim) (Fig. 6) with a mound measuring 50 meters in diameter, demonstrating the grandeur of Dae Gaya royal tombs. Fig. 5. Jisan-dong Burial Ground in Goryeong Fig. 6. Jisan-dong Tombs Nos. 49, 48, and 47 in Goryeong (from left to right) Around the same time, a consensus emerged in Silla regarding the need to distance itself from Goguryeo influence, which ultimately backfired and resulted in the capture of seven Silla fortresses by the Goguryeo army in 481, including Homyeongseong Fortress in present-day Yeongdeok in Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. Goguryeo forces then marched on Mijilbu Fortress in now Pohang in Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, but Silla was able to successfully defend it with support from troops dispatched by Gaya and Baekje. The state of affairs on the Korean Peninsula in the late fifth century stabilized with the forces of Baekje, Silla, and Gaya allied to defend against southern expansion by Goguryeo. 510s In 512, in an effort to facilitate direct trade with Wa, King Muryeong (r. 501–523) of Baekje took control over the eastern Jeolla region statelets of Sangdari (上哆唎), Hadari (下哆唎), Sata (娑陀), and Moru (牟婁), which were formerly within the sphere of influence of Gaya. A large quantity of late fifth-early sixth century Goryeong-style pottery was found in burial ground at Wunpyeong-ri in Suncheon where believed to be associated with the Moru polity, whereas a transition to Baekje-style stone-lined tombs can be observed around early sixth century in the burial grounds of present-day Yeosu and Suncheon (Lee Donghee 2007, 103). This seems to suggest that these four locales in the southern Jeolla region were originally Gaya statelets that later became incorporated into Baekje territory. In 513, Baekje also made inroads into the Gaya statelet of Gimun (己汶, located in what is now Namwon, Imsil, and the southern portion of Jangsu) under the pretext of facilitating trade with Wa. Baekje thus appears to have emerged victorious in a territorial struggle with Dae Gaya and gained control of all of the eastern Jeolla region. As a result, the Sobaek Mountain Range became established as a natural boundary between Gaya and Baekje, and Dae Gaya lost access to the trade route along the Seomjingang River leading to the southern coast. In 515, Dae Gaya constructed fortresses at Jatan (子呑) and Daesa (帶沙), polities located respectively in presentday Jinju and Hadong, to defend against both Baekje and Wa. Fortresses were also constructed at Iyeolbi (爾列比) and Masubi (麻須比), located respectively in Burim-myeon in Uiryeong and Yongsan-myeon in Changnyeong, in order to pressure Silla. Dae Gaya’s territory at the time was centered around Goryeong in Gyeongsang-do Province. It extended westwards to reach the Sobaek Mountain Range and Mt. Jirisan and southwards to the Namgang River. This territory coincides broadly with the distribution of Goryeong-style pottery around the beginning of the sixth century (Park Cheonsu 2004, 236–237). It, therefore, appears that Gaya had managed to successfully consolidate its control over this territory and developed into an early ancient state by the 510s at the latest (Kwon Haksoo 2003, 86). The fact that Dae Gaya fortress construction did not take place south of the Namgang River, such as in Haman, Gimhae, or Goseong, seems to indicate that although the polities based in these areas were also members of the Gaya Confederacy, they had managed to remain relatively independent of Dae Gaya’s influence. 520s–530s In order to secure a route to the southern coast along the Nakdonggang River, Dae Gaya sought an alliance with Silla through marriage. King Inoe (r. unknown) of Dae Gaya proposed a marriage alliance in 522, in response to which Silla’s King Beopheung (r. 514–540) sent a sister of the Silla nobleman Ichan (伊湌, second highest official rank in Silla) Bijobu (比助夫) to seal the alliance. The Silla princess dispatched to Dae Gaya soon gave birth to a son, Crown Prince Wolgwang, who became the last king of Dae Gaya. This alliance fell apart a few years later, however, following King Beopheung’s original design, and signs of division appeared within the Gaya Confederacy. Taking advantage of this situation, Silla threatened Takgitanguk (喙己呑國), a polity located in present-day Yeongsan-myeon in Changnyeong, in 529 and forced its surrender. The southern polities of the Gaya Confederacy consequently lost faith in Dae Gaya and strengthened their allegiance to Allaguk (安羅國), a Gaya polity based in what is now Haman. Baekje attacked Allaguk in 531 in order to preempt an invasion of southern Gaya by Silla and took possession of Geoltakseong Fortress. Silla responded by annexing Geumgwanguk in Gimhae in 532, but still allowed its royal family preferential treatment. In 534, Baekje advanced into the northern region of Taksunguk (卓淳國), located in present-day Changwon, and built a fortress and stationed troops at Guryemora (久禮牟羅), located in present-day Chilwon-myeon in Haman. Geumgwanguk and its neighboring polities were subsequently annexed by Silla and reorganized into prefectures and counties of the Silla Kingdom. Allaguk and the Gaya polities located to its southwest, on the other hand, fell under the political influence of Baekje. Around 538, the king of Taksunguk summoned the Silla army in order to counter pressure from Baekje and willingly submitted to annexation by Silla. Silla went on to expel the Baekje forces stationed at Guryeosanseong Mountain Fortress. The northern Gaya polities under the influence of Dae Gaya adopted a pro-Baekje stance in response to Silla’s betrayal and to counter the independent attitudes of the southern Gaya polities. However, Baekje’s increasing authority led to a weakening of Dae Gaya control, and the degree of its consolidation lessened to that of a confederation of statelets. On the other hand, the southern Gaya polities came to form an autonomous confederation led by Allaguk. Allaguk was able to adopt a relatively independent attitude toward Baekje based on its close relationship with Silla and Wa and emerged as a central power within the Gaya Confederacy to rival Dae Gaya. This ultimately led to a north-south division within the confederation. 540s–560s In the middle of the sixth century, the Gaya Confederacy sought ways to maintain its independence while remaining prepared for invasions by Baekje and Silla. Despite their alliance against southward advances by Goguryeo, Baekje and Silla still competed against each other over Gaya territory. Faced with this situation, the Late Gaya Confederacy—although divided into the two factions led by Dae Gaya in Goryeong to the north and Allaguk in Haman to the south—formed a committee consisting of seven or eight officials (執事) to undertake diplomatic negotiations with both Baekje and Silla. However, Allaguk sent secret communications to Goguryeo in 548 and requested that its forces attack Baekje’s Doksanseong Mountain Fortress, in Yesan, Chungcheongnam-do Province. This battle was won by Baekje, and Allaguk lost the confidence of the members of the confederation when its betrayal was revealed. As a result, the Gaya Confederacy became subordinate to Baekje around 550, accepting Dae Gaya’s preference in the matter. Having increased his power through the subordination of Gaya, King Seong (r. 523–554) of Baekje established an alliance with Silla and recovered his kingdom’s former territory in the Hangang River basin in 551 in an attack on Goguryeo’s southern reaches. However, the 120-year-old Silla-Baekje alliance soon came to an end due to conflicts over the lower reaches of the Hangang River. In order to reclaim this region, Baekje’s King Seong led an army comprised of troops from Baekje, Gaya, and Wa to attack Silla. This allied force suffered heavy losses at a battle at Silla’s Gwansanseong Mountain Fortress in Okcheon, Chungcheongbuk-do Province, resulting in great military and political confusion in Baekje, which in turn made it more difficult for the Gaya Confederacy—now with a heavy reliance on Baekje—to maintain its independence. Silla raised a large army and conquered Dae Gaya in 562. Around this period, ten polities of the Gaya Confederacy fell to Silla: Allaguk, Saigiguk (斯二岐國), Daraguk (多羅國), Jolmaguk (卒麻國), Gojaguk (古自國), Jataguk (子他國), Sanbanhaguk (散半下國), Geolsonguk (乞飡國), and Imnyeguk (稔禮國). Gaya Culture Industry Gaya’s economy consisted primarily of fishing, farming, iron production, and long-distance exchange. Shell middens, which can shed light on everyday life, began to make an appearance in Busan, Changwon, Gimhae, and Yangsan around the beginning of the first millennium. Artifacts that have been recovered amidst the shells in these middens include spindle whorls, fishing-net sinkers, bone implements, pottery, iron hand knives, iron sickles, iron arrowheads, and fishhooks. Along with the oyster, clam, and conch shells, the middens have also yielded remains of food, including rice, barley, wheat, legumes, and millet (Donga University Museum 1981). The contents of these shell middens indicate that the communities of this period relied on farming and fishing. Iron farming tools such as iron hand knives, axe-heads, hoes, and weeding plows came to be used in what is now Gyeongsangnam-do Province after the first century BCE. Farming at the time was carried out in an intensive manner, with rice being sown in paddy fields irrigated through channels. Iron sickles and iron spades for irrigation work were deposited as grave goods in small Gaya tombs from the fourth to fifth centuries. In contrast, cast iron axe heads, U-shaped shovel blades, and iron rakes (with finds being limited to one or two per item) have only been discovered in medium- to large-sized tombs (Lee Hyunhye 1991, 57–68). A wide range of crops was grown in Gaya territory, including rice, common millet, barley, foxtail millet, wheat, legumes, and adzuki beans. In addition, the animal bones recovered from archaeological investigations have revealed the presence of domesticated dogs, swine, cattle, horses, and chickens, along with wild deer, roe deer, and boar. Bronze items, including daggers, spearheads, mirrors, and bells, began to be used by Gaya communities after the first century BCE, alongside iron weapons such as daggers, arrowheads, spearheads, and dagger-axes. The volume of iron objects deposited as grave goods increased dramatically from the late second century CE, accompanied by the appearance of longswords, plowshares, rakes, and horse bits, and a diversification of the existing iron axe heads. It was around this time that ‘flat iron axe heads’ (板狀鐵斧), which lack a sharpened blade and could not have served any utilitarian function, appeared. These axe heads were, in fact, iron ingots (Song Gyehyun 1995, 131–133) prepared in advance for the mass production of iron objects and were exported to Nangnang, Han, Ye, Wa, and other regions. Ritual implements (such as highly decorated iron spearheads or weapon-like saw knives), vertical plate armor, and iron horse armor were new types of iron objects that came to be used after the late third century. In the lower reaches of the Nakdonggang River, iron ingots standardized in terms of weight and dimensions (similar to coinage) came to be produced on a large scale after the late fourth century. The large iron ingots and cast iron spades that have been recovered from early fifth century tombs in Osaka and Hyogo, Nara, and Shiga Prefectures in Japan’s Kinki region originated in the lower reaches of the Nakdonggang River (Azuma Ushio 2002, 33). From the perspective of maritime trade, Gayaguk (based in Gimhae) was the center of a long-distance trade network that linked the Nangnang Commandery with the statelets along the western and southern coastal regions of the Korean Peninsula and Wa. Gaya exported iron to Nangnang, from which it imported advanced items of civilization. Iron and advanced items of civilization were sent to Wa, and human labor and military service were returned as payment (Suzuki Yasutami 2002, 15). Among the artifacts discovered at sites within Gaya territory, Wangmang coins (王莽錢), wuzhu coins (五銖錢), bronze tripods, bronze mirrors with inner flower designs (內行花文鏡), and bronze TLV mirrors reflect the trade with Nangnang. Artifacts associated with nomadic horse-riding cultures, such as bronze and iron cauldrons, tiger-shaped belt buckles, and swords with curved blades, have also been discovered at Gaya sites (Shin Gyeongcheol 2000, 59). These items were likely obtained through coastal maritime routes. Artifacts such as haji ware (土師器, Jp. hajiki) represented with double-rimmed pottery, broad bronze spearheads, bronze spiral-shaped shield ornaments, jade arrowheads, and spindle-whorl-shaped stone objects illustrate the exchanges taking place with Wa. Trade was not as active during the Late Gaya as it was during Early Gaya; nevertheless, trade with Wa was carried out after the middle of the fifth century by the polity based in Goryeong. Tombs of high-level individuals found throughout the Japanese Archipelago have yielded gilt-bronze crowns featuring large flame-shaped decorations, iron spearheads with octagonal sockets, s-shaped horse bits, gold belt buckles with openwork dragon patterns, earrings with hanging ornaments, dagger-shaped horse harness pendants, and horse armor, all of which are prestige goods associated with Dae Gaya (Park Cheonsu 1996, 85). Goryeong-style pottery, such as long-necked lidded jars, has been found throughout the Kyushu region of Japan and in the coastal areas of the Seto Inland Sea (Sadamori Hideo 1997, 174). Religion Regarding Gaya and Buddhism, it is recorded that the Pasa Stone Pagoda was brought to Gimhae from the Ayuta State of India by Queen Consort Heo in 48 CE (Fig. 7). It is believed, however, that the association with the Ayuta State was a later addition to the myth of Queen Consort Heo’s marriage appended in order to establish a link with Buddhism, very likely made around the time that Wanghusa Temple (wanghu means ‘queen consort’) was established during Silla’s Middle Period (654–780). In addition, the ‘Pasa Stone Pagoda’ myth relating that Queen Consort Heo’s ship carried a stone pagoda in order to ensure safe passage on the seas, as well as the story that this stone pagoda was the one later located at Hogyesa Temple (虎溪寺), were both Goryeo-era inventions. Fig. 7. Pasa Pagoda Situated in Front of the Tomb of Queen Consort Heo The royal genealogy of Dae Gaya features personages such as Queen Mother Jeonggyeon, the mother of King Ijinasi (the mythological founding father of Dae Gaya), and Crown Prince Wolgwang, who was born of the marriage alliance between the Gaya King Inwae and his Queen Consort from Silla. Queen Mother Jeonggyeon and Crown Prince Wolgwang are terms that appear in early scriptures of Hinayana Buddhism. Silla royalty and aristocracy from the early sixth century are said to have had names associated with Buddhism (Kim Cheoljoon 1990, 148) derived from myths associated with Siddhartha Gautama and reflecting the practices and status of Hinayana Buddhism. It is therefore likely that the use of Buddhist-influenced names by members of Dae Gaya’s royal family occurred around the final period of Gaya’s history after the marriage alliance between Gaya and Silla was established in 522. The stone chamber mural tomb of Goa-dong in Goryeong, which is believed to be the last Dae Gaya tomb ever constructed, features a tunnel-shaped ceiling structure similar to that of the brick chamber tomb of Songsan-ri in Gongju. The lotus blossom pattern decorating the ceiling shares stylistic elements with the motifs featured in the mural of the Neungsan-ri mural tomb in Buyeo (Jeon Hotae 1992, 171) (Fig. 8). It appears, therefore, that Buddhism was introduced into Gaya through Baekje. This demonstrates that Buddhism had been introduced to Dae Gaya at least by the last stage of the polity’s existence and that its original foundation myth was given a Buddhist bent by adding figures such as Queen Mother Jeonggyeon and Crown Prince Wolgwang in an attempt to shore up its eroding royal authority. Fig. 8. Lotus Pattern on the Ceiling of the Burial Chamber in the Goa-dong Mural Tomb in Goryeong Customs It is recorded in the “Account of the Eastern Barbarians” in Sanguozhi that the Samhan people placed a high value on beads, which they used to adorn their bodies, but did not treasure gold, silver, or silk. Their taste in luxury items was possibly limited by their shamanistic worldview. However, after the fifth century, precious metals such as gold, gilt-bronze, and silver came to be used to decorate not only personal ornaments such as crowns, necklaces, and rings, but also items such as longswords, horse gear, and coffins. It is, therefore, possible to assume that a wealthy aristocratic class that showed a preference for precious metals had come to be established in the Gaya region by the fifth to sixth centuries. Sacrificial practices in funerary contexts involved the killing and burial of humans or animals on behalf of the deceased. Numerous burials featuring evidence of sacrifices have been found throughout the Gaya region. The Daeseong-dong burial ground in Gimhae has yielded burials dating to the third and fourth centuries, which contained the remains of two to five sacrificed individuals. The Marisan burial ground in Haman has yielded fifth-century burials that contained the remains of from one to five sacrificed individuals (Kim Segi 1997, 109) (Fig. 9). In Goryeong’s Jisan-dong Tomb No. 44, which dates to the late fifth century, three centrally positioned large-scale stone cists surrounded by 32 smaller stone cists were found within a single burial mound (Fig. 10). Of the 32 smaller stone cists, which appear to have been sacrificial burials, 22 of them collectively yielded the remains of 24 human sacrifices (Kwon Haksoo 1992, 41) (Fig. 11). Fig. 9. Marisan Burial Ground in Haman Fig. 10. Layout of Jisan-dong Tomb No. 44 in Goryeong. Gaya, 6th century This is the largest Gaya tomb containing sacrificial burials. Fig. 11. Sacrificial Burial from Daeseong-dong Tomb No. 88 in Gimhae How should this feature of Gaya society be understood? Sacrificial practices appear to be associated with a worldview that regarded the king as the descendent of a heavenly god. The fact that royal authority at the time was dependent upon the semi-voluntary obedience of the populace must also be taken into consideration. Therefore, the widespread practice of human sacrifice in Gaya society can be considered a result of a transitional situation in which a centralized ruling authority had yet to be institutionalized, but the power of the heads of the Gaya Confederacy and its member statelets had been significantly strengthened.

Iron played a central role across much of Gaya (42–562) society, as reflected by the diverse range of iron artifacts recovered from the tombs of the confederacy’s elite. Above all else, iron provided the fundamental basis for its development. Gaya interacted with neighboring regions utilizing its iron production technology to manufacture and then trade in a wide array of iron implements. One group of items that stands out among Gaya’s iron artifacts is its armor, which consisted of body armor and helmets. More than half of the ancient armor excavated from sites dating to the Three Kingdoms period is attributable to Gaya. However, the large volume of suits of armor recovered from Gaya tombs should not be regarded as a direct indication of Gaya’s military might or the scale of its armed forces. Nevertheless, this rich material provides an important basis for understanding the types of armor manufactured in Gaya and the nature of the technology that was involved in their production. In addition, clues to the distinctive world-view of ancient Gaya communities can be gleaned from the armor and the ways in which it was utilized in different social contexts. Although Gaya armor is rich in data and has great historical significance, studies on ancient Korean armor (including that of Gaya) have been sorely lacking. The first serious study of Gaya armor was performed on an example excavated in 1917 from Marisan Tomb No. 34 in Haman. A detailed analysis could not be performed since the armor was recovered in a partial and fragmented state. The pieces of armor were merely identified as such, and their existence was recorded in the published excavation report. Although the excavation of Marisan Tomb No. 34 and the publication of the related excavation report took place during the period of Japanese occupation and no Korean archaeologists were involved in the research process, the significance of this case study in the history of Gaya armor research should nevertheless be acknowledged. Subsequent research on Gaya armor took place sporadically, but full-fledged studies on Gaya armor only began to take place in the 1980s with the excavation of the Bokcheon-dong burial ground in Busan. Prior to this, the site of the manufacture of the armor excavated from Jisan-dong Tomb No. 32 in Goryeong had been a key matter of debate (Fig. 1). Due to its similarity to Wa-style armor (帶金式甲胄, the typical form of armor from the Japanese Kofun Period in which the helmet and body armor featured with long horizontal band design) frequently found in the Japanese Archipelago, this artifact was a subject of great interest within the Japanese academic community as evidence supporting the view of “Imna Ilbon-bu” (任那日本府) that considered Gaya territory to have once been under the control of Japanese forces. For this reason—its utilization in the obfuscation of ancient Korean history—the armor from Jisan-dong Tomb No. 32 was actually a subject of very little interest within the Korean academic community. On the other hand, great interest was directed at the finds of armor from the Bokcheon-dong burial ground since they represented the largest assemblage of armor collected in a single burial ground and because the vertical iron plates of which it was composted made it a type distinctive to Korea. It was, therefore, only following the investigation of the Bokcheon-dong burial ground that a full-fledged discussion of the origins, development, and background of ancient Korean armor began to take place (Jeong Jingwon & Shin Gyeongchul 1984). The subsequent excavations of major Gaya burial grounds such as the Daeseong-dong burial ground in Gimhae, the Okjeon burial ground in Hapcheon, and Dohang-ri burial ground in Haman resulted in the accumulation of a considerable body of data on Gaya armor. This made it possible for Gaya armor to develop into a research topic of considerable significance as with Gaya pottery or horse gear, and studies have actively been conducted on its characteristics and the changes in its attributes over time (e.g., Song Gyehyeon 1988; Kim Yeongmin 2000; Song Jeongsik 2008; Jang Gyeongsook 1999; Kim Hyuk-joong 2009). Fig. 1. Wa-style Body Armor and Helmet. Excavated from Jisan-dong Tomb No. 32 in Goryeong. Gaya, 5th century. H. 40.6 cm, W. 49.6 cm (armor), H. 14.8 cm (helmet). National Museum of Korea The results of research on Gaya armor since the 1990s have revealed that Gaya communities began burying a large volume of armor as grave goods from an early date and sustained this funerary practice for a longer period of time relative to the other political entities of the Three Kingdoms period. Among Gaya’s neighboring kingdoms, Silla (57 BCE–935 CE) also began to bury armor as a form of grave goods from a relatively early date, presenting a fitting example for comparative analysis. However, crowns and other objects made from precious metals were more popular as prestige goods in Silla than was armor. In addition, there is the key distinction that armor decorated with gilt-bronze ornaments was more widely used as grave goods in Silla. In contrast, iron armor was interred more intensively and over a longer period of time in Gaya. This makes Gaya armor ideal for identifying the characteristics of and changes in the ancient armor of the Three Kingdoms period. In addition, the fact that many examples of ancient armor produced in the Japanese Archipelago have been recovered from Gaya tombs makes it useful for exploring the interactions and exchanges between Gaya and the ancient Japanese polity of Wa (倭). As mentioned above, horizontal plate armor has erroneously been applied in the past as evidence supporting the view of “Imna Ilbon-bu.” This type of armor should actually be regarded as a reflection of relations between ancient Korea and Japan. Indeed, armor originating from Gaya or produced on the Japanese Archipelago under the direct or indirect influence of Gaya technology has also been discovered at Japanese sites, and the meaning of its presence has been studied by both Korean and Japanese researchers (e.g., Uchiyama Toshiyuki 1994, Park Cheonsoo 2007, and Kim Hyuk-joong 2014). The Characteristics of Gaya Armor and Its Changing Nature over Time Most of the armor discovered at sites on the Korean Peninsula, including Gaya sites, is made of iron. However, armor was not always crafted from metals such as iron: organic materials such as wood or leather were also used to manufacture it. Unfortunately, the acidic soil conditions on the Korean Peninsula are unfavorable to the preservation of organic remains and make the recovery of armor made from organic materials unlikely. Nevertheless, there have been a few extraordinary cases in which the remains of armor made from wood or animal bone have been discovered amidst these unfavorable environmental conditions. Iron began to be used for armor in the fourth century during the transition from the Proto-Three Kingdoms period to the Three Kingdoms period. The majority of researchers believe that the development of weapons based on technological innovations and increased social conflicts provided the impetus for the adoption of metal materials for armor. The changes in the materials used to produce Gaya helmets and armor broadly mirror this trajectory. However, this paper focuses on the iron armor of the Three Kingdoms Period. Examination of the characteristics of Gaya helmets and body armor will therefore focus on iron examples. Helmets made using vertical plates, a technique observed throughout the world, were also present in Gaya. Introduced into Gaya via exchanges with the northern regions, these helmets can be divided into mostly two types: ones with “S-shaped” curved plates (彎曲縱長板胄, Fig. 2) and semi-globular ones with more straight, simpler vertical plates (Fig. 3). Seated at the uppermost point of the body, helmets are highly visible and tend to be more decorative than body armor. They appear to have been actively used to demonstrate distinctions in social status. The helmet could be extended and adorned with decorative features or a visor to block the sun. Fig. 2. Vertical Plate Helmet. Excavated from Yangdong-ri Tomb No. 78 in Gimhae. Gaya, 4th century. H. 43.5 cm, D. 22.0 cm. Gimhae National Museum Fig. 3. Vertical Plate Helmet. Excavated from Bokcheon-dong Tomb No. 44 in Busan. Gaya. H. 30.0 cm. Pusan National University Museum Vertical plate helmet was the typical type of the Three Kingdoms as well as of Gaya. It is diffcult to establish distinctive regional characteristics for this type of helmet, but those from Gaya stand out in terms of the decorative enhancement of the basic helmet structure, which resulted in the production of unique helmet styles. This decoration involved the application of gilt-bronze or the addition of ornamental elements. A representative example of an ornamented vertical plate helmet comes from Daeseong-dong Tomb No. 57. The cheek-covers of this helmet were adorned with fern-shaped motifs rendered by punching holes at evenly-spaced intervals. Helmets featuring a bill to shade the sun (similar to the baseball caps worn today) were also produced. These types of vertical plate helmets distinctive to Gaya appear to have had a great influence on the Japanese Archipelago. The origins of similar helmets recovered from Kannonyama Tomb in Gunma Prefecture and Ikenoue Tomb No. 1 in Fukuoka Prefecture have been traced back to the Korean Peninsula. The number of vertical plate helmets identified to date has increased gradually due to recent discoveries at the Wolsan-ri burial ground in Namwon and the Jisan-dong burial ground in Goryeong. Body armor made with vertical plates has been recovered from both Gaya and Silla sites, but examples have yet to be discovered at other sites in Northeast Asia. This has led it to be regarded as an indigenous type of armor that first appeared in the southern regions of the Korean Peninsula. Vertical plate armor is believed to have developed out of earlier wooden armor, with changes occurring mainly in terms of material. In addition to being unique to the southern reaches of the Korean Peninsula, this type of armor is significant in that it allows the technological standards of the era to be assessed and provides important information on how ancient Korean armor developed over time. Differences in terms of form can be observed between the vertical plate armor of Gaya and Silla. The former could be decorated with fern-shaped ornaments or others reminiscent of birds. Many examples feature a semi-circular gorget (Fig. 4). Silla vertical plate armor is characterized by horn-shaped gorgets, which distinguish it from Gaya vertical plate armor. Variations in the shape and structure of Gaya and Silla vertical plate armor can be seen as indicative of differences in the function and perception of armor. In particular, Gaya armor was not simply protective equipment, but also elaborately decorated gear for ceremonial purposes or to indicate status. On the other hand, Silla vertical plate armor was left undecorated and worn for practical purposes and replaced by lamellar armor at an early date. Fig. 4. Vertical Plate Body Armor. Excavated presumably from Toerae-ri in Gimhae. Gaya, 4th century. H. 70.0 cm, L. 33.0 cm, W. 30.0 cm. Gimhae National Museum Lamellar armor was made by interlinking hundreds of small iron scales with leather ties (Figs. 5 and 6). In contrast to vertical plate body armor, which is distinctive to Gaya and Silla, lamellar body armor was found throughout the Korean Peninsula and the wider Northeast Asian region. Lamellar armor consists of two types assembled (in terms of how the scales were connected) and worn in different ways. One type can be traced back to the Han people of China, and the other to the non-Han nomadic populations of the Northern Steppe regions. The latter type continued to be used well into the Joseon period (1392–1897) for its ease of wearing and superior defensive functionality. Fig. 5. Lamellar Helmet. Excavated from Bangyeje Tomb No. Ga-A in Hapcheon. Gaya. L. 6.8–8.0 cm, W. 8.0 cm (lamellar pieces). Jinju National Museum Fig. 6. Lamellar Body Armor. Excavated from Okjeon Tomb No. 43 in Hapcheon. Gaya. L. 10.0 cm, W. 2.6 cm (lamellar pieces), L. 74.0 cm (entire). Gyeong-sang National University Museum Gaya armor also included horse armor, mainly comprised of body armor and chamfrons (Figs. 7 and 8). Horse armor appeared following the widespread use of cavalry tactics in military strategy. More than any other type of equipment, horses played a key role in enhancing the fighting capacity of the army since the speed that they provided spread fear and brought disarray to an enemy’s ranks. The need to protect both the horse and its rider from attacks led to the emergence of heavy cavalry fitted with armor. The presence of the heavy cavalry in itself would have been enough to strike fear into an enemy. Fig. 7. Horse Armor. Excavated from Magapchong Tomb in Haman. Gaya, 5th century. L. 225.0 cm (entire). Gimhae National Museum Fig. 8. Chamfron. Excavated from Okjeon Tomb No. M3 in Hapcheon. Gaya, 5th century. L. 48.5 cm, W. 29.5 cm, H. 26.5 cm. Gyeongsang National University Museum Gaya Warriors as Seen through Armor Goguryeo (37 BCE–668 CE), Silla, and Gaya warriors were fitted with respective characteristic sets of armor. Known to its neighboring Japan as the “Golden Kingdom,” possibly due to their favor and usage of ornate gold and silver ornaments such as gold crowns, Silla even gilded their bronze armor. Many examples of this “gold-worked armor” have been recovered from tombs — especially the vambrace parts — including the South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb. As helmets and body armor made of gilt bronze are relatively fragile, they are unlikely to have been made to serve the original purpose of protecting the wearer against harm. Rather, as in the case of gold crowns, gold-worked armor would have been worn to enhance its wearer’s grandeur. Gaya armor also features additional decorative elements, the most distinctive of which can be found on vertical plate body armor. Much debate surrounds the function of Gaya vertical plate body armor. This is because its form varies widely the ornaments are far more elaborate compared to other types of Gaya armor, and the numerous connected plates used to make the armor vary so greatly in size that faulty cutting work has been considered. Those who maintain that Gaya vertical plate body armor served a utilitarian function (e.g., Lee Hyunjoo 2002) have highlighted the additional iron plates that have been found fixed to examples from Bokcheon-dong Tomb Nos. 38 and 57 and Daeseong-dong Tomb No. 57, which are interpreted as evidence of repair. On the other hand, those who argue that Gaya vertical plate body armor would have been used only in funerary contexts (e.g., Song Gyehyeon 1995) focus on the fact that the shape and form of the plates used to make the armor are not standardized. Gaya vertical plate body armor would have served a wide range of different functions, but recent studies have tended to concentrate on their ritual role. In some cases, gorgets were adorned with decorations in a bird motif or with animal fur (Figs. 9 and 10), which has been interpreted as an association with the tradition in which birds (who guided the deceased’s soul from this world to the next) were regarded as sacred beings (Oh Gwangseob 2004). Fig. 9. Vertical Plate Body Armor. Excavated from Bokcheon-dong Tomb No. 86 in Busan. Gaya. H. 68.0 cm, W. 34.0 cm. Gimhae National Museum Fig. 10. Vertical Plate Body Armor. Excavated from Daeseong-dong Tomb No. 2 in Gimhae. Gaya, 4th century. H. 66.0 cm, L. 40.0 cm, W. 31.0 cm. Gimhae National Museum Spiral patterns were also used as decoration. As symbols of the sun, the spiral patterns featured on Gaya vertical plate body armor may have served to deify the wearer as a sun-like being and expressed prayers for good fortune in warfare. Another possibility that has been proposed is that the vertical plate body armor was worn during ceremonies associated with rites of passage. The traces of repair, the lack of precision in the cutting of the iron plates, and the nature of the ornamentation have all been used as background to suggest that vertical plate armor was worn for rites of passage into adulthood (Song Jeongsik 2012). An association between the motifs of vertical plate armor and those of the weapon-like saw knife (有刺利器), which feature fern-shaped or bird-shaped barbs, has also been suggested. The vertical plate body armor recently recovered from Tomb No. II-43 of the Ga-dong burial ground in Busan, the most elaborately decorated example discovered to date, is adorned with bird, spiral, and line patterns along with animal fur as additional decoration. However, among other things, the primary function of helmets and body armor would be to protect the wearer during battle. As briefly examined before, the evolution of helmets and body armor over time is associated with the development of weaponry systems. Ancient weaponry can be divided, depending on their usage, into projectile weapons (which launch objects to far distances using projectiles) and pole weapons, with their lengths exceeding the height of a male warrior. The most representative weapons of each type would be the arrowhead and spearhead. Although relating to an earlier period, the accounts that appear in Sanguozhi (三國志, Records of the Three Kingdoms) and Jinshu (晋書, Book of Jin) concerning the superior spear-fighting skills of Jinhan and Mahan warriors can be used as a reference for reconstructing weaponry of that time. Armor and helmets, likewise, shows differences between the fourth-century products and the fifth-century ones with vertical plate armor being prevalent in the fourth century. Weapons excavated along with the vertical plate armor were mostly polearms including spearheads. Later on, as the length of arrowheads—projectile weapons—become elongated, their range distance was also extended (Jang Sanggab 2018). These lines of evidence illustrate that the infantry played a central role in military tactics at the time that iron armor first came into use in Gaya. The image of an ancient Gaya warrior and warhorse charging into battle, each fully suited in armor, easily comes to mind. Evidence of such heavy cavalry from the Three Kingdoms period has been found in the form of artifacts, textual accounts, and images on the walls of mural tombs. Information on the cavalry tactics of the Three Kingdoms period can also be obtained from ancient texts and Goguryeo mural tombs. Detailed studies of these sources have revealed that ancient military tactics either relied solely on cavalry or involved both infantry and cavalry. The pure cavalry tactics included single-combat tactics, ambush tactics, chase tactics, and shock tactics. Of these, the heavy cavalry was primarily involved in shock tactics. The widespread adoption of heavy cavalry in Gaya was associated more with the appearance of the saddle and stirrups to provide stability to the horse’s rider, compared to the bit, which was useful for controlling the horse. Lamellar armor was worn by the heavy cavalry, and the image of a heavy cavalry warrior in the murals of Goguryeo's Anak Tomb No. 3 shows that the rider’s suit of lamellar armor included additional elements such as a gorget (Figs. 11 and 12). It is likely that Gaya heavy cavalry was established by the fifth century given that chamfrons and horse body armor appear around this time along with saddles and stirrups. Fig. 11. Lamellar Body Armor. Excavated from Yeorae-ri Zone II Tomb No. 40 in Gimhae. Gaya, 5th century. L. 12.5 cm, W. 3.0 cm (lamellar pieces), L. 57.0 cm, W. 45 cm (entire). Gimhae National Museum Fig. 12. Lamellar Body Armor and Helmet. Excavated from Chilsan-dong Tomb No. 35 in Gimhae. Gaya, 4th century. L. 11.5 cm, W. 3.7 cm (lamellar pieces), L. 57.0 cm, W. 56 cm (entire). Gimhae National Museum The role of Gaya heavy cavalry in military tactics is, however, likely to have been limited. This can be gleaned from the type of tombs that have yielded artifacts associated with heavy cavalry. Rather than small- or middle-scale tombs, finds of chamfrons, horse body armor, saddles, and stirrups have been uncovered in large-scale tombs belonging to the ruling class of Gaya. This indicates that the segment of society that had access to the accouterments required for heavy cavalry was limited. Therefore, it is unlikely that Gaya operated a large-scale cavalry force or a concentrated heavy cavalry regiment, as was the case for Goguryeo or Baekje (18 BCE–660 CE). Rather, a small, simple class of heavy cavalry warriors that answered directly to the king or highest commanding officer would have likely existed in Gaya (Kim Hyuk-joong 2019). The Significance of Gaya Armor in Terms of World Heritage The characteristic features and changing nature of Gaya armor were briefly examined above, but it is also important to consider its significance from a wider perspective, particularly in terms of UNESCO World Heritage. The criteria provided by UNESCO may serve as guidelines for establishing the attributes considered to be of value from a World Heritage perspective: (ii) to exhibit an important interchange of human values, over a span of time or within a cultural area of the world, on developments in architecture or technology, monumental arts, town-planning or landscape design; (iv) to be an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) significant stage(s) in human history. Research on Gaya iron artifacts including armor has explored a wide range of topics, including its origins, interactions and exchanges between polities, symbolism, and technology. A key feature of Gaya iron artifacts has been the presence of diverse elements being drawn to form a distinctive culture that owes much to the operation of networks. It should be noted that “networks” was also the theme of an international symposium hosted by the National Museum of Korea in 2019 to mark the opening of its special exhibition on Gaya. In one of the papers presented at this symposium, a critical examination was performed of previous approaches towards Gaya’s interactions and exchanges, and the need for an alternative perspective focusing on social networks was proposed (Kim Daehwan 2019). It was maintained that any analysis of Gaya’s ruling elite should also take into consideration the interactions that occurred between individuals and social groups, marking a significant step forward in Gaya studies. The analysis of the diachronic changes evident in these interactions has provided an apt window for examining the nature of the Gaya society. It cannot be denied that the establishment of networks through negotiations and exchanges between polities provided an important motor for Gaya’s development. For example, the relationship between Gaya and Wa, which was not one-sided but more mutual and formed through interactions taking place over an extensive period of time, played a significant role (Takata Kanata 2019). In particular, the “maritime village” concept newly suggested by Takata can be seen as an apt representation of a situation that prevailed at the time. Among Gaya’s trade goods, iron was the most important. Among its iron products, armor manufactured using the most sophisticated production technology was prominent. At the time, iron served as an important medium facilitating the operation and reproduction of networks within East Asia. Iron, therefore, provided the foundations for Gaya’s growth and generated Gaya the diverse formation of iron culture. It may be argued that, given this background, Gaya armor has sufficient merit to be considered a valuable asset to UNESCO World Heritage.

Gaya (42–562) was a polity centered in the southeastern region of the Korean Peninsula. Historical records indicate that it was established after the year 42 CE and survived for 520 years. It coalesced and developed during the Three Kingdoms period of Korean history, a period when the three ancient states of Silla (57 BCE–935 CE), Baekje (18 BCE–660 CE), and Goguryeo (37 BCE–668 CE) engaged in a continuous struggle to dominate the region. Gaya and Silla were located in the southeast and separated by the Nakdonggang River, the largest river in the southern reaches of the Korean Peninsula. Baekje was situated in the southwestern part of the peninsula. Although it is inclusively referred to as Gaya today, it was actually separated into several political entities that maintained unique respective cultures. The major centers of Gaya were Gimhae (Geumgwan Gaya), located around the Nakdonggang River estuary; Haman (Ara Gaya), located near the Namgang River, a western tributary of the Nakdonggang River; Goryeong (Dae Gaya), in the middle basin of the Nakdonggang River; and Goseong (So Gaya), abutting the southern coast. Historical records on Gaya are highly fragmentary, and the understanding of the history and culture of Gaya thus relies heavily on clues provided by archaeological research. The most representative archaeological data would be the abundant pottery excavated from the Gaya region. The aim of this article is to briefly introduce the pottery of Gaya. Although a more detailed summary of the accumulated results of research on Gaya pottery is needed, length constraints mean the article will simply highlight some of the major developments in Gaya pottery. To this end, the following text primarily examines the following: the significance of grayish-blue stoneware, which appears for the first time in the fourth century CE; the unique pottery production methods of Gaya; the mass production and distribution of jars; the wide diversity its kind; the appearance of stoneware in Japan; and influences on Gaya’s ceramics technology. The Appearance of Grayish-blue Stoneware and the Emergence of Gaya Pottery Gaya pottery can be divided between reddish-brown earthenware and grayish-blue stoneware. The reddish-brown earthenware vessels used in daily life gain a reddish color from being fired in open kilns. Their walls are relatively soft and easily absorb water. In contrast, grayish-blue stoneware vessels were mostly used as burial goods and storage vessels, and they took the form of dishes, pedestaled vessels, cups, and large jars. They were reduction fired at high temperatures in closed kilns to achieve vitrification and were tinged with gray or black. This grayish-blue stoneware began to be produced around the fourth century CE in the Gimhae area, the center of Gaya at the time. This is generally accepted as the genesis of Gaya pottery. Clearly, people in the Gaya region had made and used various forms of pottery prior to the appearance of grayish-blue stoneware, but these cannot be called distinctively Gaya pottery in terms of form or production techniques. Grayish-blue stoneware, however, was first produced in the Gaya region and was maintained long enough to become a distinguishing feature of the culture. This type of pottery developed in the Gaya region became widely distributed throughout the Korean Peninsula and parts of the Japanese Archipelago. This distribution vividly demonstrates the vigorous interactions between Gaya and its surrounding polities. Gaya pottery production techniques spread beyond their birthplace and had a major impact on the appearance and development of stoneware in Japan. Was the grayish-blue stoneware that marks the beginning of Gaya pottery an original invention of Gaya? Rapidly spinning potters’ wheels were used to shape grayish-blue stoneware, enabling mass production and the standardization of forms. Grayish-blue stoneware is characterized by its dense structure, solidity, and impermeability. The silica in the clay vitrified, as the pottery was fired in step kilns, reaching temperatures over 1200℃. Entirely new forms that had never been seen in previous wares suddenly appeared, such as jars with two lugs. Explanations of the origins of this new grayish-blue stoneware are largely divided into two hypotheses based on either adoption or independent innovation. Researchers who advocate the former focus on the similarities between two-lugged jars, one of the earliest examples of grayish-blue stoneware, and a type of Chinese porcelain. Much of the evidence pointing to Gaya’s active involvement in long-distance exchanges can be used to support the hypothesis of the adoption of pottery techniques from China. On the other hand, researchers have pointed out that the earliest grayish-blue stoneware from Gaya was not fired to vitrification (Fig. 1), and the development of this type of stoneware would have been impossible without local innovations and gradual improvements in firing technology. Thus, these views regard grayish-blue stoneware as an independent local technology. Fig. 1. Grayish-blue Stoneware Pottery. Excavated from Yangdong-ri Tomb No. 235 in Gimhae. Gaya, late 3rd–early 4th century. H. 32.0 cm. National Museum of Korea This is the earliest known example of grayish-blue stoneware pottery yielded by a tomb in Gimhae, which is located along the Nakdonggang River estuary. This lidded jar has an uneven surface resulting from sudden exposure to high temperatures. This appears to be the result of poor temperature control during firing. When discussing Gaya pottery, it is grayish-blue stoneware that first comes to mind. However, reddish-brown earthenware is also critical to understanding the pottery culture of Gaya (Fig. 2). Earthenware vessels were fired at relatively lower temperatures (less than 800℃) in an unsealed kiln, resulting in a reddish-brown shade, walls that are softer than stoneware, and high permeability. These wares consisted of pots, steamers, and bowls, and were used to boil water and other liquids, steam food, and as containers for foods. Grayish-blue stoneware has mainly been discovered in the context of burials, whereas reddish-brown earthenware has mostly been uncovered from dwellings rather than tombs. Although reddish-brown earthenware is thought to have been a remnant of pottery developed during the Bronze Age, the research conducted on this earthenware is scant compared to that on grayish-blue stoneware. There are a few reasons for this: A relatively smaller number of reddish-brown earthenware vessels has been excavated, and the evolution of the shape and the production techniques applied to these vessels over time remains unclear. Furthermore, no characteristics of this earthenware distinct to specific regions within Gaya have been identified. Fig. 2. Reddish-brown Earthenware. Excavated from Buwon-dong site in Gimhae. Gaya, 3rd–4th century. H. 15.0 cm (left). Gimhae National Museum On the other hand, grayish-blue stoneware shows obvious changes in the production techniques involved and can be considered a discrete innovation in pottery technology. Its forms are also unique compared to those found in other regions within Gaya and other countries of the time, and chronological changes in form and style are relatively clear. Gaya archeological sites have yielded a wide variety of artifacts, such as iron goods, pottery, and necklaces and earrings, illuminating the rich material culture of Gaya. The findings of goods that were imported from China and Japan reflect Gaya’s active involvement in international exchanges. Among the uncovered artifacts, grayish-blue stoneware is the most geographically widespread within Gaya and makes up the overwhelming majority. As a result, research has largely focused on grayish-blue stoneware despite the importance of reddish-brown earthenware as items of everyday use. This earthenware pottery is critical to forming a more holistic understanding of Gaya pottery. Unique Techniques for the Mass Production of Jars Gaya pottery is generally divided into an early and a late phase. The early phase refers to the first hundred years following the appearance of grayish-blue stoneware in the Nakdonggang River basin, up to about 400 CE. However, this new technology was not widely applied throughout the region at the time, and high-quality wares were only produced in certain areas. The two main production areas of pottery were Gimhae and Haman. Located at the mouth of the Nakdonggang River, Gimhae was the center of Gaya at the time. Haman is situated along the Namgang River, a tributary of the Nakdonggang River. Jars with mat-impressed patterns produced in Haman were also distributed over a large area spanning from the southern Korean Peninsula to the western Japanese Archipelago (Fig. 3). Various pottery forms such as mounted dishes, vessel stands, and cups were produced, but jars around 30 centimeters in height made up the majority. What were the reasons for the intensive production of this type of jar and its long-distance distribution beyond the Gaya territory? This question can be answered by understanding the character of this grayish-blue stoneware. Fig. 3. Jar with Mat-impressed Patterns. Excavated from Hwangsa-ri Tomb No. 44 in Haman. Gaya, 4th century. H. 28.3 cm. Gimhae National Museum Vessels for storing various liquids like water, alcohol, and other beverages were in demand at the time, but earthenware and wooden vessels were highly permeable. Although there were metal and lacquered vessels available at the time that could meet these functional requirements, they were rare, and their production would have been relatively difficult. In contrast, grayish-blue stoneware jars were impermeable and easier to manufacture in large quantities. This might be the reason why jar-shaped vessels were the dominant form of grayish-blue stoneware for the 100 years following their appearance. Kilns for producing early-phase Gaya pottery were most densely distributed in Haman area, and potters there employed unique methods for the mass production of jars. When vessels were fired, they were often nested and then stacked in the kiln to increase production capacity. Mostly, small, identical pieces like dishes or lids were so stacked, and this method was more generally applied in the latter phase of Gaya pottery production. Cases of placing one or two small vessels into a larger vessel have been found occasionally from the early phase, but the stacking method had not been fully developed. The reasons why they did not stack more pieces of pottery at that point in time can be considered in terms of the technology available and the experience of the potters, as well as supply and demand. If vessels were stacked up in many layers, heat circulation would have been disrupted by the mass of pottery within the kiln. To minimize the rate of failure and improve production under these conditions, experience with controlling the fire is critical. Perhaps the rationale for not stacking pottery at that time was simply the result of inexperience among the potters and the techniques available, given that it was still the very early stages of the development of grayish-blue stoneware. People were also less likely to apply the stacking method because the existing pottery supply was sufficient to meet the demand of the time. At the mouth of the Nakdonggang River, where the Gaya pottery was first produced, production and distribution both occurred within a narrow 25-kilometer radius. There are only a few rare exceptions in which this early form of grayish-blue stoneware has been discovered beyond that range. If demand was moderate and the pottery was only being distributed and used within a specific narrow area, there would be little need for the adoption of a new method. However, in Haman, where grayish-blue stoneware was being produced around the same time, jars were nested on their sides in the kiln and stacked up in two or three layers. This stacking technique was unique to Haman at the time. Stacking vessels like this enabled up to three times as many jars to be placed in the kiln, but it risked ruining the aesthetics of the pottery and increasing damage and the defect rate. Nonetheless, the potters of Haman employed this process of mass production by stacking and firing jars for up to 75 years. It was an assertive choice by the potters to invest more in production than in protecting the aesthetics of the pieces, which could be explained by the soaring demand for these highly useful type of vessel that could contain and store liquids. These mass-produced jars have been found in all of the regions associated with Gaya, in neighboring Silla and Baekje, and various parts of the Japanese Archipelago across Korea Strait. The Diversity of Gaya Pottery Gaya pottery underwent a remarkable transformation in terms of form and production technology around 400 CE. Before then, high-quality grayish-blue stoneware was produced only in select regions within the Gaya Confederacy, particularly near the mouth of the Nakdonggang River and in Haman. However, around the year 400, this technology spread not only across all the areas associated with Gaya, but to other polities as well, and various communities began to produce grayish-blue pottery. Based on the distribution of kilns at this time, both the technology and the potters involved appear to have moved in routes along the Nakdonggang River and southern coast, both of which were major transportation corridors. It is well known that Gaya was a confederation of several small and large polities, unlike the nearby kingdoms of Silla and Baekje. In each area associated with the Gaya Confederacy, ceramics began to be produced using these newly acquired techniques. However, each polity did not produce works of the same quality. At first, artisans produced pieces that were similar in form as they applied the adopted technology. However, it seems that many attempts at imitating this stoneware were unsuccessful: some examples have thick walls or failed during firing. Subsequently, individuals improved their skills gradually through trial and error and by inventing their own techniques. These production techniques were passed on to many regions in the southern Korean Peninsula, and the pottery culture of Gaya marked a novel transition as each Gaya polity came to possess highly-developed techniques. The appearance eventually shifted from more-or-less similar forms to assorted types reflecting the unique preferences of each Gaya polity (Figs. 4–7). The most popular form at the time, a mounted dish or vessel stand, vividly demonstrates variations in local preferences. Fig. 4. Geumgwan Gaya Pottery from Gimhae Region. Gaya. H. 25.0 cm (upper right). National Museum of Korea Fig. 5. Dae Gaya Pottery from Goryeong Region. Gaya. H. 39.0 cm (upper left). National Museum of Korea Fig. 6. So Gaya Pottery from Goseong Region. Gaya. H. 48.1 cm (right). National Museum of Korea Fig. 7. Ara Gaya Pottery from Haman Region. Gaya. H. 49.5 cm (upper right). National Museum of Korea These kinds of pottery were also common in Silla, but Gaya pottery can be distinguished by soft curves in the overall form and the unique design and decoration motifs. Under close examination, regional characteristics make it even possible to distinguish the Gaya polity that produced the wares. The diversity seen in these characteristics is a notable feature of Gaya pottery, although we generally refer to all of this pottery by the generic term “Gaya pottery” despite the variation. In the latter stage of Gaya pottery, when diversity increased, mounted dishes, lids, and vessel stands were produced in large quantities, and jars lost their predominance. These items were not made for daily life but for use as ritual goods. Some of the pottery itself would be interred, but a considerable amount was simply used to hold offerings at burial rituals. There are several examples in which fish bones, conch shells, and chicken bones have been found in wares inside Gaya tombs. The use of diverse pottery forms by different polities for their burial rituals and the mass production of pottery in each area hold special implication. Burial rituals might be a simple behavior for mourning the dead, but standardized rituals in particular communities can have multiple and complex meanings related to the cohesion of the community, the display of wealth or social and political status, and the legitimation of the succession of power. The eventual use of similar forms of pottery for burial rituals across all of Gaya's polities can be interpreted as strengthening the political and social relations among them. By this time, the size of tombs had gradually expanded within the Gaya territories, and increasingly larger amounts of pottery were being buried. This change in customs crucially affected the demand for burial pottery, such as mounted dishes, and increased demand for burial pottery resulted in the development of new tools and techniques. To produce more wares in shorter periods of time and within space constraints, potters transitioned towards stacking pottery layer by layer in the kiln. This technique eventually became common throughout Gaya. In other words, the techniques to produce pottery more efficiently were developed further, and this information was shared across communities. Novel forms appeared in Gaya around the start of the later stage of its pottery, roughly the year 400. Among these are vessels with atypical shapes and others that were modeled after the forms of assorted objects. This figurative work was diverse, including vessels that mimicked animals such as birds, horses, and deer; objects in the form of houses, boats, shoes, and wagons; and warriors on horseback (Fig. 8). Special meanings seem to have been ascribed to various objects from the surrounding environment, such as horses, which were a valuable resource in warfare. Boats were used for maritime trade and along rivers. Shoes and wagons were used for mobility and transportation. Pottery also took on the shapes of structures important for an agrarian society, such as granaries. Object-shaped pottery was imbued with various meanings in Gaya, allowing us to infer that various kinds of rituals that took place. Moreover, this pottery also provides a snapshot of the houses, boats, wagons, shoes, and warriors of Gaya that cannot be reconstructed through artifacts or historical records. Fig. 8. Horn Cup in the Shape of a Warrior on Horseback. Excavated presumably from Deoksan-ri in Gimhae. Gaya, 5th century. H. 23.2 cm. Gyeongju National Museum. National Treasure No. 275 Gaya Pottery and the Appearance of a New Pottery Culture in Japan In some parts of the Japanese Archipelago, a new type of pottery known as sue ware (須惠器, Jp. sueki) appeared about the time of the beginning of the latter phase of Gaya pottery (Fig. 9). Sue ware was characterized by highly distinct forms and techniques relative to earlier types of Japanese pottery, so it is considered an innovation in both the ceramic and cultural history of Japan. The appearance of sue ware closely parallels the timing of the emergence of grayish-blue pottery in Korea. It was produced using techniques new to the Japanese Archipelago that resulted in hard, dense walls with good water retention due to firing at high temperatures. It must have been a dramatic improvement to be able to contain and store fluids (alcohol, water, etc.), which had been impossible with previous wares, and so most sue ware forms were designed for containing liquids. This transition can be seen in the earliest known sue ware kilns, which mostly produced enormous wares with a capacity of over 300 liters of liquid. Functional divisions emerged according to the different characteristics of types of pottery. For example, sue ware was used primarily for holding liquids, whereas reddish-brown earthenware, called haji ware (土師器, Jp. hajiki) in Japan, was mainly reserved for cooking. Fig. 9. Early Sue Ware. Excavated from Obadera site in Suemura Kiln site. Kofun Period. H. 5.0–32.0 cm, D. 10.0–42.0 cm. Osaka Center For Cultural Heritage It is widely accepted that pottery technology from the Korean Peninsula influenced the epochal appearance of sue ware. Surveys have uncovered early sue ware kilns in Osaka and Nara close to the center of royal authority in western Japan. Suemura in Osaka is considered a type site for sue ware kilns. With about 1,000 kilns, it is the largest pottery-producing site discovered in Japan and was in operation for 500 years starting in the fifth century CE. Due to the large volumes that have been excavated, Japanese sue ware has been well chronicled since 1950s. In particular, pottery produced in the earliest known kiln at the site caught the attention of researchers because it clearly shows the influences of Gaya pottery in terms of form, decorative designs, and shaping techniques. Sue ware, resembling Gaya pottery, began to be turned out using potters’ wheels and high-temperature firing in a climbing kiln. Of course, not every product was simply a reproduction of Gaya pottery, and pottery forms and crafting techniques that had previously existed in Japan are also observed in sue ware along with forms from other regions on the Korean Peninsula. Thus, this site may demonstrate a circumstance in which a group of people who crafted pottery crossed over to the Japanese Archipelago around 400 CE and produced wares using this site as a center. As mentioned earlier, the pottery-production technology of Gaya played a definitive role in the appearance of stoneware in Japan. Although opinions differ regarding the motivations for related artisans to have traveled to Japan, one thing is certain: there were clearly continuous and close exchanges between Gaya and Japan. Epilogue The characteristic features of Gaya pottery become increasingly notable with the arrival of grayish-blue stoneware, which was first crafted around the Nakdonggang River estuary starting in the late third to the early fourth century. The first such stoneware was made up of jars suitable for containing and storing liquids. People in Haman applied a unique technique that allowed for the mass production of jars, and Gaya pottery was distributed over a wide area beyond the Gaya sphere. Subsequently, stoneware production technology was transferred and applied to diverse areas, and a wider variety of forms emerged that clearly reflected the identity of the Gaya polity in which they were produced. Moreover, rather than being applied to everyday use, grayish-blue stoneware was intensively produced as burial goods for tombs, which were growing increasingly larger in size. At the same time, the ceramic production technology of Gaya had a major influence on the appearance of a new pottery culture in Japan. Archaeologists rely on ceramics more than any other type of artifacts to draw inferences about the passage of time and aspects of regional change. Thus, studying pottery is one of the most popular areas within archaeological research. Scholars of Gaya have achieved great progress, and the results of their work have been accumulated to build specific chronologies that can be utilized as critical data for studies of other subjects. Even so, it is true that data from pottery is insufficient to achieve the true purpose of archaeology: reconstructing the cultures of the past. This essay introduces Gaya pottery based on archaeological data, although it is undeniably insufficient to provide a full understanding of the culture.

Fig. 7. Helmet and Body Armor. Excavated from Bokcheon-dong Tomb No. 38 in Busan. Gaya, 5th century. H. 34.0 cm, D. 17.3 cm (helmet), H. 43.0 cm, C. 107.0 cm (body armor). Gimhae National Museum. Treasure No. 2020 Reorganization of Gaya Society and the Trade Network The situation in East Asia reached a turning point in the first half of the fourth century when Goguryeo consolidated its control over the northwestern regions of the Korean Peninsula. Nangnang had removed itself from the former trade network and Baekje had grown powerful enough to pressure Mahan in the southwestern coastal area. Gaya was critically weakened by a southern expedition of Goguryeo troops in 400 CE and the maritime network led by Geumgwan Gaya declined rapidly, hardly functioning at all after the early fifth century. Once the seaborne trade network operated by Geumgwan Gaya collapsed, other polities that possessed the potential for growth became increasingly assertive in accepting the advanced cultural elements and goods from Goguryeo, especially weapons and armor including horse harness, which were essential to expanding one’s power. In particular, as groups located along inland transport routes developed, the balance of power shifted from the maritime clusters to those located in the interior. Araguk (阿羅國), Bisabeolguk (比斯伐國), Daraguk (多羅國), and Garaguk (加羅國), respectively located in today's Haman, Changnyeong, Hapcheon, and Goryeong, emerged as new polities during this reorganization. Araguk and Garaguk rose to become the leading groups in this late phase of Gaya by taking advantage of the shifting situation as they amalgamated or allied with smaller surrounding polities. After the first half of the fifth century, these rising Gaya polities sought closer relations with Baekje and enthusiastically borrowed advanced cultural elements from it. The Baekje-style Gilt-bronze Cowl Cap that was found in Tomb No. 23 of the Okjeon burial ground in Hapcheon, a Daraguk's ruling class site, is notable as the first known instance of the use of a metal crown by a hangi (旱岐), the name for the supreme ruler, essentially the king, of each Gaya polity as described in the Nihon Shoki (日本書紀, The Chronicles of Japan), and also as the first evidence of the adoption of elements to express social rank reflcting the customs practiced by the ruling classes of the Three Kingdoms (Fig. 8). The dominant Gaya groups intended to maintain and display their increased power by adopting the manners of the ruling classes of other developed states as a means to express their prestige. Tombs for the supreme ruling class of Gaya, such as the Marisan burial ground in Haman and the Jisan-dong burial ground in Goryeong, yielded not only Baekje-style goods but Silla- and Goguryeo-style items as well. Fig. 8. Baekje-style Gilt-bronze Cowl Cap. Excavated from Okjeon Tomb No. 23 in Hapcheon. Gaya, 4th century. Gilt-bronze. H. 23.5 cm. Gyeongsang National University Museum The hangi of Gaya acquired the advanced weapons and horse harness that began diffusing within East Asia after the fifth century and adapted them to suit local circumstances. Hangi also established trade networks by importing prestige goods from Baekje and conducting regular trade with groups in the outlying regions of Silla. In the midst of active swings in the local power balance, examples such as the Gyeseong-ri site in Changnyeong demonstrate that groups from Mahan-Baekje even migrated into Gaya. Construction of the Mounded Tombs of Gaya and Regional Exchange Networks Mounded tombs were built in different regions around Gaya after the latter half of the fifth century. The careful selection of a location that would ensure the mounded tombs were visible to the populace and the construction of broad and tall mounds over coffins demanded advanced engineering technologies. Tomb No. 73 at the Jisan-dong burial ground in Goryeong, which was the royal burial complex of Garaguk, provides a clear demonstration of this engineering technology (Fig. 9). Tomb No. 73 is one of the largest tombs among all the mounded tombs of Gaya: It spans 21 by 22 meters in diameter at the base, and the surviving mound is 4.5 meters tall. As illustrated in the example above, the nearly complete form of the tomb at the time of its adoption indicates that its construction technique had already been perfected. Fig. 9. Royal Tomb of Dae Gaya (Jisan-dong Tomb No. 73 in Goryeong). 5th century Found among the burial goods from Tomb No. 73 were the horse harness ornaments and gilt-bronze wing-shaped crown ornament found in the chamber for human sacrifices to the west of the pit; these items were the primary burial goods for Silla’s central ruling class. This indicates that the ruling class of Garaguk received or accepted some kind of information regarding the construction of the mounded tombs from central Silla or surrounding regional groups that is deeply connected to central Silla. Also, it is unusual that a burial item so closely associated with Silla's highest ruling groups, a gilt-bronze bird-wing-shaped crown ornament, was among the burial goods for a sacrificed individual. It can be inferred that the person sacrificed in the pit had a close relationship with Silla or had served as an intermediary between Gara and Silla in the trade network. The wooden coffin in the stone chamber of the Tomb No. 73's main chamber was assembled with iron nails at the left and right edges and hinges in the center. Wooden coffins with iron nails and hinges are frequently reported from the cemeteries of the ruling class of Baekje. A sword with a phoenix-decorated ring pommel was found among the burial goods, which closely resemble those excavated from Tombs Nos. 1 and 12 among the stone-lined tombs at the Yongwon-ri site in Cheonan. Relations with Baekje are demonstrated in Jisan-dong Tomb No. 73 by the use of wooden coffins, the manner in which they were assembled, and the items included as burial goods. Direct and indirect relations with both Baekje and Silla are reflected in the construction of mounded tombs for the ruling class of Garaguk, which signifies that Garaguk's hangi had established trading networks with the two kingdoms. Each of tombs Nos. M1 and M2 in the Okjeon burial ground in Hapcheon, which was for Daraguk's hangi, was divided into a main and an auxiliary chamber by a partition and was capped with a wooden lid. This structure is a prominent feature of the mounded tombs of the Gyeseong burial ground in Changnyeong. The burial goods in Tomb No. M1 included a Roman glass, as well as gilt-bronze horse harnesses, Bisabeol-type potteries, and belt ornaments with monster-face design. The gilt-bronze horse harness and the Roman glass were brought in from central Silla via Bisabeol with the Bisabeol-type pottery. The belt ornaments with monster-face design were imported from Baekje. Silla-style prestige goods were highly concentrated in the Okjeon burial ground, suggesting that Garaguk and Daraguk independently built networks with Silla. Dagger-shaped horse harness pendants, belt ornaments with monster-face design, and a long sword with a flying-dragon-decorated ring pommel were yielded from Haman Marisan Tomb No. 54. Another similar dagger-shaped horse strap pendant was excavated from Tomb No. 1, a stone-lined tomb, in the Cheonan Yongwon-ri burial group where the most powerful group of the Baekje region was interred. The belt ornaments with monster-face design were a characteristic artifact of burial goods from Baekje cemeteries, as mentioned above. Tombs for the ruling classes in different areas around Gaya borrowed mounded tomb building methods and prestige goods from Silla and Baekje, respectively. The ruling class of Gaya selectively adopted means of expressing their authority and improving their standing, depending not only on the states they engaged with but also by using multiple networks for gathering knowledge. The emergence of mounded tombs in Gaya's sphere of influence reflects the growth of polities in Gaya’s hinterlands, which clearly indicates that these polities had joined the ranks of wider East Asian society by actively participating in exchange networks. Fig. 10. Roman Glass Cup. Excavated from Okjeon Tomb No. M1 in Hapcheon. Gaya, 5th century (date of tomb). Jinju National Museum The Dae Gaya Alliance Seen through Networks The burial ground of the hangi of Gimunguk (己汶國, located on the border between Baekje and Gaya), the Durak-ri and Yugok-ri burial ground, and the Wolsan-ri and Cheonggye-ri burial ground, were all located in the Ayeong basin in Namwon, which was part of the Dae Gaya alliance even though it was located in a border area. Wolsan-ri Tomb No. M5 and Durakri Tomb No. 32 together yielded a vessel with a rooster head, a bronze mirror, which are thought to have been imports from the Southern Dynasties in China, and an iron tripod vessel with a handle, gilt-bronze shoes from Baekje. Some regard the Chinese and Baekje-type artifacts excavated from the Ayeong basin burial grounds as gifts to the group from the Garaguk king, rewarding their role in the Garaguk-China parley (Kim Jaehong 2019; Park Cheonsu 2019). On the other hand, others view it was Baekje that gave these artifacts to the Ayeong basin group in return for the group’s certain role in building relations between Baekje and Garaguk (Park Sunbal 2012). Some other opinions suggest Baekje ruling class, who pursued to gain control over the groups at the marginal Dae Gaya, may have gifted the prestige goods to the ruling class of the Ayeong basin group in an attempt to obtain the Seomjingang River area, which was the shortcut to the South Sea (Kim Nakjung 2019). The Chinese Celadon Vessel with a Rooster Head discovered in Wolsan-ri Tomb No. M5 is the only such piece that has been found in the entire Gaya realm (Fig. 11). This indicates that Gaya’s ruling class did not consider the Chinese porcelain as difficult to obtain or as rare or prestige goods. The bronze mirror that was excavated from Durak-ri Tomb No. 32 is the only Chinese mirror unearthed in Gaya, but a similar mirror was found in the Tomb of King Muryeong (r. 501–523) of Baekje. It is significant that a Chinese mirror resembling one interred as a burial good for the king of Baekje was included among the burial goods for a tomb of the hangi of Gimunguk, which was a member of the Dae Gaya alliance. The iron tripod vessel with a handle from Wolsan-ri Tomb No. M5 is also the only excavated example found in the Gaya realm. However, iron tripod vessels with a handle have been found in Baekje territory in the Beobcheon-ri Tomb No. 4 in Wonju and Bujang-ri Tomb No. 5 in Seosan, and a similar tripod made of bronze was uncovered in Pungnaptoseong Earthen Fortress in Seoul, the royal capital of Baekje during the Hanseong Phase. Fig. 11. Celadon Vessel with a Rooster Head. Excavated from Wolsan-ri Tomb No. M5 in Namwon. Southern-Dynasties of China, 5th century. H. 14.3 cm. Jeonju National Museum The Gaya cemeteries have yielded only two examples of a pair of gilt-bronze shoes: one in Tomb No. 32 at Durak-ri, Namwon, and the other from Tomb No. M11 at Okjeon in Hapcheon. The pair from Durak-ri Tomb No. 32 is decorated with a lozenge pattern in repoussage and chasing. Similar finds to those are a pair excavated in Baekje's Ipjeom-ri Tomb No. 1 in Iksan and Coffin Eul in Tomb No. 9 at Sinchon-ri, Naju. It is hard to entirely rule out the possible existence of the gilt-bronze shoes buried at the Tombs Nos. 4 and 5, the largest ones of the Jisan-dong burial ground. However, given the research results accumulated so far on the tombs of Dae Gaya region, it is clear that the gilt-bronze shoes were quite rare within the area. Such artifacts, which were recognized as prestige goods within the central Baekje, were not buried in the royal and ruling classes’ tombs of the Garaguk, the core statelet of the Dae Gaya alliance; instead, they were buried at the hangi tombs of Gimunguk located on the periphery of the alliance. Thus, the burial goods excavated at the Gimunguk’s hangi tombs cannot be thought of as through distribution—or gifts—from Garaguk. The gilt-bronze shoes from the Yugok-ri Tomb No. 32 were likely brought from Baekje without passing through Garaguk. The above-mentioned prestige goods may have been obtained by the Ayeong basin hangi group through their relationship with Baekje. It is also likely that Baekje during the 510s conciliated the hangi group at the Ayeong basin, where Gimunguk was located, by allocating prestige goods—Baekje adopted the same method to regional leaders within its sphere of influence—in order to occupy Gimunguk and Daesaguk (帶沙國). Similar burial goods to the ones found in the cemetery for the ruling class of Giminguk have also been found in the tombs of a member of the Dae Gaya alliance, Daraguk in Hapcheon. Baekje-type prestige goods were interred in the cemetery of Daraguk's hangi, the Okjeon burial ground in Hapcheon, from the first half of the fifth to the early sixth century. The greatest concentration of Baekje-type prestige goods among the cemeteries of Gaya, including longswords with dragon, phoenix, or dragon and phoenix designs on the ring pommels, a cowl cap, a saddle with an openwork hexagonal design, bronze bowls, and spades for irrigation work, was found in Tomb No. M3. They surpassed the burial goods even in the royal tombs of Garaguk in terms of both number and quality. Daraguk was incorporated into the Dae Gaya alliance after the late fifth century, but it borrowed production techniques for Silla-type gilt-bronze crowns and earrings in the middle of the sixth century. Research indicates that the hangi of Daraguk consistently adopted Silla culture through the group responsible for constructing the tombs at the Gyo-dong and Songhyun-dong burial ground in Changnyeong in the eastern Nakdonggang River region. It is difficult to presume that diplomacy was monopolized by Garaguk, the core polity of Dae Gaya, considering the foreign prestige goods buried in the mounded tombs of other polities of the Dae Gaya alliance. Some major members of the Dae Gaya alliance, such as Daraguk and Gimunguk, were likely to have established direct trade networks with Baekje without going through Garaguk. Polities in the eastern Jeolla region, a transition zone between the Dae Gaya alliance and Baekje, had no choice but to defer to Garaguk or Baekje depending on their respective political standing, the political or military pressure being exerted by Garaguk and Baekje, or their political and economic interests. Daraguk, situated on the Nakdonggang River, would have taken a similar stance. The statelets which composed the Dae Gaya alliance had the autonomy to shift their political interests accordingly as needed without being locked into the framework of the Dae Gaya alliance. The diplomatic sovereignty of the Dae Gaya alliance was not solely under the control of Garaguk, but the king of Garaguk was recognized as the representative of the Dae Gaya alliance. The Garaguk King hoped to be included within the framework of the China-centric international sphere, whether on the same level as other neighboring countries or at least as a discrete polity within the East Asian political system. King Haji (r. unknown) of Garaguk dispatched envoys to the Southern Qi (479–502) court in 479 in an attempt to demonstrate his standing. Garaguk put great effort into establishing connections with China. For example, King Haji's accredited envoys to Southern Qi returned with a title bestowed upon him, Bogukjanggun Bongukwang (輔國將軍本國王), meaning “General Defending the State, King of Gara”. Sending these envoys was intended as a means of learning about the institutions of a new ruling system as well as trumpeting the stature of Gara at home and abroad. The Arteries of the Gaya Network, the Namgang River and the South Sea Starting from the latter half of the fifth century, a new network began functioning apart the prestige goods-centered networks operated by individual Gaya polities. These networks linked the Nakdonggang River to the Namgang River and to Goseong Bay with the hangi of Gojaguk, the core polity of So Gaya based on Goseong Bay, at their heart. Goguryeo’s expedition to the south in 400 CE disrupted the trade routes dominated by Geumgwan Gaya, and these routes never again functioned actively as they once had. King Jangsu (r. 413–491) transferred the capital of Goguryeo to Pyeongyang in 423, ended the autonomous rights of the old Nangnang and Daebang regions, and enthusiastically supported a southward expansion. The international arena on the Korean Peninsula experienced unprecedented turmoil. For instance, Baekje reacted to the southern expansion of Goguryeo while simultaneously exerting pressure upon Mahan forces. As the international situation in East Asia shifted, Gaya’s international trading arena, and those of its counterparts, were inevitably diminished. In particular, domestic exchanges expanded within Gaya, and Wa worked actively to obtain advanced cultural elements from the Korean Peninsula. The burial ground at Gyeongsan-ri in Uiryeong is situated in the Namgang River water system, a major branch of the Nakdonggang River running through Gaya from east to west. Tombs Nos. 1 and 2, the main tombs in the cemetery, yielded goods originating from a combination of various polities, including Silla, So Gaya, Dae Gaya, and Ara Gaya, and also showed Wa-type elements in the cemetery structure (Fig. 12). This is very close to the junction of the Namgang River with the Nakdonggang River and is presumed to have been an area where groups belonging to Silla, Dae Gaya, Ara Gaya, and So Gaya came to exchange not only common goods but also cultural and technological knowledge (Hong Bosik 2013b). Fig. 12. Wa-style Stone Chamber Tomb with Horizontal Corridor Entrance of Songhak-dong Tomb No. 1B-1 in Goseong Burial ground at Cheongok-ri in Uiryeong, Myeongdong, Saengcho, and Pyeongchon-ri in Sancheong, all located along the Namgang River or its tributaries, have yielded Silla pottery, but only in very small quantities. The Silla pottery excavated from these sites was brought in via the downstream areas of the Namgang River. Artifacts from the Yeongsangang River region, such as mounted dishes, small pottery, barrel-shaped vessels, and bird-shaped pottery, have been excavated from the burial ground at Saengcho and Pyeongchon-ri in Sancheong (Fig. 13). Some groups based in the areas near the Namgang River and its tributaries engaged in relations with the Silla people to the east and the Baekje people along the upper reaches of the Geumgang River and in the Yeongsangang River basin to the west while maintaining a network trading in daily items. Fig. 13. Bird-shaped Pottery Imported to Gaya from Baekje. Excavated from Pyeongchon-ri Tomb No. 114 in Sancheong. Three Kingdoms Period. H. 9.9 cm. Jinju National Museum Another region where artifacts from Dae Gaya, Silla, the Yeongsangang River basin, and Wa were concentrated is the Goseong Bay area, a halfway point on the southern coast between the burial grounds at Songhak-dong in Yuldae-ri and Naesan-ri in Goseong. Songhak-dong Tomb No. 1 yielded large amounts of artifacts in the style of Silla, Dae Gaya, Yeongsangang River basin, and Wa (Fig. 14). Ornamental horse harness, lamellar armor, and a Wa-style stone chamber tomb with a horizontal corridor entrance were found at the cemetery. Furthermore, stone chamber tombs with horizontal corridor entrances in a style originating in Kyushu in the Japanese Archipelago were established on islands and in bays along the southern coast and on the banks of the Namgang River, for example, the Jangmok Tomb on Geojedo Island, Ungok-ri Tomb No. 1 in Uiryeong, and the Seonji-ri Tomb and the Hyangchon-dong Tomb in Sacheon. The debate surrounding the interpretation of these artifacts and whether the people buried in these Wa-style tombs were from Wa or Gaya remains heated. The Wa-style tombs spread along the southern coast of Korea are different from the interment practices of Gaya, so the people buried in them are inferred to have been from Wa. It is assumed that the Wa people interred in Wa-style tombs had settled in Gaya to work as traders obtaining advanced practices and goods and conveying them back to Wa. Fig. 14. Pottery Imported to Gaya from the Japanese Archipelago. Excavated from Songhak-dong Tomb No. 1 in Goseong. Gaya, 5–6th century (date of tomb). H. 13.3–18.6 cm. Jinju National Museum Silla pottery finds are another means of demonstrating that the hangi of Gojaguk, based on Goseong Bay, was a central figure in East Asian international trade during Late Gaya. Silla pottery was buried in different sites around Gaya after the first half of the sixth century, particularly so in tombs in the Goseong Bay area. The Silla pottery excavated in the Gaya region, including in Goseong Bay, was produced or transferred in areas along the periphery of Silla, such as Changnyeong on the eastern side of the Nakdonggang River, or Gimhae to its west, and was then diffused into Gaya. This distribution network was mainly used to exchange items of daily life between Silla groups in areas on the eastern side of the Nakdonggang River and groups living along the banks of the Namgang River and in the main ports of the southern coast. This trade was led by the hangi of Gojaguk, the leader of the So Gaya alliance, which consisted of groups along the shores of Sacheon Bay on the southern coast and areas in the middle reaches of the Namgang River. The Baekje people along the southwestern coast and near the Yeongsangang River waterways worked together with the Wa people in this network. Demonstrating the activities of the network are the Wa-style tombs established in areas along the southern coast, the southwestern coast, and the Yeongsangang River basin, with Goseong Bay at its center. The reason why So Gaya pottery was concentrated in the Dongrim-dong Site in Gwangju is likely to be related to this network. The trading activities led by Gajaguk in the Goseong region after the latter half of the fifth century reflect the renewal of the ocean trade connecting the southern and southwestern coast that had declined after the latter half of the fourth century. It is inferred that major goods and local specialties, such as salt, that were exchanged along the southwestern coast were distributed to the different regions of Gaya by the hangi of Gojaguk. Reciprocal exchanges in the necessities of daily life were actively developed by the groups that lived in or controlled the major ports along the banks of the Nakdonggang River, major islands which served as waystations and ports along the southern coast, and border areas with Baekje, especially transition zones such as the upper reaches of the Gyeonghogang and Geumgang Rivers, such as Jangsu, Jinan, and Muju (Hong Bosik 2013b).

In Buddhism, death does not mean the discontinuity of life, but rather a process of reaching another life. This is the Buddhist view of death, in other words, death does not really exist. Eternal death, if there is any, would refer to the attainment of Nirvana. Almost all sentient beings consequently wander through either this world or the otherworld in a state reflecting the deeds they have accumulated since their unknown beginnings. The realms into which they can be reborn are divided into Six Paths (六道): heavenly beings, humans, asuras (demigods-fighting spirits), animals, hungry ghosts, and denizens of hell. Until achieving Nirvana, all sentient beings must be cyclically reincarnated along one of these Six Paths to rebirth. Four stages of existence make up the process of transmigration: Basic existence in this world (本有, bonuyu), death existence (死有, sayu), an intermediate existence between death and rebirth (中有, jungyu), and rebirth existence (生有, saengyu). Nectar Ritual Paintings, or Gamnodo (甘露圖) in Korean, depict the intermediate existence between death and rebirth, or the realms to which the souls must go (Fig. 1). They structuralize the process of transmigration from suffering to pleasure through Buddhist symbols and metaphors. Fig. 1. Nectar Ritual Painting. Joseon, 18th century. Color on silk. 188.5 × 198.0 cm. National Museum of Korea (The enlarged one is on the left page.) During the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1897), the Buddhist community was shrinking due to an ongoing policy of promoting Confucianism while suppressing Buddhism, but it still managed to develop the formalities of rituals praying for the repose of the people who had wrongfully died. Particularly during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a time when Joseon suffered increased social unrest due to natural disasters and wars, the Buddhist community strengthened the faith elements related to funerary and salvific rituals for placating the wandering souls of the dead and dispatching them to paradise such as Water-Land Retreat (水陸齋, the ceremony for deliverance of creatures of water and land), or Suryukjae in Korean. Nectar ritual paintings were mainly used in these rituals reflective of the circumstances of Joseon in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In accordance with the ritual norms for Water-Land Retreat, nectar ritual paintings developed a specific iconographical system and came to be produced nationwide. During the Joseon Dynasty, Water-Land Retreat was held mainly for placating lonely wandering souls (孤魂, gohon) that had no ancestors or descendants to hold memorial services on their behalf. These roving orphan souls that had been unable to pass into the afterlife were in a state of the intermediate existance between death and rebirth (jungyu) represented by hungry ghosts (餓鬼, K. agwi; Skt. preta) (Fig. 2). Those in the state of jungyu are also referred to as jungeumsin (中陰身), lonely wandering souls, or more commonly as a ghost. The principal iconographic motif of nectar ritual paintings is the salvation of hungry ghosts, which is the objective of Water-Land Retreat. The depiction of the salvation of hungry ghosts in nectar ritual paintings is acted out during the process of Water-Land Retreat as several formulaic iconographic motifs sequentially appearing in the painting correspond to the stages of the ritual. Understanding the order of the individual iconographic motifs and their organic correlations also concretize the process of Water-Land Retreat. Thus, the meaning of the hungry ghost images is revealed over the temporal progress of the ritual as well as in the relations among iconographic motifs. Fig. 2. Hungry Ghost in Fig. 1 This paper aims to examine the multilayered connotations of hungry ghosts. Moreover, it will discuss the contexts in which hungry ghosts are perceived in relation to the concepts of bizarreness, loathing, hunger and thirst, miserliness, pain, and fear, both within the iconography of nectar ritual paintings and in the social milieu of the Joseon Dynasty. It further argues that these negative concepts were formulated to dramatically explicate the journey of lonely souls toward salvation, rebirth, bliss, and paradise, which are at the far opposite of what hungry ghosts represent. It concludes that such opposing notions are embodied simultaneously in the visual representation of hungry ghosts. Symbolism in Nectar Ritual Paintings The composition of nectar ritual paintings is commonly divided into upper, middle, and lower sections with iconographic content ranging from top to bottom. The motifs in the upper, middle, and lower sections are all narrative, correspond to the stages of the ritual, and are metaphorically interconnected. The upper section features Buddhas and Bodhisattvas related to salvation, including the Seven Buddhas (七如來) and Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva (引路王菩薩), which indicates a future that will soon arrive in the ritual process. The lower section portrays the beings to be saved, thus representing the past, while the altar and the ritual scene in the middle section symbolizes a present moment connecting the past and the future. In other words, the three-sectioned pictorial space of nectar ritual paintings demonstrates the temporal progression of the ritual. It starts from the “present time” of middle section through the lower part where lonely souls—represented by a hungry ghost—are depicted as summoned to the ritual and finally on to the upper section, the future, where Buddhas and Bodhisattvas descend to save them. Thus, the iconography temporally progresses from the middle through the lower and to the upper section following the order of the ritual (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Nectar Ritual Painting at Yakusenji Temple. Joseon, 1589. Color on hemp. 169.3 × 158.2 cm. Entrusted to the Nara National Museum In the upper section of nectar ritual paintings, the Buddhas descended to the ritual scene bestow “sweet dew,” or nectar called gamno (甘露, Skt. amrta), to save the hungry ghosts—if officiant monk is present at the scene, the monk himself sprinkles the nectar over the hungry ghosts. These hungry ghosts or forlorn wandering souls absorb nectar through their whole bodies and then are released from their pain, which is the main theme of nectar ritual paintings. The hungry ghosts or lonely souls who have received the grace of this nectar head towards the paradise seen in the upper section under the guidance of Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva and are reborn (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Nectar Ritual Painting at Boseoksa Temple. Joseon, 1649. Color on hemp. 238.0 × 228.0 cm. National Museum of Korea The names and roles of the Seven Buddhas appearing in the upper section of nectar ritual paintings are (Fig. 5): Fig. 5. Seven Buddhas in Fig. 4 1. Prabhutaratna Tathagata (多寶如來, Dabo yeorae): The Buddha of Abundant Treasures helps lonely souls abandon greed and stinginess and become fully equipped with precious dharma. 2. Ratnaketu Tathagata (寶勝如來, Boseung yeorae): The Buddha of Treasure and Victory leads lonely souls to abandon evil paths and achieve the exaltation they seek. 3. Surupakaya Tathagata (妙色身如來, Myosaeksin yeorae): Known as the Buddha of Fine Form Body, this deity cleans and smooths out the tattered and repulsive forms of lonely souls. 4. Vipulakaya Tathagata (廣博身如來, Gwangbaksin yeorae): The Buddha of Broad Extensive Body allows lonely souls to be freed from the bodily forms of the Six Paths and obtain dharmic bodies as pure as the air. 5. Abhayamkara Tathagata (離怖畏如來, Ipowoe yeorae): The Buddha of Leaving Fear helps lonely souls to leave behind the fear and gain the pleasure of Nirvana. 6. Amrtaraja Tathagata (甘露王如來, Gamnowang yeorae): As the Buddha of the Nectar-King, this deity opens the throats of all lonely souls, which are as thin as needles, to enable them to taste the sweet dew. 7. Amitabha Tathagata (阿彌陀如來, Amita yeorae): Called the Buddha of Infinite Light, this deity causes lonely souls to transcend life and be reborn in the Western Paradise according to their prayers offered to him. Each of these Seven Buddhas exerts a unique supernatural power. Once the officiant monk invokes the honorific names of these Buddhas in the order of Prabhutaratna, Ratnaketu, Surupakaya, Vipulakaya, Abhayamkara, Amrtaraja and Amitabha, they emerge one after the other and erase one by one the sufferings of the lonely souls and hungry ghosts. Since nectar ritual paintings depict the moment of the Seven Buddhas—including Amitabha, the final one to arrive—have descended, all seven of them are presented together in the scene. The salvation by the Seven Buddhas can reach all lonely wandering souls, but in a narrow sense, it can be said that its targets are limited solely to the hungry ghosts. Not only representing one of the Six Paths of rebirths, but the hungry ghosts also stand for all those requiring salvation, including ancestral spirits and mujugohon (無主孤魂, lonely wandering souls with no posterity to hold memorial rites). As a case in point, the first Buddha, Prabhutaratna, endeavors to erase worldly desires and miserliness from them, which are the ultimate causes of being reborn as hungry ghosts.1 The second Buddha, Ratnaketu, frees hungry ghosts from the pain of evil paths stemming from misdeeds in a past life. While these two Buddhas focus on releasing the karmic ties of being reborn as hungry ghosts, the third and fourth Buddhas, Surupakaya and Vipulakaya, concentrate on healing their tattered and repellant appearances. The fifth Buddha, Abhayamkara, eliminates the fears experienced by the hungry ghosts after existing in such bodies for an extended period. The sixth Buddha, Amrtaraja, opens hungry ghosts’ throats, which are as thin as a needle, allowing them to taste the nectar and be liberated from hunger and thirst. After being fed nectar, they are no longer hungry ghosts, so the seventh Buddha, Amitabha, can help them to transcend the cycle of rebirth along the Six Paths and be reborn in the Western Paradise instead. The Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva appearing on one side of the upper section of nectar ritual paintings directs the souls to paradise after they have escaped the hungry ghost state thanks to the bestowal of nectar. The middle section of nectar ritual paintings presents a scene of monks holding a ritual in front of an altar. The altar is adorned with the various dishes required for the ritual, along with flowers, lamps, and banners (Fig. 6). This scene embodies a wish for the salvation of the souls through the ritual. Merits accumulated by believers performing rituals move the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas and encourage them to confer grace on all lonely souls, thus saving them and breaking the eternal cycle of life, death, and rebirth of all sentient beings along the Six Paths. Fig. 6. Altar in Fig. 4 The lower section depicts lonely souls in the appearance of their past lives. It shows the world of all sentient beings, including hungry ghosts, who are trapped on endless transmigration along the Six Paths. The past lives of the lonely souls, as depicted in the painting, are not so different from our present lives, reflecting the realities at that time. The diverse causes that led the lonely spirits to face death became standardized over several centuries, and they appear as major motifs in the lower sections of nectar ritual paintings. These sections commonly consist of about forty scenes. In the upper portion, relatively closer to the altar in the middle, are the forlorn wandering souls of officials, generals, and soldiers who forsook their own lives to save their own countries; late kings and queens who favored Buddhism and performed good deeds; and those related to the Buddhist community, including monks, nuns, and lay disciples. Social standing and the hierarchical bureaucracy of the mundane world are partially reflected in the depictions of the figures in the intermediate existence. The bottom portion of the lower section includes figures of relatively low social status, including a performing troupe based out of temples; wanders who starved to death away from home; those who died alone after they grew old and had no one to rely on; and those who died after being bitten by animals, trampled under horses’ hooves, drowned, crushed by a collapsing house, or consumed in a wildfire. The main motifs here are the causes of the tragic death of the forlorn wandering souls while in human form. The deathbed moments of people who passed away in a foreign land or disasters particularly stand out. These motifs represent lonely wandering spirits who hold great regrets and fail to leave this world. However, they are believed to have reflected living people’s apprehension over the unforeseeable misfortunes that wandering souls might bring (Fig. 7). Fig. 7. Lonely Wandering Souls in the Lower Section of Fig. 1 Through these upper-middle-lower sections of iconographic composition, nectar ritual paintings convey a message regarding the salvation of forlorn wandering souls from the tormented realms of hell or of hungry ghosts. It is important to understand the iconographic motifs in the three sections according to their temporal order since they manifest the miracles occurring during the stages of Water-Land Retreat, which are generally held day and night over several days. These miracles are reconstructed based on the method of depicting different temporal sequences within a single painting (同圖異時). Representation of Hungry Ghosts in Nectar Ritual Paintings The Procedures for Water-Land Retreat and the Salvation of Hungry Ghosts Several ritual manuals related to Water-Land Retreat record similar procedures. Most manuals begin by explaining the motives for performing Water-Land Retreat and the origin of the ritual. It proceeds from building an altar and purifying its surroundings to summoning messengers to open a way for the advent of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and forlorn wandering souls. Next, the low-ranking wandering souls are called in, and eventually, the high-ranking Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are invited. The ritual scene in Nectar Ritual Painting (1589) at Yakusenji Temple (藥仙寺) in Hyogo Prefecture, Japan includes an old monk holding a vajra bell in one hand while sitting on the left corner of the altar (Fig. 8). It is highly possible that this scene may depict the invitation of low-ranked beings, namely lonely wandering souls, to the ritual space. The Yakusenji painting demonstrates that the depicted ritual phase involves the essential task of summoning lonely spirits from all quarters. Fig. 8. Ritual Scene in Fig. 3 Ritual manuals indicate how difficult it can be to call in the lonely wandering spirits of the deceased. In order to summon them, a monk must dedicate a considerable amount of time to allow them to hear the Buddhist sermons and the logic of the world and become informed that food made from nectar will appear in this sacred ritual space (道場). According to the ritual manual, while shaking a vajra bell and repeatedly calling in souls deep into the night, the monk chants, “as the night sky darkens and grows serene, galactic waves sink into the mind.” Monks steadily burn incense and chant Buddhist hymns, but the suffering wandering spirits from everywhere are not yet gathered, although several saints have arrived from the three realms of existence in which beings undergo rebirth. The monks dolefully chanting the mantra and reciting lengthy discourses and the young nuns holding a flower and staring into the air reflect the difficulty of summoning the wandering souls. The invitation of low-ranking beings is followed by the invitation of the Seven Buddhas, whose advent is illustrated in the upper section of nectar ritual paintings. Nectar ritual paintings also feature a monk standing apart from the group of other monks. He holds a small bowl in his left hand in front of the altar, raises his right arm above his shoulder, and makes a unique gesture with his right hand. This hand gesture, as seen in the Yakusenji painting, indicates the Water Wheel mudra (水輪觀印) symbolizing the action of bestowing nectar over numerous lonely souls, including hungry ghosts, who have been summoned to the ritual space (Fig. 9). The depiction of this monk embodies the moment of delivery of the nectar created by the incantations (加持) of the Buddhas in the upper section. Fig. 9. Hungry Ghost in Fig. 3 In the end, forlorn wandering spirits represented by hungry ghosts receive the benefit of tasting nectar. The hideous-looking hungry ghost depicted in the center of the lower section captures this dramatic moment. However, the ordinary people who participate in Water-Land Retreat are unable to see the hungry ghosts. The emergence of the hungry ghosts can be perceived only through the spiritual eyes of the monk officiating the ritual. In other words, the presence of hungry ghosts is established using gwansang (觀想), visualization through the mind’s eye. Thus, the images of hungry ghosts in nectar ritual paintings are the most effective means of demonstrating the efficacy of Water-Land Retreat to the general public who participate in the ritual. While events occurring sequentially at each phase of a lengthy ritual vanish with the passage of time, these moments captured as iconographic motifs in nectar ritual paintings remain available since they are recorded according to the dongdo yisi method of presenting different temporal sequences within a single painting. The primary motifs in the upper, middle, and lower sections of nectar ritual paintings show the main characteristics of each stage of Water-Land Retreat. In particular, the scenes focusing on the salvation of hungry ghosts, which is sought in the latter stages of the ritual, demonstrate how nectar ritual paintings envisage key points of the faith in appeasing the souls of the deceased and sending them off to paradise. The ritual in the middle section in which several monks gather and the appearance of hungry ghosts in front of a monk correspond to the core contents of the ritual: respectively, the summoning of wandering souls and the realization of the effects of the sweet dew. Representation of Hungry Ghosts Despite their inability to see them, Joseon people did not deny the existence of spirits or souls as the beings that exist alongside us, invisible to the human eyes. They believed in countless types of spirits, including some that held deep regrets from their life in this world and were thought to interfere with human life. These spirits had died wrongful deaths and could not be reincarnated, so they wandered this world and meddled in people’s affairs. In Buddhism, they were called forlorn wandering souls, or gohon and should be appeased and conveyed to paradise. The souls of people who died while away from home or due to unexpected disasters were especially known as mujugohon since they could not receive memorial rites and held many bitter regrets. Starting in the sixteenth century, Joseon society suffered from roughly 150 years of severe climate effects that triggered bad harvests and subsequent famines, epidemics, and wars. Joseon endeavored to overcome these disasters based on the Confucian view of the Ways of Heaven (天道觀).2 One of the associated means was, ironically, to hold Buddhist Water-Land Retreat. Despite the official promotion of Confucianism, Buddhist Water-Land Retreat became established as a major ritual to wish that the forlorn wandering souls that had died due to the series of disasters and the hungry ghosts that embodied the agony of these souls could be reborn in the next world. In this way, the Joseon court sought to enhance social stability through Buddhism. The hungry ghost concept is related to the traditional Indian notion of “pitr”, the spirits of departed parents. The idea of “pitr” came to be combined with the Chinese conception of “gui” (鬼), meaning departed ancestors who are subject to memorial services. Accordingly, grotesque-looking hungry ghosts suffering from hunger and thirst came to be characterized as a spirit connected to ancestral rites. Hungry ghosts are not only the ancestors subject to memorial services, but they also indicate the beings trapped in a world of ignorance and desire. Hence, they become the roots of infatuation, desire, and evildoing.3 Hungry ghosts are also considered to be the beings lower than animals on the Six Paths of Rebirth. Given all these, why did hungry ghosts become the representative icons of salvation in nectar ritual paintings among the three evil realms of animals, hungry ghosts, and hell? First, a hungry ghost image in nectar ritual paintings epitomizes the many wandering souls depicted in the lower sections. Moreover, since it integrates the agonies of these souls, a hungry ghost is also called as “Burning-face Ghost King” (面燃鬼王). In nectar ritual paintings, a hungry ghost is portrayed with a large body since it represents a group of hungry ghosts as myriad as the grains of sand in the Ganges River. A hungry ghost in nectar ritual paintings is also known as Bijeung Bosal (悲增菩薩), a Bodhisattva known mainly for extraordinary compassion. According to the ritual manuals, a hungry ghost is a Bodhisattva who saves sentient beings on evil paths and is a manifestation named “Burning-face Great Being” (面燃大士) who wishes for mercy but looks old and weary. Burning-face Great Being and Burning-face Ghost King are similar in appearance. Burning-face Great Being can be understood as a being incarnated in order to seek companionship with a number of suffering sentient beings in a state of intermediate existence while taking on the appearance of a hungry ghost with a throat as thin as a needle. With the above portrayal of the ritual manuals in mind, the enormous hungry ghost in nectar ritual paintings can be regarded as the transformation of Bijeung Bosal into such appearance. The bodhisattva took on the same form as a hungry ghost to save sentient beings on evil paths (Fig. 10). Fig. 10. Two Hungry Ghosts in Fig. 4 The word “Bijeung” itself emphasizes the practice of compassion, an intrinsic attribute of Bodhisattvas in Mahayana Buddhism. Depending on the ritual manual, Bijeung Bosal is sometimes described as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva or Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. Regardless, Bijeung Bosal suffers the same terrible hunger as hungry ghosts to extend mercy by working to save them. In nectar ritual paintings, Bijeung Bosal defies the dualistic classification into agents that save and objects that are saved. In the late sixteenth century, when the iconography of hungry ghosts was being established, a single image of a hungry ghost was presented in nectar ritual paintings. However, starting in the mid-seventeenth century, there were cases where two hungry ghosts appeared. By the eighteenth century, many paintings featured two hungry ghosts. By visualizing Burning-face Great Being, the savior, as Burning-face Ghost King, who shall be saved, the painting demonstrates that in the ultimate state of Buddhism, there is no separation between the agent and the object of salvation and they even cannot exist independently. Hungry ghosts internalize pain, whereas sentient beings in hell are inflicted with pain by jailers or torture devices. Moreover, hungry ghosts have elected to take on a bizarre appearance on their own accord in order to save other beings. This can be understood in the context of Christian iconography in which Jesus Christ’s difficult choice to suffer and die as a martyr is applied as a powerful tool for the propagation of Christianity. Jesus taking on the sins of all humanity is depicted through his crucifixion with nails through his hands and feet and his side pierced by a spear. The crueler the iconography of Jesus is depicted, the more sacred it becomes. The image of a detestable-looking hungry ghost embodying the attributes of miserliness and greed corresponds to the image of Jesus on the cross in that it symbolizes Bijeung Bosal rather than a hungry ghost suffering retribution for misdeeds. Indeed, a grotesque hungry ghost in great pain is in fact a manifestation of a Bodhisattva and a venerable being whose sacredness is paradoxically displayed through suffering. Thus, nectar ritual paintings materialize the ascendance of salvation by using the metaphor of suffering inverted through a hungry ghost. A hungry ghost is believed to have been chosen as the principal icon in nectar ritual paintings for the following reasons. First, rituals held to placate the wandering souls of the dead are related to nectar. In Buddhist rituals, nectar is a symbolic drink that quenches the thirst of a hungry ghost. In a similar vein, according to the Confucian view of the Ways of Heaven, nectar is bestowed from heaven in response to a reign of peace when the truth is revealed. Hungry ghosts are the main recipients of food-offering rituals (施食) and are multilayered beings, including those known as jung eumsin, in a state of intermediate existence. Above all, hungry ghosts representing hunger and a craving for nectar, which is bestowed in the upper section of the painting, accord well with the iconographic contents of nectar ritual paintings. Second, unlike other beings that are exposed to pain from the outside, hungry ghosts actually embody pain in them, displaying the agony through their grotesque figure. Their appearances are extremely effective for expressing the beauty that resides in tragedy. Their grotesqueness carries a double meaning of lofty sacrifice. Since Joseon society was at risk from famine, war, resentment, and exploitation during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries when the iconography of nectar ritual paintings was being established, hungry ghosts were used to caution against their intrinsic attributes of miserliness and greed. Sentient beings suffering in hell and hungry ghosts reflect our own wandering through the karmic cycle. The image of a hungry ghost effectively visualizes samsara (the eternal cycle of birth and death), which is the major doctrine underlying Buddhism. Such hungry ghosts are detestable yet terrifying. The small hungry ghosts emerging all over the nectar ritual paintings establish the significance of the large hungry ghost in the center. This giant gruesome-looking hungry ghost connotes multilayered meanings; it is the compassionate Bijeung Bosal, the deceased parents, and simultaneously, our own future beings waiting for salvation. Just as John Ruskin (1819–1900) noted in The Stones of Venice that the nature of the Gothic encompasses the rough vitality within grotesqueness, the grotesque appearances of hungry ghosts present their own rough vitality. Moreover, Ruskin further asserts that elegance and horror are both present in examples of the grotesque. The ludicrous and frightening, which accords with the definition of the grotesque, are expressed in hungry ghosts. The grotesque hungry ghosts set against the refined, colorfully embroidered textile covering the altar in Nectar Ritual Painting at Boseoksa Temple present us with such a contrast of humor and horror. If people or their ancestors can be associated with the icon of the hungry ghost, which is based on disgust and horror, it would facilitate their assimilation into or submission to the Buddhist conception of hungry ghosts. Accordingly, even after Joseon society had been stabilized to a large degree in the eighteenth century, the Buddhist community willingly performed rituals for placating the souls of ancestors and sending them off to paradise in return for financial compensation. The faith in accumulating merits through pre-mortem rituals held for the living also gained popularity. The production of hell-related iconography and nectar ritual paintings increased owing to the effectiveness of their grotesque depictions. Furthermore, the intensification of anguish and horror within the iconography serves to highlight the resplendent pure land, which is the opposite of the world of anguish and horror. Hidden in the portrayal of ragged and agonized hungry ghosts from the nectar ritual paintings, therefore, are the ecstasy and nobility. Conclusion Human reality is filled with uncertainty. In this world of contradictions, we have no choice but to walk through a pitch-black tunnel. Religion is based on this disturbing reality, but it seeks a world of order that extends beyond it. Thus, religious rituals are the actions performed with a focus on being incorporated into an unimaginably vast realm. Such actions embody a will to restore the cosmic order by neutralizing contradictions within this temporarily unsettling reality. The rituals held at Buddhist temples to placate the wandering souls of the dead and send them off to paradise are the wishes for the assuagement of these disembodied spirits within the symbolic order of the other world. Nectar ritual paintings based on Water-Land Retreat, illustrates the journey to paradise of numerous forlorn souls represented as hungry ghosts in a three-tiered structure comprising the upper, middle, and lower sections. Overall, the iconography of the three sections reconstitutes a series of miracles that occur over the course of this ritual held across several days and nights to console these souls and guide them to paradise. A nectar ritual painting may appear rather complex, but the images in the upper, middle, and lower section are organically connected. These images depict the events occurring at each stage of a long ritual. However, since they were presented using the technique of incorporating scenes taking place at multiple time periods within the same painting, such multiple time periods are spatially concurrent. In particular, the scene in which a hungry ghost is saved, which corresponds to the final stage of the ritual, visualizes the core elements of Water-Land Retreat. Bijeung Bosal descends to earth in a manifestation as an agonized hungry ghost in order to directly participate in the sufferings of the real world. This Bodhisattva undergoes the same pangs of extreme hunger as does a hungry ghost, thus reinforcing the belief in salvation and mercy. A hungry ghost is the epitome of beauty and mercy manifested within the ugliest and most anguished possible form. As both an agent and recipient of salvation, Bijeung Bosal eliminates the dualistic classification into an agent that saves and an object that is saved. Like the cycle of dependent origination, the journey to paradise is not subject to this division between agent and object, but is ascendible through mutual causation Nectar ritual paintings convey an implicit message that opposing concepts such as hell and heaven are, in fact, indivisible. Just as ugliness is required for beauty, death simultaneously means a new birth. By acknowledging the possibility of its transcendence, the existence of hell presupposes that of paradise and consequently manifests the realization of religious salvation. Moreover, the amplification of the fear and pain retained by a hungry ghost in nectar ritual paintings epitomizes an ascendence to a noble paradise that is the inverse of fear and pain. A hungry ghost further paradoxically reveals religious sacredness through suffering.

Gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures are created by first casting a desired image in bronze and then applying a thin coating of gold to the surfaces. Such gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures have been steadily produced across Asia wherever Buddhism flourished since at least the first century CE, including in Central and Southeast Asia, India, China, Korea, and Japan. Research on the materials and production methods of Buddhist sculptures has offered new clues to help resolve questions that cannot be answered by stylistic and iconographic studies alone. In particular, scientific analysis has provided additional information on the materials and production methods of these Buddhist sculptures. Among ancient sculptural images, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures provide notable examples suitable for scientific research. Stylistic analysis performed with the naked eye in combination with information on materials and production methods gathered through scientific inspection allows a more accurate understanding and more objective interpretation of the temporal and spatial characteristics of Buddhist sculpture (Min Byoungchan 2015, 284–286). In a broad sense, gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures have been produced using the same methods as gilt-bronze sculptures of Buddhas. Unlike standing or seated Buddhist images, however, gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures must have required more complex and elaborate techniques because of their unusual meditation pose (半跏思惟, banga sayu) with one leg resting horizontally across the other knee and the fingers resting against the cheek. This paper aims to examine the production techniques of two Pensive Bodhisattva images, respectively designated as National Treasure No. 78 and No. 83, that are considered finest examples of ancient Korean gilt-bronze Buddhist Sculpture. To this end, the paper first offers a general introduction of the production methods and materials common to ancient gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures and then analyzes the casting techniques of these two National Treasures. The objectivity of the analysis and understanding of the fundamental features of the sculptures have been improved by examining them not only with the naked eye but also with contemporary non-destructive inspection such as X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) analysis, γ-ray radiography for identifying the structures in the interior, and 3D scanning. Casting Techniques for Gilt-bronze Buddhist Sculptures Gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures created by gilding the surfaces of images cast in bronze are presumed to have been produced ever since Buddhist images were first created in India. The oldest existing gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture is in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (Fig. 1). Created in the first or second century CE, it is known to be excavated from a region in today’s Afghanistan. As Buddhism spread eastward, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures were introduced to Central and Southeast Asia, China, Korea, and Japan. Soon, these areas began to produce their own gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. Depending on the region and time of production, the casting and gilding techniques and the components and proportions of the copper alloy differ. Thus, the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture is considered one of the most important topics in the study of ancient Buddhist sculpture. Fig. 1. Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha. Gandhara, 1st–2nd century. H. 16.8 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Two primary techniques were used to cast bronze in ancient times: 1. Piece-mold casting (分割鑄造法), which originated in China and was used mostly in East Asia; and 2. Lost-wax casting (蜜蠟鑄造法 or 失蠟法), which originated on the Anatolian Plateau of Turkey or in the Middle East and spread throughout North Africa, Europe, and Asia. Piece-mold Casting When using the piece-mold casting technique, an original image is fashioned from clay. A release agent is applied to the image, and it is coated with an additional layer of clay. Once dried, the outer layer of clay is cut away. The surface of the original clay model is then evenly shaved away, and the cut outer sections are reassembled around it. The clay model becomes the inner core (內型土 or 中子), while the overlaid sections become the outer casting molds (外型土 or 鎔范). Spacers or chaplets (型持) are inserted between the core and the outer mold to maintain an even gap into which molten bronze is poured. Once the bronze cools, the clay molds can be removed, and the surface of the image can be plated with gold (Drawing 1). Drawing 1. Piece-mold Casting (Based on Strahan 2010, 141, Fig. 8) Piece-mold casting is often used to create sculptures with simple structures since the outer molds have to be removed from the original model.1 After a sculpture is cast, any metal that has seeped into the gaps between the outer mold sections creates protruding fins. In the case of gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, these burrs can be ground away or covered with gold. Those on iron sculptures are often left intact due to the nature of iron. Spacers used for maintaining the gap between the core and the outer molds, such as copper or iron plates with nails or small clay core extensions deliberately left when shaving down the original model, often leave traces in a finished gilt-bronze or iron piece which are easily identifiable with the naked eye. Piece-mold casting began in China and was already in use from the Shang Dynasty (1600–1046 BCE). Most bronze vessels from the Shang Dynasty through the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE) were created using this technique (Cowell, Niece, and Rawson 2003, 80). When Buddhism was introduced to China around the fourth century CE, and the full-scale production of Buddhist images began, piece-mold casting was heavily employed to create early gilt-bronze Buddhist images. For example, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures in an archaic style, making the dhyana mudra (禪定印, meditation mudra) (Fig. 2), were mainly produced using this technique (Cowell, Niece, and Rawson 2003, 80). Following the subsequent introduction of lost-wax casting, piece-mold casting is presumed to have continued to be applied in the production of large Buddhist sculptures. In particular, massive iron Buddhist sculptures began to be made using this method, starting in the sixth century (Sato Akio 1981, 100). This method was used continuously for cast iron objects and colossal gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures until the Qing Dynasty (1616–1912). Fig. 2. Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha. China, 3rd–4th century. H. 32.0 cm. Harvard Art Museums It is unknown precisely when piece-mold casting was introduced to the Korean Peninsula. However, two-part molds (合范), early versions of piece-mold casting, emerged there in the mid-Bronze Age (800–300 BCE), so it appears that piece-mold casting in its mature form was introduced in the late Bronze Age at the latest. With the advent of Buddhism, the technique was used from the beginning of the production of gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures in Korea. As a case in point, a Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha produced around the fifth century was unearthed from Ttukseom in Seoul (Fig. 3). However, this sculpture was made using a two-part mold without a core inside rather than the full piece-mold casting technique with a core and multiple outer mold pieces. Differing from the archaic-style Chinese gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures with hollow interiors, this example with an interior of solid bronze signals the emergence of characteristic gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures on the Korean Peninsula (Fig. 4). The eventual introduction of lost-wax casting resulted in a reduction in the frequency of the use of piece-mold casting for small and mid-size gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, but it continued to be used for casting large Buddhist images. The Gyeongju National Museum’s Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha (Fig. 5) from the Unified Silla (676–935) is a larger-than-life-size Buddhist sculpture formed using piece-mold casting. Numerous colossal iron Buddhist sculptures made across the peninsula after the eighth century also used this technique. Piece-mold casting continued to be applied to large Buddhist sculptures throughout Goryeo (918–1392) and Joseon (1392–1897). Moreover, it was introduced to Japan and was used in many massive Buddha sculptures, including the Great Buddha at Todaiji Temple (東大寺) in the eighth century during the Nara period (710–794), as well as the Kamakura Great Buddha at Kotokuin Temple (高徳院) and other iron colossal Buddhas during the Kamakura period (1192–1333) (Min Byoungchan 2015, 284–285). Fig. 3. Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha. Excavated from Ttukseom in Seoul. Three Kingdoms Period, 5th century. H. 4.9 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 4. Bottom of Fig. 3 Fig. 5. Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha. Unified Silla, 8th century. H. 179.0 cm. Gyeongju National Museum. National Treasure No. 28 Lost-wax Casting In lost-wax casting, an inner core is coated in wax, and the details of the desired model are sculpted. It is then covered with additional clay to create an outer mold. Iron core pins (釘) are inserted through the wax to immobilize the core and the outer mold, preventing them from adhering. The wax is melted away using heat, and molten bronze is poured into the channels left by the wax. The outer mold is broken away after the liquid bronze cools. The bronze image is taken out and can then be plated with gold (Drawing 2). Drawing 2. Lost-wax Casting Lost-wax casting is conventionally considered more appropriate than piece-mold casting for complex and elaborate bronze sculptures since wax is conducive to being modeled into the desired shape. It is suitable for expressing realistic and natural textures and for producing voluminous three-dimensional sculptural images. Moreover, instead of requiring relatively large copper plates or clay core extensions as spacers, thin iron nails can be used to link the inner core and outer mold, thus leaving minimal marks for removal after casting. In the case of colossal sculptures, however, it could be problematic to obtain the great quantities of wax required from nature. In addition, it is not apparent to the naked eye whether the wax is completely removed from the mold or not, and the removal itself is also quite demanding work. If molten bronze is introduced to a mold where some wax still remains, the process can result in failure. It has yet to be determined exactly when and where the lost-wax casting technique was invented. However, a large number of copper alloy objects produced around 3500 BCE using the technique have been excavated from Ghassulian sites in Nahal Mishmar on the Sinai Peninsula located in between the Mediterranean Sea and the Dead Sea (Moorey 1988, 171–173). These objects are the oldest known examples using the lost-wax casting method. Accordingly, lost-wax casting is presumed to have originated either in the Middle East or on the Anatolian plateau of Turkey, where bronze goods are believed to have been first produced (around 3500 BCE at the latest). The technique was introduced to Egypt around 1500 BCE and later spread across the Greek and Roman spheres via the Mediterranean Sea, making it the prevalent bronze casting method of ancient Europe. While the piece-mold casting technique was developed in China and disseminated only throughout East Asia, lost-wax casting originated in Southwest Asia and spread across the old continents of Asia, Europe, and North Africa. Lost-wax casting reached Afghanistan, Gandara, and the downstream portions of the Indus River Valley no later than the fourth century BCE during Alexander the Great’s expedition into Asia. With the advent of Buddhism around the fourth century, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures using the lost-wax casting technique began to be produced in China. There, traditional piece-mold casting is believed to have been regularly used for large-scale Buddhist sculptures or those with simple forms, and lost-wax casting was reserved for small- and medium-sized and complex Buddhist sculptures. Lost-wax casting had been imported to Korea by the sixth century. During the Three Kingdoms period, most small- and medium-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures were created using this method. These include Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha with Inscription of “Yeongachilnyeon” (延嘉七年, the seventh Yeonga year) produced in 539 and two Gilt-bronze Standing Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva images excavated from Seonsan in Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 6). Along the transmission route of Buddhism, the lost-wax casting was introduced not only to Japan but also to the Southeast Asian Buddhist countries, including Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand, where the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture productions existed. (Min Byoungchan 2015, 285). Fig. 6. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva. Excavated from Seonsan in Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. Three Kingdoms Period, 7th century. H. 33.0 cm. National Museum of Korea. National Treasure No. 183 Lost-wax casting is commonly considered useful for producing complicated and elaborate objects, while piece-mold casting is best for simple or large objects. However, there is no evidence pointing to the use of lost-wax casting among the exquisite bronze objects dating to the fourth and fifth century BCE recently excavated in China, including the zunpan (尊盤, ritual wine vessel) from the Tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (曾侯乙墓) and the jin (禁, ritual altar table) from Xiasi, Xichuan. (Su Rongyu 2003, 31–33). Therefore, it is hard to conclude a sculpture’s casting method—whether it used lost-wax or piece-mold—simply from its size or the complexity of its form. Composition of Bronze and Gilding Methods In a narrow sense, bronze is fundamentally an alloy of copper and tin. However, component analysis of ancient Buddhist sculptures in bronze has revealed that copper-tin-lead alloys were far more frequent than simple copper-tin alloys.2 Many bronze Buddhist sculptures from ancient China also consisted of copper, tin, and lead, and in some cases of only copper and lead. Tin is one of the more suitable metallic elements for casting since it is economical. Moreover, tin can be easily alloyed since its melting point is lower than that of lead. Even after being melted down, tin has greater fluidity than lead alloys. Nevertheless, it is relatively rare and its production is confined to a limited number of areas (Park Junwoo 2012). The inclusion of lead in bronze is presumed to be a result of its use as a substitute for tin in regions where the latter is difficult to obtain. A majority of ancient Korean bronze objects show an alloy composed of copper, tin, and lead similar to that found in ancient Chinese versions. Tin was not produced at all in Korea, and even copper mines were scarce (Ministry of Commerce Industry and Energy and Korea Resources Corporation 2007, 14). Thus, most of the materials required to produce bronze appear to have been imported from China. Japan also had no local sources of tin, but rich copper deposits were available there. Accordingly, large-scale Buddhist sculptures were cast in Japan from early on using indigenously produced copper (Murakami Takashi 2007, 3). Unlike their Chinese or Korean counterparts, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures in ancient Japan were made of bronze that was almost entirely copper, with nearly no tin and lead, or a version composed of copper and around 3% tin or copper with a minute quantity of either arsenic or lead (Hirao Yoshimitsu 1996, 411). The methods for plating the surfaces of Buddhist sculptures with gold include mercury amalgamation, hand application of thin gold leaf to an adhesive layer of lacquer varnish, and application of a golden lacquer in which gold powder has been mixed with glue. Distinguishing between methods can be extremely difficult with the naked eye alone, but composition analysis of the plating layers can be more revealing. Ancient Buddhist sculptures were gilded chiefly using a mercury amalgamation technique, but some were gilded with gold leaf. In mercury amalgamation, a mixture of one part gold dust to five parts mercury is first applied to the surfaces of a sculpture. The mercury is evaporated by heating the surface to over 400 degrees Celsius, but the gold dust remains attached (Kobayashi Yukio 1989, 208). Since mercury amalgamation is more durable than applications of gold leaf or paint, gilding performed using this method typically remains in good condition for longer periods of time. Depending on the region or period, a discernable difference in the golden color can be found based on the proportion of gold dust to mercury, the thickness of the gilding, and the purity of the gold used, all of which reflect temporal and regional characteristics of the gilding (Min Byongchan 2015, 286). Characteristics and Production Methods of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (National Treasure No. 78) Listed as the state-designated cultural property, this Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (Fig. 7) is commonly referred to simply as “National Treasure No. 78” after its designation number. It has elsewhere been referred to as Pensive Bodhisattva with a “Pagoda-shaped Crown” (塔形寶冠) or with a “Triple Mountain-shaped Crown with Sun and Moon Decoration” (日月飾三山冠) due to its uniquely ornamented crown. This sculpture is highly prized along with another similar-sized Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva designated as National Treasure No. 83 (Fig. 13). They are considered two of the most exquisite and representative Buddhist sculptures from the Three Kingdoms period. Other notable medium- and large-sized Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures produced around the same time include Wooden Pensive Bodhisattva, likely made in Silla (57 BCE–935 CE) in the seventh century and currently housed at Kōryūji Temple (広隆寺) in Kyoto, and an Asuka period Wooden Pensive Bodhisattva from the seventh century at Chūgūji Temple (中宮寺) in Nara, Japan. Fig. 7. Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva. Three Kingdoms Period, late 6th century. H. 82.0 cm. National Museum of Korea. National Treasure No. 78 In 1912, the Japanese Government-General of Korea paid the Japanese businessman and antique collector Fuchikami Teisuke (淵上貞助) 4,000 won—estimated nearly as Three billion won in today’s currency, based on the then-and-now price of rice—for National Treasure No. 78 (Hwang Suyeong 1998, 81–83). In 1916, one year after the Government-General of Korea established its museum, the first Governor-General Terauchi Masatake (寺内正毅, 1852–1916) donated to the museum roughly 100 national treasure-level objects held by the colonial government, including Goryeo celadon works and National Treasure No. 78. The precise excavation site of the sculpture is unknown. However, the Korean Buddhist art history pioneer Dr. Hwang Suyeong assumed based on the testimony of Japanese people who were aware of the circulation of Korean antiques during the period that it might have been enshrined at a temple in the northern portion of Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, either in Yeongju or Andong (Hwang Suyeong 1998, 83). Yeongju and Andong were the regions where Buddhism was first introduced in Silla; also found in these areas are the Stone Pensive Bodhisattva sculpture (excavated from Bukji-ri in Yeongju, which is the largest existing pensive bodhisattva), and multiple small gilt-bronze pensive bodhisattva images (Min Byoungchan 2015, 266). National Treasure No. 78 reflects the Buddhist sculptural style of the Eastern Wei Dynasty (534–550) of China in its ornate crown, gentle faint smile, slender body, drapery folds sharply pointing upwards on both arms, and single-petaled lotus footrest. In particular, the elaborate crown is adorned with simplified designs of natural elements, animals, and plants, including the sun, crescent moon, birds’ wings, and foliage. These designs originated in Assyria in Anatolia or the Persian Empire on the Iranian Plateau and were transmitted to China, Korea, and Japan via Central Asia through the active cultural exchanges taking place at the time. They were used to decorate the coronals of rulers, symbolizing supreme authority or a sacred role as an intermediary between the divine and humanity. Adopted into Buddhist art, these designs were used to adorn bodhisattvas’ crowns to indicate the deity’s dignity and nobility. Examination with both the naked eye and using scientific methods such as XRF analysis and γ-ray radiography of the surface and interior of this sculpture unveiled some unusual features connected to the production techniques applied. National Treasure No. 78 shows detailed sculptural expressions in its complex crown, drapery folds facing upwards as if supporting the knee of the right leg, and the skirts of the robe separated from the body of the figure, all of which would be difficult to cast except through the lost-wax casting (Fig. 8). Inside this sculpture are core pins commonly associated with the use of lost-wax casting (Fig. 9). However, this sculpture differs slightly from others made using lost-wax casting in that the patterns on its interior reflect those on the exterior, the curves of the interior and exterior match, and it maintains an overall thin and uniform thickness of about four millimeters in the bronze. Moreover, unlike the thin body, the round edges of the bottommost parts of the lotus-shaped footrest and cylindrical chair are notably thick, measuring over 10 millimeters, and appear unusual, like modeling clay that has been pressed with a spatula (Fig. 10). Fig. 8. Detail of Fig. 7 Fig. 9. Interior and Core Pins of Fig. 7 Fig. 10. Interior of Lotus-shaped Footrest of Fig. 7 γ-ray radiography has also revealed several peculiarities in this sculpture. As a case in point, there are indications of a subsequently affixed semielliptical copper plate of about 20 centimeters in width and 10 centimeters in length between the necklace and the U-shaped drapery on the back (Drawing 3). This copper plate was attached to cover a gap created during casting. However, the quality of the work is so high that the marks are not easily apparent to the eye. Inside the chest portion of the sculpture, a vertical and a horizontal metal core bar intersect in the form of a cross. The vertical core bar reaches up to where the neck is, and there is an additional vertical core bar within the head (Fig. 11). That is to say, two separate metal core bars were used in the body and head. Besides, despite the smooth surface of the sculpture’s collarbone area (Fig. 12), γ-ray radiography revealed thick, horizontal protruding lines on the inside of the base of the neck, which is thought to be burrs created during casting. The two vertical metal core bars indicate that the inner cores for the head and body were sculpted separately and then joined. This caused microcracks between the attached parts of the head and body, and molten bronze flowing into the cracks formed burrs. Drawing 3. Inserted Metal Plates, Additional Casting, and Repairs of Fig. 7 Fig. 11. γ-ray Radiography Image of Fig. 7 Fig. 12. Upper Torso of Fig. 7 According to XRF analysis, the main body of the sculpture is an alloy of copper and tin (approximately 5% tin). However, the copper plate attached on the back and additional repairs on both sides of the sculpture are made of an alloy of copper and lead (approximately 3% lead) with no tin. Moreover, the detached skirts of the robe and some parts of the decorations on the crown were revealed to be alloys of copper and lead (Drawing 4). This suggests multiple—at least two or more—casting processes were carried out. The re-casting with copper-lead alloys and repairs resulted from some casting defects induced by an irregular flow of molten metal during the first casting process and some parts of the skirt where molten metal could not easily reach since they are separated from the main body.3 Drawing 4. Metal Components of Fig. 7 Based on scientific analysis and observation of the interior of National Treasure No. 78, it is highly likely that the sculpture was produced using lost-wax casting. However, it also presents features of piece-mold casting, such as the thin and even walls of the bronze. The modeling method is also unusual compared to the typical process. The inner cores for the head, body, and lotus footrest with the left foot on were separately shaped and wax-coated. These parted wax models were then joined together to form a single, complete wax model for the sculpture. The exact reason for this is unknown. Nevertheless, since already hard-to-handle material wax becomes far more difficult to manage as it gets larger, we suspect that National Treasure No. 78 was produced in separate pieces. This sculpture appears to have been created by shaping an inner core similar in size and form to the desired finished image, applying a thin, even wax layer, and then carving into the surface of wax as desired. The use of a thin wax layer brought out the consistent thickness of the sculpture and the matching internal and external forms, both often found in sculptures using the piece-mold casting. The thin wax layer also led to the flat, nearly volume-less expression of drapery folds and belt decorations. The wax-coated head and left foot with the lotus footrest were sculpted and attached to the main body, and round sculpted wax edges at the bottommost pedestal were also added (Drawing 5). After this basic shape for the sculpture was formed, the wax image was completed by carving detailed designs and drapery that is detached from the main body. It was then meticulously coated with additional clay to form the outer mold and dried. The wax was melted and completely removed through the application of heat. Next, molten bronze was poured into the channels left by the wax. However, the molten bronze failed to penetrate to the center of the back, waist, the upper portion of the rear of the cylindrical chair, the top of the head, and the drapery that is detached from the body, hair, and the endpieces of the crown, resulting in casting defects. These parts were filled in using a molten alloy of high-purity copper and lead, rather than the copper-tin alloy used during the initial casting process. The molten alloy was poured directly into some of the defective parts, while separately cast segments were attached to others. It is hard to know with perfect certainty why alloys composed of different metal elements were utilized for these repairs. However, such alloys were likely used since alloys with a high percentage of copper allow easier repairs. Furthermore, it is possible that the lead detected was used for soldering rather than alloying. Even though the relatively thin-walled design of the sculpture compared to its size did not allow the molten bronze to flow smoothly, the defective parts were perfectly repaired using advanced soldering techniques and the properties inherent in the metal. Accordingly, a well-made sculpture was created with the repairs indistinguishable to the naked eye. Drawing 5. Three Sections Sculpted Using Additional Wax of Fig. 7 Characteristics and Production Methods of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (National Treasure No. 83) National Treasure No. 83, a Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (Fig. 13), has been referred to as Pensive Bodhisattva with a “Three-peaked Crown” (三山冠) since the sculpture wears a distinctive crown featuring a row of three rounded peaks. It has also been called “Deoksugung Pensive Bodhisattva” since it was once in the collection of the former Deoksugung Palace Museum (integrated into present-day National Museum of Korea in 1969). Both National Treasure No. 83 and the previously-discussed National Treasure No. 78 of similar size are among the finest examples of Korean Buddhist sculpture. Its resemblance to Wooden Pensive Bodhisattva at Kōryūji Temple in Kyoto has led to a comparative discussion of these two sculptures in terms of Buddhist art history (Min Byoungchan 2015, 271). Fig. 13. Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva. Silla, early 7th century. H. 93.5 cm. National Museum of Korea. National Treasure No. 83 The Yi Royal Household Museum (later Deoksugung Palace Museum) purchased this sculpture for 2,600 won (nearly two billion in today's won, based on the rice price) in 1912 from Kajiyama Yoshihide (梶山義英), a Japanese antique dealer who was active in Seoul. However, its precise excavation site is unknown. Sekino Takashi (關野貞), a professor at the University of Tokyo who conducted research on cultural assets in Korea, mentioned that the sculpture was found at a temple site near the Oreung Royal Tombs in Gyeongju, but he failed to provide concrete evidence. Based on the testimony of the former director of the Gyeongju National Museum, Osaka Kintarō (大坂金太郞), head monks at temples around Gyeongju, and neighborhood residents, Dr. Hwang Suyeong suggested that the sculpture might have been unearthed from a temple site in the vicinity of Seonbangsa Temple Site (禪房寺址) on the west side of Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju (Hwang Suyeong 1998, 37–41). National Treasure No. 83 wears a three-sided crown consisting of three pieced-together semicircles. Its unadorned surface creates a simple yet intense impression. The shape of the crown is a relatively unique style rarely seen in other countries, including India and China. However, similar examples can be found in Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures from the Silla Kingdom, including Rock-carved Pensive Bodhisattva at Sinseonam Hermitage on Danseoksan Mountain in Gyeongju, Head of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva excavated from the Hwangryongsa Temple site (Fig. 14); and Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva found in Seonggeon-dong, Gyeongju (Min Byoungchan 2015, 271). Fig. 14. Head of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva. Excavated from Hwangryongsa Temple Site. Silla, early 7th century. H. 8.2 cm, W. 4.9 cm. National Museum of Korea Like National Treasure No. 78, this sculpture has been studied both with the naked eye and also with scientific methods, including γ-ray radiography. Its bronze alloy components were examined through XRF analysis. These analyses have revealed several important characteristics related to the production methods involved. As seen in National Treasure No. 78, the topography of the interior of this sculpture mostly matches to its exterior (Fig. 15). Core pins maintaining a gap between the inner core and outer mold are also found in several places. Some of the clay used for the inner core remains inside the sculpture, including small fragments of thin vegetative stems and sandy clay mixed with coarse sand (Fig. 16). This is a considerable departure from the case of National Treasure No. 78, which used very fine clay (Fig. 17). Fig. 15. Interior of Fig. 13 Fig. 16. Detail of the Clay Used for the Inner Core of Fig. 13 Fig. 17. Detail of the Clay Used for the Inner Core of Fig. 7 Like National Treasure No. 78, National Treasure No. 83 was created using a conventional lost-wax casting in which the inner core was molded into a shape similar to that of the desired image, the inner core was covered with wax, the wax was further sculpted, the wax was removed with heat, and molten bronze was poured into the space left behind. However, it differs from No. 78 in that the head and body made up a single inner core. Except in the lower areas of the rear of the pedestal, the left foot, and the lotus-shaped footrest, no severe casting defects are present. The thickness of National Treasure No. 83 is greater than that of No. 78, which resulted a smooth flow of the molten bronze. Besides, the use of an inner core mixed with sand and thin plant stems cut into three-centimeter lengths facilitates the release of air from the inner space, which would otherwise interrupt the flow of molten bronze. In terms of casting method only, National Treasure No. 83 demonstrates more advanced technique compared to No. 78. γ-ray radiograph has shown that inside the sculpture is a thick, square metal core bar that descends from the head to the pedestal. Two other metal core bars in the chest cross in the shape of an “X” and extend to both arms (Fig. 18). The converging points of the vertical and the two horizontal core bars were not knotted or tied with strings. Instead, the thin horizontal bars penetrate the thick bar through drilled holes, intersecting there like a cross. The thin bars extending into both arms are securely fastened to the thick bar, which prevented defects that could have otherwise occurred due to shifting in the inner core within the slim arms during the casting process. The thin bars inside the arms are coiled with a twine-like wire. This coiled wire, which is not found in National Treasure No. 78, is presumed to have been used to more securely attach the coarse-grained sandy clay to the metal bars. Fig. 18. γ-ray Radiography Image of Fig. 13 According to the XRF analysis of the metal components, the main body of National Treasure No. 83 consists of bronze with 4–5% tin. This is nearly identical to the composition of the main body of National Treasure No. 78. Three repaired parts—two on the bottom of the cylindrical chair and one on the frontal left foot resting on the lotus footrest—also underwent the XRF analysis. It was revealed that only one of them was repaired using bronze with identical components as the main body, but the left foot-footrest and the repair on the bottom-left chair were repaired using nearly pure copper with almost no tin (Drawing 6). The section where the repair materials match those of the main body is thought to have been repaired around the time when the sculpture was cast. The repairs on the other parts are presumed to have been performed during the Unified Silla period or later. The difference in the forms of the surface indicates that the repairs on the pedestal were not carried out simultaneously. In a similar vein, the use of pure copper, which began to be fully utilized for Buddhist sculptures during the Unified Silla period, suggests that these repairs were also performed at different times. It is likely that the three sections were all repaired when the sculpture was first cast, but two of the sections later failed and had to be repaired once again. Drawing 6. Inserted Metal Plates and Repairs of Fig. 13 (National Museum of Korea 2017, 66–67) Conclusion This comprehensive examination of National Treasures No. 78 and No. 83 through careful observation with the naked eye, γ-ray radiography, and XRF analysis of the metal components has improved the understanding of these sculptures and allowed inferences to be made about their production methods. Fundamentally, these two sculptures were both produced using lost-wax casting with core pins. However, they show differences in the modeling of the inner core and the application and the sculpting of the wax. A vertical metal core bar was inserted into the head and another into the body of National Treasure No. 78. Inside the clavicle area where the neck and chest meet are burrs created by the permeation of molten bronze. Moreover, repairs of its casting defects can be observed in several places, including the decorations of the crown, drapery, back, both sides, and cylindrical chair. Unlike the bronze of the main body containing tin, nearly pure copper was used for these repairs. The walls of the sculpture are very thin, measuring about four millimeters, and extremely fine clay was used for the inner core. In the case of National Treasure No. 78, the inner cores for the head and body were separately sculpted, then a thin, even layer of wax was applied over the cores, creating rough wax model parts. The discretely-formed head and body were joined, and the left foot and footrest, which were sculpted only in wax without an inner core, were attached. Additional layers of wax were added to the protruding designs, such as the hair and belt decorations, and were further sculpted. After elaborately carving additional details, the whole wax sculpture was completed. An outer mold was established by covering the wax sculpture with clay. After the wax was removed with heat, molten bronze was poured into the mold to cast the sculpture. Its complex crown decorations, thin walls, and the fine clay used for the inner core allowing only poor air ventilation all hampered the flow of the molten bronze, leading to a number of casting defects. Accordingly, defective areas were repaired by recasting or by attaching new parts. Lastly, the surface of the sculpture was plated with gold. The thin layers of wax affected the volume of the completed work and created an intense feeling of flatness. Compared to No. 78, National Treasure No. 83 presents a relatively simple internal structure of core bars. It has a single vertical core bar and two metal bars in the chest area extending into both arms and penetrating the vertical core bar to intersect in the form of a cross. This simple metal bar structure was firmly fastened to the inner core to hold it steady. Its inner core consists of a sandy clay mixed with pieces of thin plant stems, and its bronze is relatively thick at roughly 10 millimeters. This sculpture is considered to be almost perfectly cast and shows a high level of completeness with almost no repairs required beyond two spots on the bottom and the left foot. In the case of No. 83, metal bars were erected, a single inner clay core was shaped, and a thick layer of wax was applied. By lightly carving the wax layer or adding additional wax, a complete wax model was achieved. Next, the wax image was covered with another layer of clay to form the outer mold. After the wax was removed with heat, molten bronze was poured in to cast the sculpture. Almost no casting defects occurred. After the bottom and left foot were repaired, the sculpture was finished with gilding. The use of the thick wax layer allowed an abundant sense of volume and added a three-dimensional effect and further reality to the drapery folds. Although National Treasure No. 78 and No. 83 both employ the same production method, that is, lost-wax casting, they show differences components of the inner core, the thickness of the finished sculpture, and the usage of wax. In National Treasure No. 78, the fine clay core caused poor ventilation of the air trapped inside the mold channels when the molten bronze was poured. In turn, together with the thin-walled design of sculpture, this poor ventilation hampered the fluidity of the molten bronze, leading to numerous casting defects. On the other hand, National Treasure No. 83 achieved even thickness with a smooth flow of molten bronze and used a coarse-grained sandy clay for its inner core that facilitated the release of air. Both sculptures show a similar composition for the bronze with a roughly 5% addition of tin. However, they differ greatly in the level of casting completeness due to the fluidity of the molten metal, the method of using core bars to fasten the inner core, and the placement of core pins. Such differences indicate that National Treasure No. 83 utilized much more advanced casting techniques than did National Treasure No. 78.