Introduction

Following the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–1598 CE), the Joseon Buddhist community rebuilt many war-ravaged temples, produced a vast body of Buddhist sculptures and paintings, and enshrined them at restored temples throughout the country. A self-sufficient creation and construction system based on monk artisans was established around this time. This system enabled late Joseon monk artisans to actively engage in image creation and building construction in and after the seventeenth century. These monk artisans stably transmitted their accumulated production and construction know-how to later generations. In this light, some scholars view the late Joseon Dynasty as a golden age for Buddhist art in Korea.

Compared to those from the early Joseon Dynasty, Buddhist sculptures from the late Joseon Dynasty are considered to be relatively free from external formative influences. Overall, they exhibit characteristics distinctive to Korea. Several outstanding monk sculptors with remarkable skills emerged in the early seventeenth century, became leaders of teams of monk sculptors, and produced a monumental amount of Buddhist sculptures. As a next generation of monk sculptors inherited this tradition in the mid- and late seventeenth century, Buddhist sculpture reached a high degree of maturity and showed their creativity through new formative experiments. Among this succeeding generation of monk sculptors were Saeknan (色難) in Jeolla-do Province and Seungho (勝浩) in Gyeongsang-do Province. Daneung (端應), who will be be discussed in this paper, was a member as well.

Around the year 2000, records on votive objects deposited inside the late Joseon Buddhist sculptures enshrined at temples throughout South Korea began to be examined and publicized. As a result, the monk-sculptor, Daneung, came to be known to the general public. He has been identified as the creator of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece (also known as the Wooden Altarpiece of the Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land) from 1684 that is enshrined at Yongmunsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. The study of wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces was accordingly reinvigorated, leading to an investigation into the genealogies and activities of monk sculptors and an examination of their applied iconography and styles.

A wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece is made from several woodblocks that are engraved with diverse deities and then pieced together. It can be considered a convergence of Buddhist sculpture and painting. There are ten currently known surviving examples of these wooden altarpieces in Korea. As an original creation of late-Joseon Buddhist art that was not found in China or Japan at the time, wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces have received considerable attention. Wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces with known dates of production are found in: Daeseungsa Temple (1675) in Mungyeong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 1), Gyeongguksa Temple in Seoul the fifth lunar month of 1684 (Fig. 2), Yongmunsa Temple the ninth lunar month of 1684 (Fig. 3), Gwaneumseonwon Hall at Namjangsa Temple (1694–1695) in Sangju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Yaksuam Hermitage (1782) at Silsangsa Temple in Jeollabuk-do Province. Among these examples, the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple is presumed to have been produced by Daneung based on its sculpting style and production method. Those at Gyeongguksa and Yongmunsa Temples are clearly indicated in written records to also be works by Daneung. This demonstrates Daneung’s significance to late Joseon Buddhist sculpture. The Yongmunsa altarpiece in particular provides important reference material for understanding late Joseon Buddhist art since it bears diverse symbolic elements, there are related surviving documents, and its accompanying sculptural set of a Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad remains intact.

Fig. 1. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece. Joseon, 1675. 3.47 × 2.79 m. Daeungjeon Hall at Daeseungsa Temple, Mungyeong (originally enshrined at Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju). National Treasure

Fig. 2. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece by Daneung and five other monk sculptors. l684. 1.77 × 1.76 m. Geungnakbojeon Hall at Gyeongguksa Temple, Seoul (originally enshrined at Yaksaam Hermitage, Wanju-gun). Treasure

Fig. 3. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece and Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad by Daneung and eight other monk sculptors. 1684. H. 90 cm (main Buddha). Daejangjeon Hall at Yongmunsa Temple, Yecheon. Treasure

Based on the preceding research, this paper intends to explore the faith, ideological meaning, and production background behind the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple by focusing on several of its symbolic elements. These symbolic elements can be largely divided into Buddhist and non-Buddhist elements, both of which will be analyzed in this paper. Notably, the non-Buddhist elements from Zhouyi (周易, The Book of Changes) were incorporated. For a better understanding of the work, the status and role of Daneung—the producer of the Yongmunsa altarpiece—as a monk sculptor will be also examined. Moreover, by comparing from multiple perspectives the symbolic elements in the Yongmunsa altarpiece with similar symbolic elements in other Buddhist sculptures created by Daneung, this paper aims to broaden the understanding of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. All of these efforts will ultimately help to explain the complex and multilayered characteristics of late Joseon Buddhist art.

The Sculpting Activities and Roles of Daneung

The monk sculptor, Daneung, produced Buddhist sculptures for over fifty years, from the late seventeenth through the early eighteenth century. Some records on the production of Buddhist sculptures made by Daneung describe him as a monk sculptor based at Songgwangsa Temple in Wanju, Jeollabuk-do Province or at Wibongsa Temple in Jeonju, Jeollabuk-do Province. However, sculptures produced by Daneung are found in several other regions as well, including the northern areas of Gyeongsangbuk-do Province and various sites in Chungcheong-do and Gangwon-do Provinces.

There are thirteen sculptures that are known to have been produced by Daneung. They include the Wooden Seated Shakyamuni Buddha and Clay Arhats from 1656 at Songgwangsa Temple in Wanju, Jeollabuk-do Province, the Wooden Four Guardian Kings from 1665 at Jikjisa Temple in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas from 1681 at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, Chungcheongnam-do Province (Fig. 4), the Wooden Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva from 1689 at Jeongbangsa Temple in Jecheon, Chungcheongbuk-do Province, the Portable Shrine with a Wooden Amitabha Triad from 1692 at Yeongjosa Temple on Jeju-do Island (Fig. 5), the Wooden Seated Shakyamuni Buddha Triad from 1692 at Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and the Wooden Four Guardian Kings from 1705 at Ssanggyesa Temple in Hadong, Gyeongsangnam-do Province.

Fig. 4. Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas by Daneung and nineteen other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1681. Yeongsanjeon (or Cheonbuljeon) Hall at Magoksa Temple, Gongju. Chungcheongnam-do Province Tangible Cultural Heritage

Fig. 5. Portable Shrine with a Wooden Seated Buddha (created for Soyeong Singyeong for his private worship). Joseon, 1692. H. 22.5 cm. Yeongjosa Temple, Seogwipo. Jeju-do Tangible Cultural Heritage

Daneung’s fifty-year-long career can be broadly divided into its first and second phases. The first phase falls roughly between the 1650s and the late-1680s, while the second spans the late 1680s to the early 1700s. The 1680s appear to be a particularly prolific period for Daneung as a monk sculptor, and this decade is considered his peak. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple with its artistic creativity and a high level of accomplishment was produced during this period.

The standing of Daneung within the Buddhist community as a monk sculptor while he was producing Buddhist sculptures can be understood to some extent through the terms recorded in the texts related to the sculptures he made. Like other contemporaneous monk sculptors, Daneung was referred to as “hwawon” (畫員, a court painter), “seonsu” (善手, a man of great skill), “hwagong” (畫工, a painter), or “seonsuyanggong” (善手良工, a skilled artisan of great skill). These titles indicate nothing particularly special since they were commonly applied to monk sculptors and monk painters during the Joseon Dynasty. However, it is worth noting that the record on the Clay Seated Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine) Buddha from 1692 at Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong documents Daneung as “sudaeseonsa” (首大禪師, a great head Seon master).

Daeseonsa (大禪師) was a high clerical rank given to those who gained a promotion after passing the state examination on Seon (Chan) Buddhism that was held to recruit monks during the early Joseon Dynasty (ranks from low to high: Daeseon [大選] → Jungdeok [中德] → Seonsa [禪師] → Daeseonsa [大禪師] → Dodaeseonsa [都大禪師]). Since the state examination for Buddhist monks was no longer administered in the late Joseon Dynasty, there was no state-sanctioned clerical rank system. Calling a monk sculptor daeseonsa might have been simply an idiomatic honorific title at the time. Nevertheless, there are several cases of famed Joseon monk sculptors being recorded as daeseonsa. Therefore, when Daneung was referred to as sudaeseonsa, it is presumed to be an indication that he was recognized as both a skillful artisan and a monk well-versed in Buddhist practices and doctrine.

Daneung assumed the responsibilities of a jeungmyeong (證明) when producing a Buddhist table and a pedestal for Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong in 1694. A jeungmyeong is a figure who ensures that a Buddhist project corresponds to doctrine. Commonly, eminent monk scholars or high priests well-versed in Buddhist practices were invited to serve as jeungmyeong. Accordingly, we can assume that Daneung held a high standing in the Buddhist community. Daneung is presumed to have been skilled at sculpting and to have possessed a deep understanding and broad knowledge of Buddhist doctrine. With this in mind, this paper will explore the meanings of several symbolic elements in Daneung’s work, including the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple.

Symbolism in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple

According to “A Record on the Construction of the Main Hall at Yongmunsa Temple,” a monk named Soyeong Singyeong (昭影神鏡) passed by Yongmunsa Temple one day and discovered that there was no main hall (金堂, K. geumdang). It continues on to say that in the ninth lunar month of 1684, he led the construction of a main hall and the production of a Buddha triad and a wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece. The lower-right section of the bottom edge of the frame of this wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece also bears an inscription reading, “The one who constructed the main hall for the first time and created the wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece was the high priest, Soyeongdang Singyeong” (金堂始刱造佛像版幀ㅇ 名賢大德昭影堂大師神鏡). The written record and the inscription on the altarpiece both indicate that Soyeong Singyeong played a significant role. It should be noted that Daneung fully understood the abstract ideas of Soyeong Singyeong and was able to visually materialize them by closely communicating with him as a fellow monk who walked the path of a truth-seeker rather than just serving as a technician following the instructions of Soyeong Singyeong.

In addition to the main theme of Amitabha Buddha preaching, the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple features a wide variety of Buddhist elements alongside non-Buddhist elements incorporated from the Book of Changes. Its creator, Daneung, included similar symbolic elements in other Buddhist sculptures. By comparing them with symbolic elements in the Yongmunsa altarpiece, I will examine their meanings from multiple perspectives.

The Manifestation of Buddhist Elements

1. Elements of Pure Land Buddhism

The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple presents the seated Amitabha Buddha surrounded by his eight great bodhisattvas standing in two rows (Fig. 6). These bodhisattvas are Manjusri, Samantabhadra, Avalokiteshvara, Mahasthamaprapta, Vajragarbha, Sarvanivarana-Viskambhi, Maitreya, and Kshitigarbha. In the upper row next to Maitreya Bodhisattva and Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva kneel the Buddha’s disciples, Kasapya and shaven-headed Ananda. Below the eight bodhisattvas, the Four Guardian Kings stand in a row. A jar with lotus stalks inside can be found in the lowest section of the altarpiece. At the ends of the stalks are nine blooming lotus flowers. They are inscribed with the nine grades of rebirth in Amitabha’s Western Pure Land, ranging from the upper grade-upper birth (上品上) to the lower grade-lower birth (下品下) (Fig. 6). These visually represent the nine grades of rebirth (九品往生) in the Buddhist faith in the Western Pure Land. Such depictions of the nine grades of rebirth visually represent the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth contemplations which are considered the most essential among the sixteen contemplations (觀) included in the Amitayurbhavana Sutra (觀無量壽經, the Sutra on the Visualization of the Buddha Amitayus). They facilitate the understanding of the main theme depicted in the Yongmunsa altarpiece—that the deceased reach Amitabha Buddha’s Western Pure Land through a process of being reborn across the nine grades.

Fig. 6-1. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece by Daneung and eight other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1684. 2.65 × 2.18 m. Daejangjeon Hall at Yongmunsa Temple, Yecheon. Treasure

Fig. 6-2. Detail of inscriptions and the Nine Grades of Rebirth in the lower section of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple

Moreover, four phrases engraved on the left and right edges of the frame, two at each, aptly demonstrate the Pure Land faith espoused by this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece (大須彌之中微塵刹土/三世空色是圓融之法乃至/當極樂之界寶池九品/三種尊容又聖僧之位). The phrases read as follows: “(There are) numerous Buddha lands in Great Sumeru, and the emptiness and form of three ages reach them through the law of perfect interfusion. Here are nine grades of the jeweled pond of paradise, and three kinds of honored visages and sacred monks are enshrined there.” These phrases confirm that the main theme of this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece is rebirth in the Western Pure Land.

Iconography relating to the nine grades of rebirth based on the motif of nine lotus flowers can also be observed in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Gyeongguksa Temple produced by Daneung in the fifth lunar month of 1687. In the Gyeongguksa piece, however, the nine lotus flowers are sculpted into three rows in the lower-center section of the picture plane (Fig. 2). Another work by Daneung, the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha from 1689 at Seonseoksa Temple in Seongju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 7), shows a form and composition of nine-graded rebirth iconography similar to that found in the Yongmunsa altarpiece. During the late Joseon Dynasty, wooden sculptures were not generally provided with mandorlas, but Daneung separately produced a mandorla and installed it behind the Seonseoksa sculpture. The lower section of the mandorla is adorned with nine circles against a background of lotus flowers and clouds. Inside these nine circles are written the names of the nine grades of rebirth from the upper grade-upper birth to the lower grade-lower birth, reflecting the faith in rebirth of these nine grades. Daneung seems to have intended these compositional and textual similarities between the Yongmunsa altarpiece and the Seonseoksa mandorla. They demonstrate a style unique to Daneung and embody his belief in Pure Land Buddhism.

Fig. 7-1. Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha by Daneung and six other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1789. H. 1.17 m. Daeungjeon Hall at Seonseoksa Temple, Seongju

Fig. 7-2. Detail of the Nine Grades of Rebirth in the lower section of the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Seonseoksa Temple

2. Elements of Seon (Chan) Buddhism

The top edge of the frame of this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece is carved with the Sanskrit character (om) and a reversed swastika (卍, K. man) (Fig. 8). The bottom edge of the frame has engraved Chinese characters reading “myeongsim” (明心, luminous mind or illuminating the mind) (Fig. 9). In Buddhism, the Sanskrit character “om” symbolizes the energy and fundamentals of the universe and is often used at the beginning of various darani (invocations). The swastika represents auspiciousness and all virtues within the body of the Buddha. The word myeongsim reflects the concept of Buddhist practices illustrated by the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece. The word itself means “luminous mind” and can refer to something that illuminates the mind. In historical literature related to Seon (禪, Chan in Chinese) Buddhism, myeongsim is used as part of phrases like “myojeongmyeongsim” (妙淨明心, subtle, clear, and luminous mind) or “myeongsimgyeonseong” (明心見性, seeing the Buddha nature within oneself by illuminating the mind). In other words, myeongsim refers to the Buddha nature within oneself, that is, enlightenment itself, or the practice of discovering their Buddha nature. This word is intimately intertwined with Seon Buddhism.

Fig. 8. “Om” and “Swastika” on the top edge of the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple

Fig. 9. “Myeongsim” (明心) on the bottom edge of the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple

Daneung widely used similar terms related to Seon Buddhism in his other sculptures. The Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas produced in 1681 at Magoksa Temple are a case in point. The middle shaft of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha (Fig. 10-1) bears carved inscriptions reading “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門) and “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治) at both ends of its front side (Fig. 10-2). These phrases are extracted from Beopjip byeolhaengnok jeoryo byeongipsagi (法集別行錄節要幷入私記, Excerpts from the Dharma Collection and Special Practice Record with Personal Notes) written by the National Preceptor Bojo Jinul (1158–1210), in 1209 during the Goryeo Dynasty. Donjeomimun means dono (sudden enlightenment) and jeomsu (gradual cultivation), which are the two methods of Seon Buddhist practice. Seongjeokdaechi is related to seongjeokdeungjimun (惺寂等持門, the path of parallel keeping of quiescence and alertness) among the three types of Seon Buddhist practices. The path promotes curing semi-consciousness with wisdom and subjective discrimination with meditation, corresponding to the concept of jeonghyessangsu (定慧雙修, joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom). Thus, the two phrases on the pedestal of the seventh Buddha sculpture at Magoksa Temple can be understood as referring to donojeomsu and jeonghyessangsu.

Fig. 10-1. The Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple. H. 81.3 cm

Fig. 10-2. Engravings on the middle shaft of the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple. From left to right: “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治, joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom), “pyeongdeungseongji” (平等性智, wisdom of equality), and “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門, sudden enlightenment and gradual cultivation)

Jinul’s Excerpts from the Dharma Collection and Special Practice Record with Personal Notes was published several times during the Joseon Dynasty. It was so famous that it was quoted in Seonga Gwigam (禪家龜鑑, Models for Seon Practitioners) written in 1564 by Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604). Moreover, it served as a very important textbook for Sajipgwa (四集科), the second course in the Joseon monastic education system established in the seventeenth century. Daneung carved the foremost phrases from the Seon practices studied and mastered by monks of the time onto the pedestal of the Buddha sculpture.

The precise centers of the four sides of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha at Magoksa Temple display carved inscriptions of the four wisdoms (智). From the right side in a clockwise direction (Fig. 11) appear “daewongyeongji” (大圓鏡智, the great perfect mirror wisdom), “pyeongdeungseongji” (平等性智, the wisdom of equality), “myogwanchalji” (妙觀察智, the wisdom of wondrous observation), and “seongsojakji” (成所作智, the wisdom of accomplishing that which is to be done). These four wisdoms refer to the Buddha’s four pure wisdoms expounded in the Yogacara (唯識, consciousness-only) from Buddhist epistemology. Given that the two phrases discussed above are Seon Buddhist concepts, the four wisdoms need to be examined from the perspective of Seon Buddhism as well. For example, in Liuzu fabaotan jing (六祖法寶壇經, The Dharma Jewel Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch), which recorded the achievements and teachings of Huineng (慧能, 638–713), the sixth patriarch of Chan Buddhism and a founder of the Southern School of Chan Buddhism during the Tang (唐) Dynasty, Huineng briefly explained the four wisdoms from the perspective of Seon (Chan) Buddhism. The Dharma Jewel Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch exerted considerable influence on the monk Jinul from the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392) and on Buddhist circles during the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1897). In this light, it seems natural to understand the phases engraved on the pedestal made by Daneung as falling within the context of Seon Buddhism.

Fig. 11. The placement of four wisdoms and eight trigrams on the middle shaft of the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple

As discussed above, I have analyzed elements of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism found in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple and explored their meanings. These elements show the fusion of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism. Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604), a high priest who suggested a direction for late Joseon Buddhism, advocated a synthetic practice of meditation, doctrinal learning, and recitation of the Buddha’s name as a path to reach enlightenment. Later, his disciple Pyeonyang Eongi (鞭羊彦機, 1581–1644) inherited this practice and further systemized it. Hyujeong also elucidated seonjeong ilchiron (禪淨一致論, a theory on the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism), insisting that meditation is like chanting the Buddha’s name, and that chanting the Buddha’s name is meditation. The yeombulseon (念佛禪) practice in Seon meditation of reciting the Buddha’s name that developed based on the theory of the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism became popular in late Joseon Buddhist circles. The creators of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa are thought to have merged elements of Seon and Pure Land beliefs into the work, taking into account these trends in faith and practice.

The Utilization of Hexagram Images (卦象) from the Book of Changes

1. Eight Trigrams and Directions

The full use of the symbol systems found in the Book of Changes, including the eight trigrams and sixty-four hexagrams, is another prominent feature of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. The Book of Changes entails a thinking system that describes the logic of the creation and the changes in nature and the human world through hexagrams composed of lines that are either yin (陰) or yang (陽). It is originally an ancient Chinese scripture unrelated to Buddhism. However, it both exerted an influence on and was influenced by Buddhism over the centuries in East Asia, and eventually came to be interwoven with Buddhism. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is an apt example of the interaction between Buddhism and the Book of Changes.

The borders of the mandorla for the main Amitabha Buddha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are engraved with eight trigrams, or soseonggwae (小成卦), each consisting of three lines. Each of the four edges of the wooden frame of this altarpiece is carved with three hexagrams from among the sixty-four hexagrams (or daeseonggwae [大成卦]), with each hexagram consisting of six lines. The eight soseonggwae on the mandorla indicate space (directions), and the twelve daeseonggwae on the wooden frame symbolize time.

The eight soseonggwae trigrams on the mandorla of the main Buddha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are li (☲), gon (☷), tae (☱), geon (☰), gam (☵), gan (☶), jin (☳), and son (☴), which are read clockwise from the lower left (Fig. 12). Each of these trigrams is associated with an element from nature: li (fire), gon (earth), tae (lake), geon (heaven), gam (water), gan (mountain), jin (thunder), and son (wind). When they are placed in a certain order, they also serve as symbols indicating directions. The diagram of the Later Heaven (後天) or King Wen (文王) eight trigrams included in Zhouyi benyi (周易本義, Original Meaning of the Book of Changes) compiled by Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130–1200) during the Song (宋) Dynasty consists of jin (east), son (southeast), li (south), gon (southwest), tae (west), geon (northwest), gam (north), and gan (northeast) (Fig. 13). This diagram was widely used as a directional system across East Asia, including in Joseon Dynasty Korea. The eight trigrams on the mandorla of the main Buddha Amitabha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple exactly match the eight directions based on the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams.

Fig. 12-1. Main Buddha and mandorla of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple

Fig. 12-2. The placement of eight trigrams and taegeuk on the mandorla of the Main Buddha of Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple

Fig. 13. King Wen (or Later Heaven) Eight Trigrams *reversed

Three years before the production of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple, Daneung attempted to express eight trigrams on the pedestal of one of the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple in Gongju. At the four corners of the middle shaft of the pedestal of the seventh Buddha, gon (☷), geon (☰), li (☲), and son (☴) are engraved from the southwest corner in a clockwise direction (Fig. 11). Among these four, three of them (gon [southwest], geon [northwest], and son [southeast]) correspond to the directions in the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams. Li, originally referring to south, is not supposed to be placed in the northeast. Gan (☶) should have been engraved here instead. While less than perfect in the Magoksa piece, the directional system of eight trigrams was accurately presented in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple.

It is also worth noting that the mandorla of the main Buddha in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is adorned with taegeuk (太極, supreme ultimate) emblems in addition to the directional expressions made through the eight trigrams. More specifically, two samtaegeuk emblems (, triune supreme ultimate) are depicted using line engravings in the upper section of the mandorla. This combination of taegeuk with the eight trigrams recalls the Diagram of Order of Eight Trigrams (八卦次序圖) from the Song Dynasty (Fig. 14). This diagram was based on the remark from the Xicizhuan Section (繫辭傳, Treatise on the Appended Remarks) in the Book of Changes that “There is taegeuk in the Changes; this generates the Two Modes (陰陽, Yin and Yang); the Two Modes generate the Four Forms (四象); the Four Forms generate the Eight Trigrams” (易有太極 是生兩儀 兩儀生四象 四象生八卦). The diagram underlies the ontology of Neo-Confucianism compiled by Zhu Xi. Although depicted at a small size, the eight trigrams indicating directions and the taegeuk symbolizing the origin of all things are presumed to have been arranged around the main Buddha to show that the Buddha and dharma (Buddhist law) is at the center of the cosmic order and principles.

Fig. 14. Diagram of the Order of Eight Trigrams

Unbong Seonsa simseongron (雲峰禪師心性論, Seon Master Unbong’s ‘Theory of Mind-Nature’) was written by a monk named Unbong Daeji (雲峰大智) in 1684, the year when the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple was created. It was published two years later in 1686. In it, Unbong repeatedly mentions the Book of Changes and develops his theory about the human mind and nature by employing elements from the Book of Changes, including non-polarity (無極), supreme ultimate, and yin and yang. He also repeatedly quotes the Yuseokjiruiron (儒釋質疑論, Probing the Doubts and Concerns between Confucianism and Buddhism), a book written in defense of Buddhism by an anonymous author in between the late fifteenth century and the early sixteenth century. For example, Unbong explains trikaya (三身, the three bodies of Buddha) by relating them to elements from the Book of Changes: Non-polarity is dharmakaya (法身, body of essence), yin-yang is sambhogakaya (報身, body of enjoyment), and the intermingling and interactions of inner energy and pulse is nirmanakaya (化身, body of transformation). He adds that nirmanakaya, particularly, has the nature of numbers (數) and combines twenty-four fortnight periods, nine palaces (九宮), and five phases (五行). The original text of Yuseokjiruiron mentions the twenty-four fortnight periods, the five phases, and the directions of the eight trigrams as the equivalent of nirmanakaya and features the complex Nine Palaces Diagram that combines them all (Fig. 15). One form of the theory on directions of the eight trigrams, this Nine Palaces Diagram is a mixture of yin-yang and the eight trigrams.

Fig. 15. Nine Palaces, Five Phases, and Eight Trigrams from Yuseokjiruiron (Probing the Doubts and Concerns between Confucianism and Buddhism), vol. II *reversed

However, Unbong’s theory is difficult to accept from the perspective of orthodox Buddhism. His theory gives the impression that he was working hard to cobble together Buddhist doctrine and changes studies from the Book of Changes. Despite this, discussion about the incorporation of the Book of Changes continued within Buddhist circles during the Joseon Dynasty. In this religious and scholarly atmosphere, the directional system of eight trigrams from the Book of Changes appears to have been accepted by the Buddhist community as common knowledge, particularly in the late Joseon Dynasty. Monk sculptors like Daneung are presumed to have embraced this knowledge system and applied it to their work.

During the Joseon Dynasty, people were able to acquire knowledge about the directional system of eight trigrams through various routes other than by reading the Book of Changes. As a case in point, Sancai tuhui (三才圖會, Illustrated Compendium of the Three Fields of Knowledge) compiled in China by Wang Qi (王圻) in 1609 (during the Ming Dynasty [明]) contains a number of explanatory diagrams related to the Book of Changes, including a diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams discussed above. There is a strong possibility that monk artisans in seventeenth-century Korea were introduced to these visual materials that were circulating in Joseon society, became familiar with the directional system of the eight trigrams, and applied it to their work.

2. The Twelve Sosikgwae (消息卦, Waning and Waxing Hexagrams) and Time Perspective

In this section of the paper, I will explain the meaning of the twelve among the sixty-four hexagrams (daeseonggwae) engraved on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple (Fig. 16). These twelve hexagrams, three on each of the four edges of the frame are jungjigon (or gonwiji) (䷁), sanjibak (䷖), and pungjigwan (䷓) from left to right on the top edge; cheonjibi (䷋), noecheondaejang (䷡), and taekcheonkwae (䷪) from top to bottom on the right edge; jungcheongeon (or geonwicheon) (䷀), cheonpunggu (䷫), and cheonsandun (䷠) from right to left on the bottom edge; and cheonjibi (䷋), jitaeklim (䷒), and jiroebok (䷗) from bottom to top on the left edge.

Fig. 16. The placement of twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple

These twelve hexagrams can be compared to another set of twelve hexagrams engraved on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple in Mungyeong, which is presumed to have been produced by Daneung in 1675 (Fig. 17). These hexagrams are intended to show twelve sosikgwae (消息卦, waning and waxing hexagrams) that represent changes in the appearance of the moon.

Fig. 17. The placement of twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple

The twelve sosikgwae are also called the twelve byeokgwae (辟卦). They are not an invention from the Zhou Dynasty Book of Changes, but were created in the Western Han (西漢) Dynasty around the first century BCE. The principle purpose of the twelve sosikgwae is to explain the flow of time and of the seasons through consecutive changes in the hexagrams followed by extinction and growth of yin and yang. Later on, the twelve sosikgwae were widely used to explain the mathematical theory found in the studies of changes (易學).

The figures of these twelve sosikgwae hexagrams are formed as follows (Fig. 18). Jiroebok (䷗) signals the activation of the yang cosmic force with the addition of a straight yang line (—) at the bottom and corresponds to the eleventh lunar month. Jitaeklim (䷒) corresponds to the twelfth lunar month and has two bottom straight yang lines, while jicheontae (䷊) denotes the first lunar month and has three bottom straight yang lines. These three hexagrams make up winter. The yang cosmic force gradually increases as the straight yang lines compile one by one. Continuing in this manner, noecheondaejang (䷡) signifies the second lunar month, and taekcheonkwae (䷪) represents the third month. Jungcheongeon (䷀) denotes the fourth lunar month and consists of six straight yang lines, so it is brimming with yang cosmic force. These three hexagons make up spring. Starting from cheonpunggu (䷫), corresponding to the fifth lunar month, the yin cosmic force begins to increase with a pair of broken yin lines (‒ ‒) replacing a straight yang line from the bottom to the top. Cheonpunggu, which has two broken lines, cheonsandun (䷠), denoting the sixth lunar month with four broken lines, and cheonjibi (䷋), signifying the seventh lunar month with six broken lines, together make up summer. A pair of broken yin lines continues to be added to form pungjigwan (䷓), meaning the eighth lunar month, sanjibak (䷖), indicating the ninth lunar month, and jungjigon (䷁), which is full of yin cosmic force and represents the tenth lunar month. These three hexagons form autumn. These twelve hexagrams corresponding to the twelve months constantly circulate in a clockwise direction.

Fig. 18. Diagram of the Principle of the Twelve Sosikgwae (or Byeokgwae)

In Korea, the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams were included in Yeokhak doseol (易學圖說, Illustrated Explanation of Changes Studies) by Jang Hyeongwang (張顯光, 1554–1637), a Neo-Confucian scholar of the mid- and late Joseon Dynasty (Fig. 19). This book is significant in that it provides a comprehensive sourcebook containing all of the diagrams related to the Book of Changes up to that point. It was completed in 1608 and published in 1645. The distribution of this book appears to have resulted in the spread of the diagrams related to the Book of Changes in Joseon society.

Fig. 19. Diagram of the Twelve Byeokgwae. Yeokhak doseol (Illustrated Explanation of Changes Studies) by Jang Hyeongwang

Figure 20 shows a rearrangement of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams in a rectangular frame for comparison with the twelve hexagrams engraved in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpieces at Yongmunsa and Daeseungsa Temples. Most of the hexagrams in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa, are set similarly to the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, but there are differences as well (Fig. 17). For example, at the starting point in the middle of the upper frame, salloei (䷚) is carved instead of jiroebok (䷗) (denoting the eleventh lunar month). In a clockwise direction, the next hexagram carved in the Daeseungsa altarpiece is pungtaekjungbu (䷼) rather than jitaeklim (䷒) (signifying the twelfth lunar month). After the next one, noesansogwa (䷽) is carved instead of noecheondaejang (䷡) (corresponding to the second lunar month). Thus, the hexagrams on this altarpiece are inconsistent. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple presumably made by Daneung in 1675 is believed to have originally been intended to express the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, but errors in their arrangement seem to have occurred.

Fig. 20. Twelve sosikgwae rearranged in a rectangular form

Interestingly, Daneung engraved hexagrams similar to the twelve sosikgwae on the railings above the pedestals of the first and seventh Buddha among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas from 1681 at Magoksa Temple. The rear railings for the first Buddha (Fig. 21) have been lost, but the four front sides still bear hexagons indicating noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month), jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month), cheonsandun (䷠) (the sixth lunar month), and cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) from the right in a clockwise direction. This arrangement of hexagons reveals an imperfection in terms of temporal continuity, as demonstrated by the lack of taekcheonkwae (䷪) (the third lunar month)and cheonpunggu (the fifth lunar month). On the other hand, the railings of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha (Fig. 22) show a temporal flow starting from jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month) on the far-right of the full-front side to cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in a clockwise direction. Moreover, another group of hexagrams are presented following the flow of time from pungjigwan (䷓) (the eighth lunar month) on the right-rear side to jitaeklim (䷒) (the twelfth lunar month) on the left-middle side in a counterclockwise direction. Despite some consistency, the seventh Buddha at Magoksa fails to describe the twelve sosikgwae accurately since jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month), cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month), and noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month) are engraved on the three remaining sides of its railings in a disorderly manner.

Fig. 21. The placement of hexagrams on the pedestal of the First Buddha (Vipassi) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple

Fig. 22. The placement of hexagrams on the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple

The hexagrams on the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple, which was produced three years after the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple, are arranged similarly to those in the seventh Buddha among the Magoksa Seven Buddhas, but with a greater degree of accuracy (Fig. 23). The hexagrams on the Yongmunsa altarpiece can largely be divided into two flows. One of them consists of six hexagrams representing the cycle of months from the second lunar month through the seventh lunar month. They start with noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month) in the middle of the right edge of the frame, progress clockwise, and end with cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in the lower section of the left edge of the frame. The other flow also has six hexagrams. These show the advance of the months from the seventh through the twelfth in a counterclockwise direction starting from cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in the upper section of the left edge of the frame and ending with jitaeklim (䷒) (the twelfth lunar month) in the middle of the left edge of the frame. This arrangement does not perfectly match that of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams. Nevertheless, compared to the placement of hexagrams on the pedestal railings for the Buddhas at Magoksa Temple, it is closer to the original version and more logical. Therefore, this arrangement was possibly intended from the outset of the production of the Yongmunsa altarpiece.

Fig. 23. Diagram of the two flows of the twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple

It is noteworthy that cheonjibi (䷋) (corresponding to the seventh lunar month) appears twice. This twofold composition indicates that one cycle of months ends in the seventh lunar month and the other begins in the same month. The person who designed this placement of the twelve hexagrams appears to have considered the seventh lunar month to be a critical junction for something or attributed some special meaning to it. While the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is presumed to have consulted the preexisting twelve sosikgwae, it constructed its own timeframe by transforming them from a Buddhist perspective.

Neo-Confucianism became the ruling ideology of the state during the Joseon Dynasty and Buddhism was deemphasized. In response to this shift in the dominant ideology, Buddhist circles emphasized how Buddhism also conformed to the concepts of loyalty and filial piety and made contributions to society. Ideologically, they pursued coexistence with Confucianism by asserting a harmony or accord between the two thought systems. In order to secure a foundation for the continued existence of Buddhism, even if under a disadvantages monks argued for the connection between Confucianism and Buddhism. They also studied Neo-Confucian thinking and were open to related knowledge. They took great interest in the Book of Changes since it explicates not an absolute truth, but an endless process of change. Monks at the time appear to have felt familiar with this concept from the Book of Changes since it was similar to the teaching of impermanence (無常, K. musang) in Buddhism.

Late Joseon monks quoted the Book of Changes as a metaphorical subject to justify the production of Buddhist images. As a case in point, Baekam Seongchong (栢庵性聰, 1631–1700) explained in his writing a reason for making an image (像) of Buddha by alluding to the teachings in the Book of Changes, as follows:

Baekam Seongchong took the theory from the Book of Changes that after creating images and symbolic signs and grasping their meanings, one should forget the images (得意忘象論) and equated it to the Buddhist theory that one can reach the truth through the production of Buddhist images (造像方便論).

In the studies of changes, “images” (象), that is, hexagram images, were considered to be convenient signs indicating the operating principle of the world. Thus, hexagrams themselves were not taken as the ultimate goals. In a similar vein, “images” (象) in Buddhism, that is, images of the Buddha, were not a true form of the Buddha, but served as a means to better understand his true form since they resembled the deity. In this way, the production of Buddhist images could be justified. Joseon-era monks advocated the parallel logic that both the images in the Book of Changes and those in Buddhism served as a medium for approaching an ultimate truth. By doing so, they strove to assign a religious authority to Buddhism equivalent to that of Confucianism.

The creators of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple fully used hexagram images from the Book of Changes due to the utility of their symbolic system. The Buddhist worldview highlights infinitely expanding time and space. Surprisingly, simple and clear symbol systems that easily visualize this worldview are scarce in Buddhist art. In other words, any tradition of presenting temporal and spatial infinity with no beginning or end using intuitive symbols was relatively weak in Buddhism. On the other hand, the Book of Changes had an advantage in that the concept of time and space was visually illustrated through a schematic symbolic system of mathematically well-organized hexagram images. It seems natural that the producers of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple would have been attracted by these functional elements in the Book of Changes. The creators presumably applied a symbolic system to Buddhist art that the people of the time could easily understand.

The establishment of a temporal and spatial stage in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple by applying hexagrams from the Book of Changes, a major Confucian scripture, meant that Buddhist circles at the time were actively embracing Confucian elements. It also demonstrated the receptivity and expandability of Buddhist art. However, it is not the case that Buddhist art unilaterally welcomed external elements. It is important to note that Buddhist art added its own alternations to these external elements, based on Buddhist perspectives. It is unknown, however, whether leading monks, like Soyeong Singyeong, who supervised the production of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa, intended this acceptance and alternations or if the monk sculptor Daneung, who applied diverse iterations of hexagram images from the Book of Change in several Buddhist projects over the course of a decade, did so. Nonetheless, I propose considering all these as possible, taking into account the importance of the roles of monk sculptors in the production of Buddhist sculptures.

Conclusion

In this paper, I have explored the monk sculptor Daneung and the symbolism found in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. Daneung was a remarkable monk artisan who actively engaged in producing Buddhist sculptures across several regions for over fifty years from the mid-seventeenth century through the early eighteenth century. The 1680s were his most prolific period and are considered his heyday. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple that has been discussed in this paper was created in the 1680s and is considered a prime example of late Joseon Buddhist art marked by artistic creativity and a high level of accomplishment.

Of note in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are its various symbolic elements. First, Buddhist symbolic elements are divided largely into Pure Land Buddhist and Seon Buddhist elements. The elements of Pure Land Buddhism are presented literally through the depictions of nine grades of rebirth in the lower section of the altarpiece and through the phrases in a gatha (verse in poetic form) format engraved on the left and right edges of the frame. Similar depictions of the nine grades of rebirth can be observed in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Gyeongguksa Temple created by Daneung in 1684 and another work of his from 1689, the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Seonseoksa Temple in Seongju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. These examples suggest characteristics of Daneung’s expressive modes for Pure Land faith and his religious inclinations.

Regarding the elements from Seon Buddhism, the word “myeongsim” (明心) carved in the center of the bottom edge of the frame is highly emblematic. This term epitomizes the gist of Seon Buddhism that finding the Buddha nature (佛性) inherent in one’s own mind is enlightenment. When creating the pedestal of the seventh Buddha among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple in 1681, Daneung provided his views on the Buddhist practices valued by Seon Buddhism by engraving phrases of Seon practices that the National Preceptor Bojo Jinul had coined, including “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門), meaning sudden enlightenment (dono) and gradual cultivation (jeomsu), and “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治), referring to the joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom (jeonghyessangsu). The word “myeongsim” in the Yongmunsa altarpiece can be understood in this context.

The religious and ideological background underlying the inclusion of elements of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism in the Yongmunsa altarpiece was based on seonjeong ilchiron (禪淨一致論, a theory on the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism). Under the influence of this theory, many monks in the late Joseon Dynasty engaged in the Seon meditation yeombulseon (念佛禪) practice of reciting the Buddha’s name. Internalizing this trend in faith and practice, the creators of the Yongmunsa altarpiece naturally infused elements of both Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism into the work.

Another distinctive feature of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is the engraved hexagram images (卦象) from the Book of Changes, which was a thinking system from ancient China and a primary scripture of Confucianism. The borders of the mandorla of the main Buddha in the Yongmunsa altarpiece are marked with spatial directions using the eight trigrams from the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams established by Neo-Confucianists. In combination with the taegeuk, the eight trigrams indicated that the Buddha and dharma are settled at the center of the cosmic order and principles.

The frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is engraved with twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams in order to display a perspective on time. Here, the twelve sosikgwae (消息卦) symbolizing the passage and circulation of time based on changes in hexagrams according to the waning and expansion of yin and yang cosmic forces is applied. Daneung made similar attempts to carve the twelve sosikgwae into the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple in Mungyeong from 1675 and the pedestals of the first and seventh Buddhas from the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple from 1681. However, these two earlier works are partially in error or show imperfect compositions. Applying the principle of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, the Yongmunsa altarpiece displays a more perfect manifestation of a time system.

The use of hexagram images from the Book of Changes in Joseon-era Buddhist art carries historical significance. With Neo-Confucianism adopted as the dominant ideology of the state during the Joseon Dynasty, monks promoted a harmony and accord between Confucianism and Buddhism as a response to the policy of suppressing Buddhism. They also sought breakthroughs by studying Confucian learning, including the Book of Changes, and communicating with other religious groups. Joseon-era monks strove to obtain religious authority equivalent to that of Confucianism by drawing upon a theory on images from the Book of Changes in order to justify the production of Buddhist images. Moreover, they adopted hexagrams from the Book of Changes that described in simple terms the concept of infinite time and space as a schematized symbolic system for Buddhist art. Such endeavors demonstrate the open nature and expandability of Buddhist art. However, Buddhist art did not embrace external elements unconditionally. It added its own iterations reflecting Buddhist concepts, as shown in the case of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple that transfigured the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams. With the roles of producers like the monk sculptor Daneung taken into account, determining the main agent for the absorption and transfiguration of external elements into Joseon-era Buddhism remains open to many possibilities.