Introduction

Gold-painted celadon (hwageum cheongja) is a rare type of ceramic from the late Goryeo Dynasty, on which artisans painted over the celadon glaze with lines of pure gold. Today, few examples of Goryeo gold-painted celadon have survived, and none have ever been excavated from a kiln site. Nonetheless, due to the unique method of decoration, which further enhances the splendor of Goryeo inlaid celadon, gold-painted celadon remains one of the most exceptional types of Korean ceramics. Furthermore, analysis of records related to gold-painted celadon and the few surviving relics is crucial for understanding the meaning, development, and characteristics of celadon production in the late Goryeo period. Thus far, research on gold-painted celadon has focused either on introducing relevant references or estimating the dates when the relics were produced. It has been noted that more academic interest and research is needed in this area, and because this has been lacking, no comprehensive examination or organization of materials related to Goryeo gold-painted celadon has ever been published (a brief description of the technique appears in Pak and Whitfield 2002, p.83, but with no examples illustrated).

This article examines many details related to the production of gold-painted celadon, including the site of production and the decoration technique, in order to better understand its significance in the overall field of Goryeo celadon. First, I provide an indepth analysis of the relevant references, in order to ascertain the background of production (including dates), as well as the types of remaining examples. Hopefully, this information will help to settle existing debates about the dates and characteristics of gold-painted celadon production. Second, I focus in more detail on the characteristics of decoration techniques and explore the origins of the practice of painting with gold. By examining the surviving examples and comparing the gold-painting technique seen on them with the gold-painting technique used in Goryeo Buddhist paintings, I can shed new light on this practice by placing it within the context of Goryeo aesthetics. Finally, in order to understand the decorative motifs and to estimate production sites and dates, I compare the decoration on gold-painted celadon with that on “regular” celadon vessels (i.e. those without gold) inscribed with ganji, cyclical characters indicating a year from the Chinese sexagenary cycle. Although this article is primarily concerned with gold-painted celadon, my hope is that my comparisons will also enhance our understanding of the vessels bearing ganji by improving the estimates of their production dates.

Background of Gold-Painted Celadon Production

Historical References

Historical records about gold-painted celadon in Korea are quite scarce, but there are a couple of interesting examples. For instance, the following passage is from the “Biography of Jo Ingyu” (趙仁規, 1237-1308), Chapter 18 of the Biography Section of Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo):

This record is undated, but elsewhere in Goryeosa, it is recorded that Jo Ingyu was one of the officials who accompanied King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok to the Yuan capital in 1289 and again in 1293, so it is believed that this exchange must have taken place on one of these two occasions.

Another record appears in Chapter 31 of the Biographies of Kings Section of Goryeosa, the biography of King Chungnyeol (忠烈王, r. 1274-1308). According to this record, in 1297 (23^rd year of King Chungnyeol’s reign), “Hwang Seo (黃瑞), the civil official, was sent to Yuan China, where he presented gold-painted onggi (甕器, earthenware vessels), hazel grouse, and Jeju beef [to Emperor Chengzong (元成宗, also known as Temur Khan, r. 1294-1307)].”

It is impossible to decipher exactly what types of gold-painted wares are being discussed in these two brief records, but the term “porcelain” from “gold-painted porcelain” definitely refers to celadon, which was abundantly produced in Goryeo. Both of these records come from the late 13^th century, at a time when celadon production was high in Gangjin (South Jeolla Province) and Buan (North Jeolla Province), as evidenced by various archaeological excavations. Also, celadon wares have been found in Chinese excavations, such as a celadon maebyeong excavated from the tomb of Shi Tianze (史天澤, 1202-1275) in Hebei Province; a celadon bowl and pillow dating from the late 13^th or 14^th century that were discovered in Shenyang and Liaoyang in Liaoning Province; and a celadon cup with a high foot, produced in the 14^th century, excavated from Hangzhou in Zhejiang Province (Feng Xianming 1986, 47-53). These discoveries provide ample evidence that the porcelain that was included in exchanges between Goryeo and Yuan was celadon. Furthermore, seven Goryeo celadon wares were found among the artifacts from the Sinan shipwreck (presumed to be a Japanese ship filled with Chinese cargo, which sunk in the 1320s). Kiln excavations in Korea have shown that celadon was the most produced type of porcelain in Goryeo in the late 13^th and early 14^th century, and all of the Goryeo ceramics that have been found in China are also celadon. Finally, all of the surviving examples of gold-painted Goryeo ceramics are celadon. Therefore, the reference in Goryeosa to “gold-painted porcelain” must certainly mean gold-painted celadon.

Both of the Goryeosa references state that gold-painted porcelain wares were given as gifts to Yuan emperors. The first record (“Biography of Jo Ingyu”) is particularly interesting, because, judging from Emperor Shizu’s questions about the materials and technique, it seems as if he had never seen a celadon ware with gold decoration before. In fact, at that time, the Goryeo court usually presented Yuan emperors with metal wares, such as cups, bottles, or ewers made from gold or silver. Thus, it seems that gold-painted porcelain was neither an ordinary gift of tribute, nor a replacement for metal wares, the usual tribute objects. Instead, gold-painted porcelain seems to have been produced in very limited quantities for special purposes. According to the first record, Emperor Shizu ordered Goryeo not to present any more gold-painted ceramics as tribute. Thus, it seems likely that Goryeo did not submit any gold-painted wares to the Yuan court from the time of the Emperor Shizu’s order (in 1289 or 1293) until the end of his reign in 1294. Interestingly, however, the second record indicates that by 1297, only a few years later, Goryeo had resumed presenting gold-painted onggi to Khubilai’s successor, Emperor Chengzong. At any rate, gold-painted porcelain was clearly a very special type within Goryeo inlaid celadon, and therefore must be considered somewhat differently, in terms of its characteristics and meanings. Ostensibly, the only difference between gold-painted porcelain and “ordinary” inlaid celadon is the gold decoration on the surface. These two records show that Goryeo ceramics were being painted with gold in the late 13^th century, and furthermore, they indicate that the technique may have been devised as a special tribute for the Yuan court.

On the other hand, there are no earlier references to gold-painted celadon. When the Song envoy Xu Jing (徐兢), who visited Goryeo in 1123, wrote about Goryeo culture and civilization in his Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉 使高麗圖經, Illustrated Record of the Chinese Embassy to the Goryeo Court in the Xuanhe Era), he commented fairly extensively about the color and forms of Goryeo celadon, as well as describing various metal wares. Notably, however, there is no mention of any ceramics being painted with gold. Nor is there any record of gold-painted ceramics in the section of Goryeosa that covers the 12^th century. Furthermore, excavations from 12^th-century sites have not yielded any definitive examples of gold-painted celadon, even among ceramics found within the royal tombs of Jangneung (長陵, tomb of King Injong [仁宗, r. 1122-1146]) and Jireung (智陵, tomb of King Myeongjong [明宗, r. 1170-1197]).

Thus, records of gold-painted Goryeo ceramics did not appear until towards the closing years of the reign of Emperor Shizu (1260-1294), and every surviving example of gold-painted Goryeo inlaid celadon is estimated to have been produced in the late 13^th century. Hence, the archaeological evidence matches the historical records. Of course, this could change through future research and excavation. However, based on the current references and evidence, we can conclude that gold-painted porcelain was a unique type that was produced in limited quantities around the late 13^th century.

Types of Vessel

There are very few surviving examples of Goryeo gold-painted celadon. One of the representative extant pieces of gold-painted celadon is a flattened vase with an inlaid tree and monkey design (靑磁象嵌畫金樹下猿文扁壺) (Fig. 1), which is known to have been excavated in 1933 from the ruins of Manwoldae, a Goryeo Palace in Gaeseong. Because the neck and mouth of the vessel has been destroyed, it is hard to know its overall shape. But based on the discernible features (e.g., the relatively wide shoulder and narrow foot, the flattened front and back), this piece can be identified as a pyeonho (扁壺, flattened vase), a ceramic form that emerged in the late Goryeo Dynasty and became more prevalent between the late 13^th and 14^th centuries. Figure 2 shows a restored example of another pyeonho with a damaged mouth. The majority of Goryeo celadon jars produced in the late 13^th century and 14^th century were pyeonho, and there are two extant gold-painted pyeonho of Figure 1 and 2. Thus, the “gold-painted onggi” that was presented to the Yuan court in 1297 (according to the record from Goryeosa) must have had a shape similar to the flattened vase with inlaid tree and monkey design (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Flattened vase, gold-painted celadon with inlaid tree and monkey design. 13^th century. Height- 25.5 cm. (National Museum of Korea).

Fig. 2. Flattened vase, gold-painted celadon with inlaid house and figure design. 13^th century. Height- 25.2 cm. (National Museum of Korea).

Figure 3 shows another surviving relic with gold-painted decoration, a celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design (靑磁象嵌畫金牡丹唐草文大楪), but the gold decoration is difficult to see because of extensive exfoliation. Finally, the gold-painted dish in Figure 4 (靑磁象嵌畫金唐草文楪匙), with an overall shape that is reminiscent of metal wares, features a masterfully elaborate inlaid scroll design in reverse inlay (yeoksanggam, where the background, rather than the design itself, is carved away and filled in white, see Pak and Whitfield 2002, p.174) that covers the entire surface. The stems and outlines of the scrolling foliage were all originally painted in gold, as can be clearly seen from the enlarged detail photographs (Figs. 4a and 4b).

Fig. 3. Bowl, gold-painted celadon with inlaid peony scroll design. 13^th century. Height- 6.6 cm. (National Museum of Korea).

Fig. 4. Dish, gold-painted celadon with inlaid scroll design. 13^th century. Height- 4.5 cm. (Private collection).

Fig. 4a and 4b. Detail and micrograph of Fig. 4.

Method and Origin of Gold-Painting Decorative Technique

Techniques for Making Gold-Painted Ceramics

In order to create a gold-painted ceramic vessel, one must first make a standard celadon ware with inlaid design. The design motif is inlaid with white clay and red ocher, then glaze is applied and the vessel is fired, resulting in a finished celadon with inlay design. Finally, the lines of gold are painted on the glazed surface, following the outline of the design (Fig. 1a). At one time, experts believed that gold powder was affixed to the ceramics with some type of strong adhesive, in which case some traces of the adhesive should remain, even after the gold powder had worn away. It was hypothesized that the gold powder was mixed with gelatin and then applied onto the surface of the celadon glaze. However, recent research by the National Museum of Korea (National Museum of Korea 2008) has presented a different conclusion. Detailed analysis of the flattened vase with an inlaid tree and monkey design (Fig. 1) has shown that the vessel was fired at a low temperature of 700-800°C, thereby allowing the gold powder to bond with the surface. Instead of gelatin, the gold powder was mixed with an adhesive, and then brushed onto the surface. Then, the vessel was fired at a low heat, causing the adhesive to become oxidized and charred black, while the gold naturally melted and stuck to the surface. The evidence for this procedure can be seen in micrographs of the burnt black area around the gold decoration (Fig. 1-3).

Although the research showed that other ingredients were mixed with the gold powder to serve as an adhesive, their precise nature remains a mystery. It is also unclear whether the charred areas remained wherever the gold powder was painted on. I had the opportunity to examine the actual vessel myself, as well as many photographs of it, and I confirmed that there were some gold-painted areas that did not seem to show any signs of char marks. In addition, the micrographs (Fig. 1b) presented by the National Museum of Korea show char marks not only within the gold-painted area, but also in the surrounding area. Therefore, the research and evidence regarding the exact procedure for painting gold onto celadon remain inconclusive, and the theory about using a low-temperature second firing to fix the gold on the surface has not yet been absolutely confirmed. The char marks may just be difficult to see with the naked eye, or they may have simply worn off over the years.

Figs. 1a. and 1b. Detail and micrograph of Fig. 1.

I also recently used a microscope to examine another gold-painted relic that has not yet been thoroughly examined by the National Museum of Korea, the aforementioned gold-painted celadon dish with inlaid scroll design (Fig. 4). However, I was unable to find any char marks to confirm the presence of the burnt adhesive, as seen in Figure 4a, which shows a close-up of the dish. This dish is inlaid with white clay, with more fine lines etched in later to add more detail, and then glaze was applied before firing. As shown in Figure 4a, much of the gold has worn away, although some traces are still visible. Notably, the lines that are clearly visible in the areas of reflected light are not the lines from the inlaid design; they are the lines where the gold was originally painted, and where the adhesive affected the glazed surface. At first glance, one might think that these lines were carved into the glazed surface in advance, in order to mark where the gold should be painted. However, a closer look reveals that the curves of the exfoliated lines are exceptionally smooth and clean, not to mention extremely narrow (from 0.4 to 0.8 mm). It does not seem plausible that such pristine, slender curves could have been cut into the glassy surface of the porcelain with a hard, sharp tool. In fact, in the micrograph of Fig. 4a, the lines where the gold was painted (thereby affecting the surface of the glaze) look darker than the surrounding areas, and the curves are so well rounded and natural that they could only have been painted by the soft sweep of a brush (Fig. 4b).

The matte surface on these lines seems to be due to corrosion caused by an adhesive, but again, the exact type of adhesive has yet to be determined. Two possible candidates for the adhesive material are gelatin, which was used in paintings on silk, and the sap of the lacquer tree (Toxicodendron vernicifluum), which was used to make both Asian lacquerware and as an adhesive for the gold leaf for many Buddhist statues. Nevertheless, both of these substances are notoriously difficult to use on porcelain, primarily because they do not stick well to the ceramic and thus fall off quite easily. In addition, both gelatin and lacquer would probably be decolorized, degenerated, and exfoliated by the low-temperature firing process that has been recently theorized for gold-painted ceramics. Another possibility is that some type of acidic material was applied in order to cause the glaze to become matte, thereby allowing the gold to stick with more durability and security. However, even today, there are few known substances that are acidic enough to achieve this effect, and those substances are impossible to apply with a brush.

Therefore, we still cannot confirm what caused those lines to lose their glossy surface, or what components were added to the gold to allow it to stick to the surface. Notably, however, limited quantities of porcelain wares with gold-decorated surfaces were also produced in Song China, and a Chinese historical document provides a useful reference for our case. In “Every Material has its Own Technique” (治物各有法, “Zhiwu geyoufa”), Miscellaneous Observations from the Guixin Year (癸辛雜識, Guixin zashi) by Zhou Mi (周密, 1232-1298), the author reveals that one way to prevent gold from exfoliating from the surface of a ceramic vessel is to mix it with garlic juice: “for bowls with gold decoration, use garlic juice with the gold for the painting, afterwards put them in the kiln and fire them, then [the gold decoration] will never come off.”1 Garlic contains plenty of amino acidic compounds (e.g., aspartic acid and glutamic acid), which form a sticky adhesive. It is also known that garlic juice has been used as an adhesive for medieval and modern mural paintings in the West (Bonaduce et al. 2006, 226-232). As yet, there are no known references to the use of garlic juice as an adhesive in Korean art. But garlic has been a common part of the everyday lives of Koreans since ancient times; in fact, garlic is even featured in the myth of Dangun, the legendary figure who is said to have founded Korea in 2333 BCE. Furthermore, it is highly likely that the people of the late Goryeo era were aware of the Chinese record describing the use of garlic juice as an adhesive for gold. So although we cannot confirm that garlic juice was used as the adhesive for gold-painted Goryeo celadon, based on the Chinese references, I would like to propose it as the most likely candidate for that purpose.

In addition to the exact composition of the adhesive for the gold, another issue deserving of our attention is the production sites for gold-painted Goryeo celadon. The most prolific sites for the production of Goryeo inlaid celadon were the kilns in Gangjin and Buan, Jeolla Province. Of course, the secondary process of painting the gold and firing it at a lower temperature did not necessarily have to take place at the same kilns. It is entirely possible that some of the finest celadon wares were sent from the kilns to the capital, where a master painter could have applied the gold, and an expert in firing could have completed the process. These issues are closely related to the origin of gold-painted celadon, which will be addressed in the next section.

In conclusion, surviving gold-painted Goryeo ceramics show very fine, delicate gold lines drawn along the outlines of inlaid designs on the glazed surface of inlaid celadon. In all of these vessels, the areas where the gold lines have worn away show that the surface of the glaze was somehow corroded by the adhesive used with the gold. The exact composition of the adhesive is not known, but garlic juice may have been a key ingredient. The technique used to paint Goryeo celadon with gold is particularly significant, because it is the only known example of anything being painted on the glazed surface of Goryeo and Joseon porcelain wares. Furthermore, the combination of gold with the delicate inlay technique makes these rare vessels even more unique and extraordinary.

Origin of Gold-Painted Decoration

It has often been pointed out that Goryeo celadon was in part influenced by Buddhist art. For example, the celadon kundika was modeled after the form of metal kundika, and celadon incense burners share many characteristics with bronze incense burners used for Buddhist rites. More importantly, decorations on Goryeo celadon ware often resemble those of Buddhist paintings. For example, the painting Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (水月觀音圖), which was produced in the 14^th century, demonstrates a gold-painting technique similar to that used for ceramics (Fig. 5). First, various colors were painted over the initial sketch, and then resplendent lines of gold were added to complete the painting. In fact, the method of painting gold lines on top of finished Buddhist paintings is widely recognized as one of the representative features of certain types of Buddhist paintings of the Goryeo Dynasty. Likewise, in gold-painted celadon, the lines of gold were applied to a finished piece of inlaid celadon, so the relationship between these two practices is worth exploring.

Gold-painted celadon and gold-painted Buddhist paintings share several common features. Most obviously, both use pure gold as a decoration material. Also, in both cases, the gold was applied as a finishing layer over the colors of the Buddhist paintings or the inlaid design of the celadon. Third, the gold lines were usually used to trace the outlines of either the painting or the inlaid design. Fourth, at times, the gold lines applied to both paintings and celadon diverged from the pre-existent lines or design of the work, as when gold lines were added to areas where there was no inlaid design. Fifth, and finally, as a result of the previous four features, the gold decoration in both Buddhist paintings and Goryeo celadon produced similar visual effects. In particular, the inlay of scrolling foliage on the gold-painted dish (Figs. 4 and 4a) bears a striking resemblance to the gold decoration of Maitreya’s robe in the painting of the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (Fig. 5).

Fig. 5. Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara. 14^th century. 106.2 x 54.8 cm. (Amorepacific Museum of Art).

Another gold-painted Goryeo Buddhist painting with some compelling relevance for gold-painted celadon is Amitabha (阿彌陀如來圖) from the collection of Chionin, Kyoto, which was produced for King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok (daughter of Emperor Shizu) in 1286 (12^th year of King Chungnyeol), as an offering to Buddhist deities from the official Yeom Seungik (廉承益, d. 1302). The painting is significant for gold-painted ceramics because it shares the same decorative technique and it was produced during the same time period covered by the historical documents that refer to gold-painted ceramics. But the painting’s relevance for gold-painted celadon extends even further due to the involvement of Yeom Seungik who was a favorite official of King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok, and heavily involved in various national projects related to Buddhism. For instance, Yeom was instrumental in the increased production of Buddhist sculpture and paintings, the construction of Buddhist architecture, and the transcription of Buddhist scriptures, including the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經), produced in 1283 (currently in the collection of the National Museum of Korea). In fact, Yeom used his own residence to set up an office for transcribing the scriptures in gold characters. Historical records show that Yeom was also one of the officials who accompanied King Chungnyeol, Queen Jangmok, and the Crown Prince on a visit to the Yuan court in 1289, along with Jo Ingyu and others such as In Hu, and An Hyang. When King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok returned to the Yuan court four years later, in 1293, they brought with them a large entourage of 80 civil and military officials, including Yeom, Jo Ingyu, In Hu, Gak Cheong, and Won Gyeong. Based on historical records and Buddhist relics that cite Yeom’s influence, it is safe to say that he was one the most important members of the Goryeo court of the late 13^th century, and that he was a key figure for Goryeo Buddhist art. As discussed in the previous section, Jo Ingyu was the official who presented the “gold-painted porcelain” to Emperor Shizu. The fact that Yeom, a favored official and the known leader of many national enterprises related to Buddhism, was present during Jo’s visit to the Yuan court strengthens the correlation between Goryeo Buddhist paintings and gold-painted celadon.

Historical documents confirm that Goryeo’s extravagant decorative techniques, highlighted by gold-painted Buddhist paintings and Buddhist scriptures transcribed in gold or silver, were internationally known during the late 13^th century. In fact, at that time, the Chinese requested that Goryeo send monks who were highly skilled in scripture transcription. Thus, in 1290, a total of 100 Goryeo monks (in two different groups) were sent to the Yuan court. Then, in 1297, the year when the “gold-painted onggi” was presented to the Yuan court (according to the second record from Goryeosa), envoys from Yuan came to Goryeo, and they recruited monks with skills in scripture transcription. Additional monks were sent to Yuan in 1302, and Yuan’s interest in Goryeo’s scripture transcription still persisted after that. According to all of this historical evidence, we can estimate that the production of gold-painted Goryeo celadon was taking place sometime around 1289-1297. Furthermore, around that time, gold was a very popular material for decorating Buddhist paintings and transcribing Buddhist scripture, and the splendor of such decorative stylings had captured the attention of the Yuan court and ruling class. Therefore, we can hypothesize that the Yuan’s esteem for gold-decorated Buddhist works may have led to the production of gold-painted celadon, which was presented to the Yuan emperors.

Comparing Gold-Painted Celadon to Celadon Inscribed with Cyclical Characters

Decorative Motifs and Production Sites

The decorative characteristics of gold-painted Goryeo celadon can be illuminated by examining the few surviving relics of the type. First of all, several motifs can be identified from the flattened vase with monkey design (Fig. 1), including the lotus petals around the base and the ogee medallion enclosing the main design, both of which were popular in late Goryeo inlaid celadon. Notably, however, this design of the tree and monkey is not found on any other known inlaid celadon from the late Goryeo Dynasty. Compared to other popular inlaid motifs from late Goryeo celadon, the tree and monkey design looks a bit rough, perhaps indicating that the craftsman was not familiar with this design, and thus had not yet mastered its execution. The precise meaning of the tree and monkey motif is also not clear.

Figure 1a, a detail of the vase with the tree and monkey design, shows an inlaid lotus design from the side of the vase, which is rather notable. Unlike the monkey design on the main body, the motifs on the side of this vessel (e.g., the lotus design) have been seen in other examples of late Goryeo celadon, such as a covered bowl and stand with inlaid dragon and phoenix design (靑磁象嵌龍鳳文蓋盒) (Fig. 6). This bowl is estimated to have been produced in the late 13^th century, based on the complexity of the various patterns (e.g., the dragon and phoenix design, the cloud and crane design, the intertwining scrolls). In comparing the flattened vase from Figure 1 and the bowl from Figure 6 and 6a, some notable similarities emerge, especially the overall form of the lotus flower, and the sharp petals and stamens at the center of the lotus flower and the three flower buds on the upper part. Interestingly, several other covered bowls have been found with a shape similar to the one in Figure 6, all of which are estimated to have been produced between the 13^th and 14^th century, but many of these other covered bowls have details that are much simpler and more stylized than those seen in Figure 6. For instance, a shard from the lid of one of these covered bowls was excavated from a kiln site at Sadang-ri, Gangjin (Fig. 7), and the simplified inlaid design of this shard is believed to exemplify an overall trend towards simplification that took place in the 14^th century. Thus, based on the elaborateness of the design and detail seen in Figures 1a and 6, both vessels are assumed to have been produced around the same time, in the late 13^th century. After that point, such motifs began to change by becoming simpler and more stylized.

Fig. 6. Celadon covered bowl and stand with inlaid dragon and phoenix design. 13^th century. Height- 15.2 cm. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art).

Fig. 6a. Detail of Fig. 6

Fig. 7. Shard of lid from covered bowl, celadon with inlaid lotus scroll. 14^th century. Excavated from a kiln site at Sadang-ri, Gangjin. (Gangjin Celadon Museum).

Questions concerning the style and execution of decorative motifs are closely related to the problem of identifying the site where gold-painted celadon wares were produced. To date, no shards or vessels of gold-painted celadon have ever been excavated from a kiln site. Based on the estimated production period, the decorative style, and the overall quality of the surviving examples of gold-painted celadon, the most likely candidates as production sites would be the kilns in Buan, North Jeolla Province and Gangjin, South Jeolla Province. Of these two, the Gangjin kilns would seem to be the more likely candidate. According to Goryeo documents, the kilns in Gangjin were the place where special craftsmen were located, and the area was specially managed by the government, so those kilns are widely considered to be the site where official ceramics were produced for the monarchy and the court. Excavations at the Gangjin kiln sites have yielded numerous celadon shards with various ganji (cyclical) inscriptions from the late Goryeo Dynasty, as well as shards with various other types of inscriptions (i.e., references to historical events or people) that indicate dates within the Goryeo period. This evidence has basically confirmed that the Gangjin kilns produced celadon for the Goryeo court and government offices.

However, celadon vessels and shards with features similar to those excavated from Gangjin have also been recovered from the Buan kiln sites, and a few of those artifacts have inscriptions akin to those found in Gangjin. Perhaps more importantly for our case, the Buan kilns are strongly linked to Buddhism. Unlike celadon from the Gangjin kilns, relics recovered from the Buan kilns are often inscribed with either the names of temples (e.g., Hwanghasa, Cheongnimsa) or the (presumed) names of Buddhist monks (e.g., Uijang, Donjin, Donjang, Eungji, and Jocheong). Thus, the Buan kilns are considered to have been closely related with Buddhism at the time. As mentioned earlier, when King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok visited the Yuan court, they were accompanied by both Yeom Seungik, who was integral to various Buddhist enterprises of Goryeo, and Jo Ingyu, who presented the “gold-painted onggi” to Emperor Chengzong. Given the crucial relationship between gold-painted celadon, Buddhism, and the Yuan court, the fact that the Buan kilns had close ties with Buddhism also makes them a viable candidate to be the production site for Goryeo gold-painted celadon.

This hypothesis is further supported after considering the reverse-inlay technique, wherein the background of the main design (rather than the design itself) is carved into the surface of the vessel. Specifically, consider the gold-painted celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design shown in Figure 3, which features a distinctive black-and-white inlay scroll design on both the exterior and interior of the bowl. Although the gold lines from this bowl have almost entirely exfoliated, the scroll design remains quite evident, surrounding an arrangement of peony designs in five sets of double circles. The scroll design varies in color, with white inlay used on the exterior and black inlay used on the interior, but the reverse-inlay technique is used in both cases. A similar reverseinlay design can also be found on the exterior surface of a bowl excavated from the Jireung tomb, the royal tomb of King Myeongjong (Fig. 8). This bowl also features an arrangement of peonies inside double circles, surrounded by a reverse-inlaid scroll design in white clay. Furthermore, the reverse-inlay design on this bowl matches designs found on shards excavated from the Buan kiln sites, leading experts to postulate that it was produced in Buan. Thus, the fact that the gold-painted celadon bowl from Figure 3 has such a similar design with the reverse-inlay technique indicates that it too may have been produced in the Buan kilns.

Fig. 8. Bowl, celadon with inlaid scroll design, excavated from Jireung, the royal tomb of King Myeongjong, constructed in 1202 or 1255. Height- 8.4 cm. (National Museum of Korea).

Although the exact relationship and division of labor between the Gangjin and Buan kilns has never been conclusively defined, it is evident that the two sites served different purposes. The fact that on more than one occasion, gold-painted celadon was presented to a Yuan Emperor means that it was devised and created according to the political and diplomatic needs of the Goryeo court. Thus, the kilns at Gangjin, which are considered to be the official kilns of the Goryeo court, would seem to be the most likely place where the gold-painted celadon vessels were produced. On the other hand, gold-painted ceramics have some definite ties to Buddhism, which would make the Buan kilns a more likely choice. Also, very few shards from Gangjin show the reverse-inlay technique that is seen in the gold-painted bowl (Fig. 3) and the Jireung bowl (Fig. 8). Such shards have been found in the Buan kilns, providing some important evidence that gold-painted celadon may have been produced there.

Celadon with Ganji Inscriptions

Celadon wares from the late Goryeo Dynasty were often inscribed with the year of their production according to the Chinese sexagenary calendar (which has a 60-year cycle). Such inscriptions, typically found on the bottom interior surface of the vessel, are known as ganji (干支)2, so these ceramics are collectively known as “celadons with ganji inscriptions.” But it is imperative to note that a ganji inscription does not provide the exact date of production, because the indicated year could fall within any of a number of 60-year cycles (for example, the inscription gyeongja could refer to the year 1240, or 1300, or 1360, etc.). But given a ganji inscription as a starting point, scholars are often able to use other evidence to determine the most likely year of production. Thus far, eight different ganji inscriptions have been found on celadon vessels, including gisa (己巳), imsin (壬申), jeonghae (丁亥), and eulmi (乙未) (Fig. 9). These cyclical combinations correspond to the 6^th, 9^th, 24^th and 32^nd years of the sixty-year cycles whose first years are 1264 and 1324: i.e. between 1269 and 1295, or between 1329 and 1355. But ever since the Japanese colonial era scholars have been debating the dates of the celadon wares with ganji inscriptions. In fact, while some scholars believe that the ganji inscriptions are crucial evidence for determining the chronology of Goryeo celadon, others have questioned their validity as evidence for dating ceramics. However, when we take into consideration the changes in decorative style and technique that happened over time, particularly as exemplified by gold-painted celadon, we can improve our estimates for the production date of celadons with ganji inscriptions. Based on the two Goryeosa records, we know that gold-painted celadon was being produced in the years 1289 and 1297. So, by comparing the decorations on the surviving gold-painted relics with those from the celadon with ganji inscriptions, we can perhaps get a better idea about the production date of celadon with ganji inscription.

Fig. 9. Bowls, celadon with ganji inscriptions. 14^th century. (National Museum of Korea).

Bowls seem to have been one of the most prevalent types of ceramics produced during the 13^th and 14^th centuries, based on the number of surviving artifacts. During the Goryeo period, the style of inlaid decoration changed over time. This is especially true of the inlaid designs on the exterior, rather than the interior, surface. In particular, bowl exteriors decorated with the inlaid scroll design show important differences in composition and expression over time, such that this design is key for our understanding of how decorative techniques for ceramics transformed during the Goryeo Dynasty. To demonstrate, we can compare the designs of two bowls from different parts of the 13^th or early 14^th century. First, the aforementioned bowl from the Jireung tomb (Fig. 8) must have been produced during the early or mid-13^th century, because the Jireung tomb was built in 1202, and then destroyed during Mongolian invasions in 1231, 1232, and 1236, and repaired in 1255. Second, the celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design (靑磁象嵌牡丹唐草文己巳銘大楪) shown in Figure 10 has a ganji inscription of gisa, indicating that it was probably produced in either 1269 or 1329. Both bowls feature the scrolled vine design on their exteriors, with some notable differences. While the scroll design completely fills the space on the first bowl (Fig. 8), it is more simplified and expressed with thinner lines on the second bowl (Fig. 10). Based on our knowledge about the trend toward simplified designs, we can estimate that the second bowl was more likely produced in 1329, rather than 1269. The shift toward simplified designs accelerated later in the 14^th century, as demonstrated by two other bowls with inscriptions that indicate dates. First, a celadon bowl with inlaid lotus scroll design (靑磁象嵌蓮花唐草文正陵銘大楪) (Fig. 11) can be fairly accurately dated because it bears the inscription Jeongneung (正陵), the name of the tomb of Queen Indeok (仁德王后, d. 1365). It is thought that the Jeongneung tomb was properly maintained until King Gongmin’s death in 1374, so scholars have estimated that relics with the Jeongneung inscription were produced between 1365 and 1374. Here, we see that the elaborate peony design within the double circles from the previous examples (Figs. 3 and 8) had been replaced by a stamped chrysanthemum, while the scroll design had become more simplified. These changes can also be seen in another celadon bowl with inlaid scroll design (靑磁象嵌唐草文司膳銘大楪) (Fig. 12), which is inscribed saseon (司膳). Saseon is not ganji, but refers to Saseonseo (司膳署), the government office responsible for royal court cuisine. The office lasted from 1372 to 1432, which corresponds to the last few years of the Goryeo Dynasty and the first decades of the Joseon Dynasty. On the exterior surface, the decorative motifs had been reduced to two bands, and the scroll design is a repetition of simple scribbles, which is quite different from the bowls that were previously produced. Thus, the inscribed celadon bowls from later time periods have sparser compositions and more simplified scroll designs. Of course, these changes appeared in all celadon bowls, not only those with inscriptions.

Fig. 10. Bowl, celadon with inlaid peony scroll design with gisa inscription. 14^th century. Height- 7.8 cm. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art).

Fig. 11. Bowl, celadon with inlaid lotus scroll design with jeongneung inscription. 1365-1374. Height- 6.4 cm. (National Museum of Korea).

Fig. 12. Bowl, celadon with inlaid scroll design with saseon inscription. 1372-1432. Height- 7.2 cm. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art).

By incorporating gold-painted celadon into this analysis, we can get a firmer idea of the exact dates of the vessels with ganji inscriptions, since we know that gold-painted wares were being produced in the closing years of the 13^th century. Here it is important to remember that the only discernible unique feature of gold-painted celadon was the gold decoration. Thus, the designs and techniques of gold-painted celadon correspond to those seen on contemporaneous inlaid celadon without gold painting. Earlier, we examined the complex and elaborate scroll design on the gold-painted celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design (Fig. 3), which represents the earlier type of the scroll motif. We can compare that bowl with the celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design and gisa (己巳) inscription (Fig. 10), which must have been produced in either 1269 or 1329, according to the inscription. If the production date was 1269, then it was made around the same time as the bowl from Figure 3, but a quick comparison of the scroll designs on both vessels casts doubt on that interpretation. The scroll design on the gold-painted bowl (Fig. 3) is denser, more complex, and more detailed than the design on the gisa-inscribed bowl. Based on these differences in the inlaid design, it seems more likely that the latter was produced in 1329, not 1269. As explained earlier, the trend towards simplified designs is clearly exemplified by inlaid celadon with relatively firm production dates, including the jeongneung-inscribed bowl (Fig. 11) made between 1365 and 1374, and the saseon-inscribed bowl (Fig. 12) produced between 1372 and 1432.

Notably, the simplified scroll design exemplified by the gisa-inscribed bowl can also be seen in other celadon vessels with ganji inscriptions. For example, the celadon cup with high footring and inlaid lotus scroll design (靑磁象嵌蓮花唐草文壬申銘高足盃) in Figure 13 is inscribed imsin, referring to either 1272 or 1332. The motif of the flower at the center of this cup has been previously discussed (Figs. 1a, 6, and 7), in that the form of the lotus flower and the details such as the sharp petals and stamens at the center of the flower and the three other flower buds are very similar in the gold-painted flattened vase (Fig. 1a) and the covered bowl (Fig. 6). Based on the complexity and detail of the decoration of these two vessels (Figs. 1a and 6), I argue that both were produced around the same time, during the late 13^th century. Note that the same flower design also appears on both the covered bowl shard in Figure 7 and the imsin-inscribed cup in Figure 13, but that the design has become relatively simplified, with a much looser arrangement. Based on this comparison, we can hypothesize that the cup was produced later than the gold-painted flattened vase (Fig. 1a), which means that 1332 is more likely than 1272 as the production date. In conclusion, from the cases of the gisa-inscribed bowl and the imsin-inscribed cup, it would seem that celadon vessels with ganji inscriptions postdate gold-painted celadon, meaning that they were probably produced in the early 14^th century.

Fig. 13. Stem-cup, celadon with inlaid lotus scroll design with imsin inscription. 1272 or 1332. Height- 8.9 cm. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art).

Conclusion

This study has provided more detail on gold-painted Goryeo celadon by analyzing historical documents, comparing the surviving relics to other types of gold-painted decoration, estimating the dates of their production, and examining other details. The process has contributed more evidence to the debates about the dates of the ganji-inscribed celadon. According to the two records from Goryeosa, gold-painted celadon was produced in limited quantities the late 13^th century. Through micrographs, it has been confirmed that gold was mixed with an adhesive material, and painted with a brush in thin lines of 0.4-0.8 mm. Although the exact nature of the adhesive has not yet been determined, garlic juice is a very likely ingredient, based on Zhou Mi’s record in Guixin zashi.

The gold lines were usually traced along the outlines of a design that had been previously inlaid. Interestingly, an examination of the areas where the gold has worn away reveals that the gold-adhesive mixture left a matte surface without gloss. I argue that the technique of painting with gold must have been influenced by both gold-painted Buddhist paintings and transcribed Buddhist scriptures, based on three main factors: the previously acknowledged relationship between Buddhist artifacts and celadon; the overall similarities in the gold lines, composition, and decorative effects of gold-painted ceramics and gold-painted Buddhist paintings; and the presence of Yeom Seungik and Jo Ingyu, strong advocates of Buddhism, on the trip to the Yuan capital when the gold-painted celadon was presented to Emperor Shizu. Finally, I show how analysis of the decorative motifs of gold-painted celadon may provide better estimates of the production dates of ganji-inscribed celadon. Specifically, by comparing the exterior inlay decoration (e.g., the lotus scroll design) on various wares, in light of the 14^th-century trend towards simplified designs and compositions, I argue that the ganji-inscribed celadon wares were likely to have been produced in the early 14^th century, rather than the mid-13^th century.

Unfortunately, due to the overall scarcity of gold-decorated ceramic artifacts and the thorough wearing away of the gold decoration, there has not been much in-depth research on gold-painted Goryeo celadon, a fascinating subtype that enhances the beauty, intricacy, and sophistication of Goryeo celadon. Moreover, gold-painted Goryeo celadon is a highly significant material for researching international exchange between Goryeo and Yuan China. I hope that this paper will provide the foundation for future research on this topic.