The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

For more than 90 years, scholars have researched and debated when and how celadon production began in the Korean peninsula. Questions about the origins of Korean celadon production are important for various reasons, primarily for dating and describing the appearance and spread of high-fired ceramics in the peninsula. These issues are also related to other topics, such as charting the eventual decline of Korean celadon. There are two primary theories regarding the origins of celadon in Korea. According to the first theory, celadon production began in the southwest region, including Gangjin, around the 9th century, during the Unified Silla Period (Choe Sunu 1978; Yoshioka Kansuke 1979; Kim Jaeyeol 1988; Jeong Yangmo 1989; Choe Geon 2006). The other theory argues that celadon production began in the early Goryeo Dynasty, around the 10th century, corresponding to the Five Dynasties and Northern Song era in China (Yun Yongi 1986, 2006; Yi Huigwan, 2003). In my previous publications, I argued that celadon emerged in Korea around the second quarter of the 10th century; that the first celadon kilns were located in the midwest part of the Korean peninsula, around Gaeseong; and that the main production sites were moved to the southwest part of the peninsula once celadon production began to proliferate (Lee Jongmin 2000, 2002, and 2003). My arguments were based on new archaeological evidence found in Korea and China since the late 1990s. However, it is important to note that the relocation of the kilns to the southwest coastal area of South Jeolla Province meant leaving the Goryeo capital of Gaeseong, which was the largest market for ceramic products. The question of why the main kilns would have moved so far from the main market has not yet been adequately addressed. Hence, this paper considers this question from a historical perspective by focusing on political and diplomatic events of the late 10th and early 11th century, particularly the process of organizing and establishing the governing system of Goryeo in outlying areas. Early Celadon Kiln Types and Production Sites Kiln Types Celadon was produced in various locations during the early Goryeo Dynasty. The early celadon production sites can be classified into four types, depending mainly on the size of the kilns and the material that they were made from. Celadon was first produced in large brick1 “dragon kilns,” based on those in southern China, which I will denote as Type I kilns (Fig. 1). Type I kilns were typically about 40 meters in length, with an average of seven openings on each side, and an interior that was about two meters wide; they are characterized by their huge size and by the use of bricks as the primary building material. They have been found in Baecheon and Bongcheon in Hwanghae Province; Goyang, Yangju, Siheung, and Yongin in Gyeonggi Province; and Seosan in South Chungcheong Province. Fig. 1. Type I kiln site at Bangsan-dong, Siheung. Bangsan daeyo (芳山大窯). (Icheon: Haegang Ceramics Museum, 2001, p. 230). Type II kilns were also quite large (around 40 meters in length), but they were made with a combination of bricks and earth (Fig. 2). Large brick kilns demanded an advanced degree of technical skill to build and operate, as well as considerable effort to maintain, so it seems that in many cases, kilns that started out as Type I kilns (made with only brick) were eventually modified into Type II kilns (made with both earth and brick). Such kilns have been found in Yonggye-ri, Gochang, North Jeolla Province, and in Jungdeok and Sangban, Seo-ri, Yongin, Gyeonggi Province. In particular, the Seo-ri Kilns in Yongin exemplify the case of a Type I brick kiln that was modified into a Type II brick-and-earth kiln. Fig. 2. Type II kiln site at Yonggye-ri, Gochang. Excavation Report of Districts That Will Be Submerged by Asan Dam in Gochang (고창 아산댐 수몰지구 발굴조사 보고서). (Iksan: Mahan Baekje Center at Wonkwang University, 1985, p. 231). Type III kilns are brick kilns, like Type I kilns, but at around 20 meters in length, they are only about half the size of Type I kilns (Fig. 3). As mentioned, the massive Type I kilns were costly and difficult to maintain, which explains why their size was eventually reduced. Type III kilns have been found in Yeoju, Gyeonggi Province; Gongju, South Chungcheong Province; Jinan, North Jeolla Province; and Daegu and Chilgok, North Gyeongsang Province. The only actual excavation of a type III kiln took place in Jungam-ri, Yeoju, and the excavation confirmed that the Jungam-ri kilns were also changed from an initial brick kiln into a final earth kiln, like the type II kilns. I have categorized them as type III because of their considerably reduced size. Type III kilns are considered to be evidence of “downsizing,” as the celadon technique used in Type I kilns spread to other regions. Fig. 3. Type III kiln site at Jungam-ri, Yeoju. Goryeo White Porcelain Kiln Sites in Jungam-ri, Yeoju (여주 중암리 고려백자요지). (Yeoju: Gyeonggi Provincial Museum, 2004, color plate 1). Type IV kilns are small earth kilns, found mainly in South Jeolla Province (Fig. 4). These kilns were made from a combination of earth, sand, and gravel, so they were completely different from brick kilns in terms of both material and construction method.2 Many Type IV kilns were constructed along the coastal area of South Jeolla Province, including at excavated sites in Yongun-ri and Samheung-ri, Gangjin. According to the excavations, these kilns are about 10 meters long and 1-1.4 meters wide, and they have two or three side openings. Shards from the different sites shared many commonalities in terms of the production methods and the kinds of ceramic wares produced, so the Type IV kilns in different areas are thought to have been similarly constructed and operated. Fig. 4. Type IV kiln site at Yongun-ri, Gangjin. (Gwangju National Museum). According to the most recent excavations and ground surveys, the earth kilns of Type II and Type IV were in operation later than the typical brick kilns found scattered throughout the mid-west of the Korean peninsula. Relocation of the Sites for Celadon Production The four types of kilns show differences in size, material, and construction method. In addition, there are slight differences in the styles of celadon that these various types of kilns produced. Such differences have not been widely noted because the kiln types were contemporaneous, to a certain extent, and because the differences are quite slight and gradual. However, I argue that the four types of kilns reflect the process of moving the sites of the ceramic industry during the early Goryeo Dynasty. My argument is premised on two facts: first, each kiln type had a different geographical distribution, and second, the consumption of celadon spread and increased over time. I will now examine the process by which these celadon production sites were relocated. Type I kilns show typical features of the Chinese ceramic industry. The size, material (i.e., brick), and construction method of the kiln, as well as the method of glazing the ceramics, the equipment for firing, and the types and forms of celadon wares produced were all borrowed from the Yuezhou (越州) kilns of China. At the time, the technology for producing porcelain (including celadon) was quite new to the Korean ceramic industry. Thus, the type I kilns and celadon products reflect the early phase of the transfer of Chinese celadon technology. It has been confirmed that the type I kilns began operating in the second quarter of the 10th century, in areas including Hwanghae, Gyeonggi and South Chungcheong Provinces. Notably, however, it seems that the type I kilns did not even remain in operation for 100 years. The crucial evidence for this assertion came from the excavation of the second kiln in Wonsan-ri, Baecheon, Hwanghae Province. Ritual wares with a Sunhwa (淳化) inscription (Figs. 5a and 5b) were excavated from the top layer of the kiln floor, representing the conditions at the time of the kiln’s closing. They refer to the Chunhua reign period (990–993) of the Song dynasty, thus indicating that the kiln stopped operating in the late 10th century. Along with these shards, excavations yielded numerous tea bowls with the pre-haemuri or fairly narrow footring (Fig. 6). Such bowls predate bowls with the haemuri or moon-halo footring (Fig. 7), which means that they must be from the early phases of celadon production.3 Fig. 5a. Mounted cup inscribed: “Third year of Sunhwa” (淳化三年, 992). Excavated from a kiln site at Wonsan-ri, Baecheon. Joseon Yujeokyumul Dogam 12 (조선유적유물도감 12). (Pyeongyang: Joseon Yujeokyumul Dogam Compilation Committee, 1992, p. 312). Fig. 5b. Detail of the inscription on the underside of the footring. Joseon Yujeokyumul Dogam 12 (조선유적유물도감 12). (Pyeongyang: Joseon Yujeokyumul Dogam Compilation Committee, 1992, p. 312). Fig. 6. Examples of the pre-haemuri footring. Excavated from a kiln site at Wonsan-ri, Baecheon. (Author’s photograph). Fig. 7. Bowl with the haemuri (moon-halo) footring. Masterpieces of Goryeo Celadon (고려청자 명품특별전). (Seoul: National Museum of Korea, 1989, p. 14). The celadon produced in Type I kilns was mainly produced for use in Gaeseong, the capital of Goryeo. But the majority of type I kilns stopped operating in the late 10th or early 11th century, at the same time that type II and III kilns were emerging in other areas around the nation, away from the capital. Type IV kilns are limited to the coastal areas of Gangjin, Haenam, Jangheung, and Goheung in South Jeolla Province, with scores of kilns gathered in each area. Thus, at the same time that the type I kilns were being abandoned, new types of brick kilns began appearing in other regions. These new kilns were either reduced in size, or else made with the new construction method, wherein an initial brick kiln was completed as a earth kiln. To summarize, the large brick kilns that were prevalent during the early phase of celadon production were replaced by either mid-sized brick or earth kilns, which were then replaced by small earth kilns. Celadon production was initially centered in the area of Gyeonggi Province, but it eventually spread nationwide. The later kilns were concentrated in the coastal areas of South Jeolla Province, indicating that the central sites for producing celadon had shifted southward. Notably, all of these geographical changes happened between the late 10th and early 11th century. Social and Political Changes in the Late 10th and Early 11th Century Establishing Rule over Regional Provinces: King Seongjong through King Hyeonjong In the late 10th and early 11th century, the kingdom of Goryeo was ruled by King Seongjong (成宗 r. 981-997), King Mokjong (穆宗, r. 997-1009), and King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1009-1031). In order to understand the process by which the center of Goryeo ceramic production was relocated, it is essential to examine the great political and social changes that swept through the kingdom during this time. First, in order to securely stabilize the monarchy and the centralized system of government, King Seongjong established and re-organized the kingdom’s institutional systems in accordance with a firm Confucian political ideology. Feeling that the kingdom’s political policies were too closely intertwined with Buddhist principles, the king approved a lengthy proposal by Confucian scholar Choe Seungro (崔承老, 927-989), consisting of 28 articles aimed at correcting various problems and corruptions through the creation of new systems. The king also appointed Confucians, including Choe Seungro, to important governmental positions. As part of the new emphasis on Confucianism and the suppression of Buddhism, the jongmyo (宗廟, Royal Ancestral Shrine) and sajik (社稷, guardian deities of the state) were established, in order to bolster the power, influence, and legitimacy of the monarchy through strong Confucian political ideology. Reflecting such political changes, kilns around the capital were ordered to begin producing wares for Confucian rites. This is the political situation that led to the production of ritual wares with the Sunhwa (淳化) inscription that were found in the kilns in Wonsan-ri, Baecheon in Hwanghae Province. Moreover, King Seongjong exerted tremendous efforts to establish a system for governing the outlying regions of his kingdom. In the third year of his reign (983), he officially divided the kingdom into 12 mok (牧, administrative divisions), and for the first time, officials directly appointed by the central government were dispatched to the regions. Then, in the fifteen year (995), in order to further strengthen the central government’s control of the regions, he reformed the gunhyeon (郡縣, commanderies and districts) system, which had been in effect since 940 (the 23rd year of King Taejo). In the process, the system of 12 mok was also reformed, creating a system of 12 jeoldosa (節度使, military commissioners). In the new juhyeon (州縣, region and districts) system, the two separate divisions of gun (郡) and hyeon (縣) were merged into hyeon (縣, districts), under the supervision of a ju (州, region). In effect, this reform represented a demotion for local clans, whose leaders were subsumed into the central aristocracy, thereby strengthening royal authority. However, the system did not last long before it was again revised. The first phase of establishing Goryeo’s new political and social system is considered to have been completed during the reign of King Hyeonjong, who continued King Seongjong’s reformation and centralization of the government by dispersing the power and authority of high ranked officials. In 1012 (the fourth year of Hyeonjong’s reign), he extensively restructured the system for governing regional affairs, creating a hierarchy with four doho (都護, protectorates) and eight mok (牧) at the top, controlling 56 ju (州) and gun (郡), as well as 28 jin (鎭, garrisons). The central government directly appointed and dispatched officials to doho, mok, ju, gun, and jin. By 1018 (the tenth year of Hyeonjong’s reign), even the lowest ranking administrative divisions were being actively controlled by the central government of Goryeo, and the administrative system by which the royal court governed the outlying regions was almost complete. Khitan Invasions and the Construction of Fortresses In the 10th century, there was little diplomatic conflict between the Goryeo and Song Dynasties, and the Khitans, because all three were primarily concerned with internal issues related to the founding of their nations. However, the peace was shattered in 986 when Song waged war against the Khitans, in order to reclaim the Sixteen Prefectures (燕雲十六州, the area around present-day Beijing). Today, most Koreans know about the three major Khitan (Liao) invasions of Goryeo that occurred in the late 10th and early 11th century, but there were actually a total of six such invasions: one during the reign of King Seongjong and five during the reign of King Hyeonjong. The first Khitan attack came in the 12th month of 992 (the 12th year of King Seongjong), and it was motivated by three major claims. The Khitans demanded that Goryeo cut diplomatic relations with Song China, open diplomatic relations with the Khitans, and return to the Khitans the former Goguryeo territory which Goryeo now occupied. The conflict ended without much warfare, as negotiations soon produced a truce wherein Goryeo and the state of Liao established formal diplomatic relations. According to the terms of the truce, the Khitans allowed Goryeo to incorporate the Six Prefectures (江東六州, the area east of the Amnok River [鴨綠江]) into its territory. In return, the Goryeo court agreed to become a vassal under the Liao, including, as an amiable gesture, temporarily adopting the Khitan era name. The Khitans attacked Goryeo for the second time in 1009, during an internal power struggle that had arisen around King Hyeonjong’s accession to the throne. Another Khitan invasion in 1010 was focused on the area surrounding the Goryeo capital, which sustained massive damages and eventually fell, forcing King Hyeonjong to flee far south to Naju. With the exception of these two invasions, the other four Khitan invasions were all related to the Six Prefectures. By the fourth invasion, around 1015 and 1016, King Hyeonjong’s rule had become stabilized, enabling Goryeo to improve the strength of its military forces. For the sixth war, between 1020 and 1021, both Goryeo and the Khitans mobilized huge military forces. Finally, the Khitan army suffered terrible losses, forcing them to withdraw, and they did not attempt any more invasions after that. During the 28-year war with the Khitans, Goryeo was constantly preparing for the next invasion, causing them to reform their military system and to build an extensive network of fortresses. These war preparations must have considerably affected the ceramic industry that was then centered in the midwest of the peninsula. For example, just after the second war in 1011, King Hyeonjong changed the Goryeo military system by creating a standing army, in order to make it easier to mobilize troops. As a result, a significant proportion of the male workforce was incorporated into the military, with a severe impact on many industries, including ceramics. With this measure, it would have been very difficult to operate the kilns at full strength. Because the area around the capital was under constant threat in the early 11th century, war preparations took precedence over daily economic activities. This situation must have been a great obstacle to the brick kilns around the capital. It is thought that a single large (40-meter) brick kiln would have required (at least) dozens of workers, and some areas had multiple kilns operating at the same time, meaning hundreds of people from a given area might have been working for the ceramics industry. Thus, the ceramics industry employed a considerable percentage of the nation’s workforce, especially in the area around the capital. However, it is highly likely that many of those ceramic workers would have been frequently mobilized as part of the war efforts, and I believe that such situation is what led to the disappearance of the large brick kilns (Type I) in the early 11th century. Another aspect of war preparations that would have further hindered ceramic production in the capital area of the midwest was the extensive efforts to build fortresses. For example, Naseong (羅城) fortress was built in the capital in 1029 (the 21st year of King Hyeonjong). The fortress had an enormous circumference of 10,666 bo (步). One bo [step or pace] is 1-1.25 meters, so the total area was approximately 11-13 square kilometers, making it large enough to accommodate many buildings and houses. Approximately 250,000 people participated in this massive construction project. During the reigns of King Mokjong and King Hyeonjong, there were dozens of projects to build new fortresses and repair existing ones. In particular, about 20 military building projects took place in the vicinity of the capital, in Bukgye, Gaeseong, and Seogyeong, all of which were directly related to defense against the Khitans. Given that a total of about 170 fortresses are thought to have been built in the course of the near 500-year history of the Goryeo Dynasty, having to build 20 new fortresses in a few decades, all clustered in the region of the capital, represents a truly massive undertaking. Multiple ongoing construction projects of such magnitude would have occupied a very high percentage of the manpower in the region. From this perspective, the ceramic workers who formerly staffed the large brick kilns around the capital were almost certainly mobilized, either as part of the military or of the labor force building the fortresses. In addition, King Hyeonjong also initated several large-scale construction projects related to Buddhism. Unlike King Seongjong, who suppressed Buddhism in favor of Confucianism, King Hyeonjong was a strong supporter of Buddhism, and he helped to establish many Buddhist temples. He also restored Buddhist rites such as palgwanhoe (八關會), a rite for the peace and prosperity of the royal family and the country, which had been abolished by King Seongjong. Hyeonjong revived this ritual in order to encourage the national fighting spirit during wartime, and after the war, it was elevated into a national rite. The mass construction of fortresses and Buddhist temples not only depleted the region’s manpower, but also the supply of timber. Historical records show that, in the third month of 1013 (the fifth year of King Hyeonjong), it was illegal to cut down pine trees except for official government use. Thus, the government’s demands for huge quantities of timber caused them to restrict and control the private use of timber, which would have been fatal to the ceramics industry, which required great quantities of firewood to operate its large brick kilns. All together, under King Hyeonjong, the reformation of the military system for easier mobilization, the large-scale construction of fortresses and temples, and the prohibition against the private use of pine trees would have made it virtually impossible to produce ceramics in the capital region with any consistency or stability. As a result, with few exceptions, the Type I brick kilns in the area around Gaeseong stopped operating in the early 11th century, and the kilns in the southwest regions began to emerge as an alternative. Rise of Naju as Center for Celadon Production Naju-mok and Ceramic Production Naju did not have a significant status in history until the Goryeo Dynasty. During the Three Kingdoms Period, the area around Naju was the last region to join the Baekje Kingdom, indicating that the local clans there were more powerful than in other regions. The Naju area has a history of accumulating wealth, thanks to its fertile soils and its advantageous geographical location, which provides easy access to international trade. Wang Geon (王建, 877-943), who founded the Goryeo Dynasty as King Taejo (太祖, r. 918-943), was stationed in the Naju region for long time, so the area was one of his strongest political sponsors. When King Seongjong reformed the system for governing the outlying areas, Naju was officially declared one of the 12 mok, thereby elevating the status of the region. According to the Geographical Monograph of Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo), Naju-mok had control over 58 gun and hyeon, and its territory covered the majority of present-day South Jeolla Province, as well as Gochang in North Jeolla Province. Hence, Naju-mok enjoyed very high status during the Goryeo Dynasty. Two of the local powers with which Wang Geon joined forces were the O family from Naju and the Choe family from Yeongam. In fact, Wang Geon’s second wife, Queen Janghwa (莊和王后, c. 894-c. 934), was from the O family from Naju, and she became the mother of King Hyejong (惠宗, r. 943-945), the second king of the Goryeo Dynasty. As such, the Naju region played an important role from the early period of Goryeo, and shared a very close relationship with the royal family. Adjacent to Naju, Yeongam was also a key location along an important transportation route. Greatly trusted by King Taejo since 924 (seventh year of King Taejo), Choe Jimong (崔知夢, 907-987) of the Choe family from Yeongam played an important role in King Taejo’s policy decisions. As such, the local clans from Naju and its neighboring area were major players during the establishment and early administration of the Goryeo Dynasty, and their status was consistently elevated and reinforced throughout the period. As evidence of Naju’s elevated status with the Goryeo court, King Hyeonjong chose to take refuge there in 1010 when he fled the capital during the third Khitan invasion. It is believed that Naju was not the first choice to shelter the king, but he eventually went there because he felt it was the safest place during a national emergency. Furthermore, in 1031 (23rd year of King Hyeonjong), Wang Rim (王琳, dates unknown) of the royal family was appointed as both the chief minister of Goryeo and governor of Naju-mok. This royal appointment clearly demonstrates that Naju-mok carried greater significance with the early Goryeo court than the other mok. Naju-mok deserves special consideration in this paper because it became the location for many major sites of celadon production, including Gangjin, Haenam, Jangheung, and Goheung. Excavations have confirmed that the kilns in the Naju region are small earth kilns (Type IV). It is estimated that the first kiln sites in the Naju area to produce ceramics were those in Punggil-ri, Jangheung; Undae-ri, Goheung; and the kiln 63 in Yongun-ri, Gangjin. This estimation is based on the presence of bowls with the pre-haemuri footring among artifacts from those kilns. As mentioned earlier, bowls with the haemuri or moon-halo footring are the benchmark products of the 11th century, so bowls with a pre-haemuri footring are considered to have been produced in the 10th century. Only a small quantity of shards from bowls of this type were discovered in these kiln sites, but that is enough to imply that these kilns started producing around the late 10th century, the same time that the large brick kilns were dying out. The production of bowls with the pre-haemuri footring was especially rare in kilns in the southwest of South Jeolla Province, indicating that the kilns where the shards were found were part of the formative years of the celadon industry in that area. However, it seems that all three of these kiln sites were established prior to the extensive reformation of the system for governing the regional provinces. In contrast, it is known that a great number of kilns operated in the area after the reformation of the regional governance. In-depth studies of the surfaces at multiple sites have verified the presence of some 54 kilns in Gangjin and 56 more in Haenam, but there were surely many more kilns in the area that shared similar characteristics with the official kilns. Excavations in the southwest area have uncovered abundant quantities of celadon wares with the haemuri footring, indicating that celadon production began to flourish in that area in the 11th century. We can estimate that this increase in ceramic production was the direct result of the official policy to establish and promote many new kilns in the southwest area in the 11th century. Such evidence also implies that there was some system in place to control ceramic production in the Naju area. The Khitan invasions, the restructuring of the system for regional governance, and the operational hardships of the brick kilns coincided with one another, and the significant increase of the number of kilns in the southwest area of South Jeolla Province was a direct result of these circumstances. Thus, I believe that this background explains the appearance of kilns in the southwest area in the late 10th and early 11th century, and that these kilns were officially developed in order to address the obstacles facing ceramic production in the capital area. It is not clear how long Naju and its neighboring regions continued to enjoy its special status and close relationship with the royal family that had begun during the early years of the Goryeo Dynasty, but it is believed that the Naju area still maintained its close emotional and political ties with the Goryeo court after the central government’s reformation of the system of regional governance was finalized in 1018 (the tenth year of King Hyeonjong). I will now discuss the status of Naju-mok in terms of ceramic production. From the first years of the Goryeo Dynasty, celadon production was essential as one of the higher value-added businesses. Thus, from the beginning, it was planned and controlled by the Goryeo court. Considering the amount of production, the kiln operation, the mobilization of manpower, as well as the immense profit from the production, it is doubtful that any local clan had the capacity to handle such a huge undertaking. For example, excavations of a type I kiln in Bangsan-dong, Siheung showed that these large brick kilns could hold as many as 6,670 bowls or dishes per firing. Efficient operation of such a massive kiln would have required meticulous planning and execution of every aspect of the production, from the selection of materials, shaping, firing, packaging, to the distribution of the final products. In other words, it would have been impossible to operate a type I kiln without some form of systematic structure, and such structure could only have come from the Goryeo court. Furthermore, it is known that Chinese ceramicists played an important role in early celadon production, and only the royal court would have had the authority and the ability to integrate them into the system of ceramic production. Thus, when ceramic production became impractical, or perhaps even impossible, in the mid-west of the Korean peninsula, the main celadon production sites were relocated to the southwest. It is my contention that this shift was not caused by market factors, but rather was the result of measures directly passed by the Goryeo court. The main kilns for producing celadon moved to Naju-mok and its jurisdiction, an area known as a strong ally of the central government. Based on this close and favorable relationship, Naju-mok assumed the major responsibility of successfully operating the ceramic industry and producing celadon for the court. Establishment of Maritime Routes for Transporting Ceramics During the Goryeo Dynasty, taxes were collected from the regions via the gunhyeon system, whereby crops and other local specialties were sent to the capital by ship. In 992 (12th year of King Seongjong), the maritime transportation system was institutionalized, which was devised as a secure delivery system for the taxes. By the early years of King Seongjong’s reign, it was known that the local clans routinely exploited and manipulated any transportation activities at local ports. As such, the central government considered it inefficient to try to manage and supervise some 60 local ports, so they adopted the system of 12 jochang (漕倉, warehouses for collected tax goods). The 12 jochang were Deokheungchang, Heungwonchang, Hayangchang, Yeongpungchang, Anheungchang, Jinseongchang, Haeneungchang, Buyongchang, Jangheungchang, Haeryongchang, Tongyangchang, and Seokduchang (Fig. 8). According to a record from Goryeosa, a thirteenth, Allanchang was added during the reign of King Munjong (文宗 r. 1046-1083). Fig. 8. Locations of and routes between the 13 jochang. Korean Earth Born Into Ceramics (한반도의 흙, 도자기로 태어나다) by Bang Byeongseon (방병선) et al. (Gwacheon: National Institute of Korean History, 2010, p. 237). First, the collected tax goods from each region were sent to the nearest jochang warehouse, located near the coast or on a river. The goods were stored there until the second month of the following year, when they were shipped to the capital. Although the tax goods were sent from all of the jochang at around the same time, they arrived in the capital separately, because of the difference in shipping distances. The goods from jochang that were relatively close to the capital typically arrived by the fourth month, while those from the more distant jochang arrived by the fifth month. Operating as part of the reformation of the gunhyeon (郡縣) system, the jochang system was well organized and highly integrated. The firm establishment and stable operation of the gunhyeon and jochang systems and of the maritime transport network allowed the tax goods to be securely and efficiently delivered to the capital, thereby completing the essential frame of administrative authority of the central government and national economy. The flat-bottomed ships used to transport the tax goods were called chomaseon (硝馬船), and they had a capacity of 1,000 seok (a measurement of volume, equal to approximately 180 liters). Tax goods included not only rice and other grains, but also local specialities, such as mineral resources, fabrics, and handicrafts. Ceramic products must have been one of the more important tax goods, because ceramics have frequently been found among relics excavated from sunken ships off Korea’s western coast. On leaving the jochang, the laden ships sailed along the West Sea (Yellow Sea), where they sometimes fell victim to storms or rapid currents. In these shipwreck sites, the grains and other organic products have of course been destroyed or washed away, but inorganic substances like ceramics have often remained largely intact. Ceramics have been found in many shipwreck sites along the west coast between Taean and Wando Island, and I believe that more shipwrecks will be found by further research and underwater excavation. Excavations of such ceramic relics demonstrate the importance of ceramics as tax items during the Goryeo Dynasty. It is important to examine how the relocation of the main sites for ceramic production was related to the maritime transport system that was completed during the reign of King Seongjong. A huge quantity of ceramics were being produced, and this precious, fragile cargo was more safely and easily transportable by sea, rather than overland. The biggest demand for ceramics came from the capital of Gaeseong, and they were delivered there through Byeongnando (碧瀾渡) Port, at the mouth of the Yeseong River, the same port which received the immense shipments of tax goods. Given this transportation route, it makes sense that the kilns were distributed along the southwest coast. Around the 11th century, the coastal area in the southwest of South Jeolla Province became the main site for celadon production, and the celadon wares were delivered to the capital via the maritime transport system that had been completed in 992 (the 12th year of King Seongjong). This water route remained in use at least until the late Goryeo Dynasty The maritime transport system was crucial for efficient tax collection, which was in turn essential for the central government’s active efforts to control the outlying regions. Evidence suggests that it became virtually impossible to produce ceramics in the area of the capital following the Khitan invasions between the late 10th and early 11th century. The existence of the maritime transport system must have been a pivotal factor in the decision to shift ceramic production to the southwest area. In actuality, the southern relocation would probably not have been possible without the maritime transport system, which enabled the ceramic goods to be produced at a distance and then shipped safely and easily to the capital. Conclusion There has been a lot of discussion and debate about the relocation and geographical expansion of celadon production sites during the Goryeo Dynasty. In response to this discussion, I have argued that earliest celadons in the Korean peninsula emerged from large brick kilns around the mid-west region, near the capital of Gaeseong, around the second quarter of the 10th century. Celadon production eventually spread to other sites throughout the country, reaching the southwest of the peninsula in the early 11th century. This paper supports my argument by examining historical documents and analyzing the contemporaneous political and social circumstances that led to such shifts. The kilns that produced early celadon between the late 10th century and early 11th century can be categorized into four groups, depending on their size and structure. Celadon was initally produced in large brick-built kilns around the capital, which reflected the direct transference of production techniques from the Yuezhou (越州) kilns in China. Based on excavated relics, these kilns started operating around the second quarter of the 10th century, and ceased operating between the late 10th and early 11th century. Around the time that these large brick-built kilns disappeared, the ceramic industry spread to areas throughout the Korean Peninsula. New types of kilns emerged that were either smaller in size (mid-sized brick kilns) or made from earth rather than brick. However, with a few exceptions, these kilns did not operate for long. Beginning in the late 10th century, a fourth type of kiln—small earth-built kilns—appeared, which were concentrated in the coastal areas of South Jeolla Province. These kilns produced great quantities of celadon, eventually becoming Goryeo’s main sites for producing celadon in the 11th century. These significant changes in the ceramic industry, particularly the relocation of the main production sites to the southwest, coincided with the Khitan invasions of Goryeo in the late 10th and early 11th century. Since the beginning of the Goryeo Dynasty, the central government had been taking measures to strengthen its control of outlying regions, and these efforts were strongly reinforced and organized during the rule of King Seongjong (r. 981-997) through King Hyeonjong (r. 1009-1031). Primary factors contributing to the relocation of the main kilns included the loss of manpower due to the creation of a standing army and the widespread construction of military fortresses and Buddhist temples, as well as the prohibition against the private use of pine trees. Given these developments, I argue that the government opted to shift the production of ceramics to a more stable location, namely the area of South Jeolla Province. The royal family shared a very close relationship with local clans in the Naju area from the foundation of Goryeo until at least the reign of King Hyeonjong. Naju took on a more prominent national role and acquired an elevated status as a result of the reform of the system for governing the regional provinces. Through this system, officials were appointed by the government and dispatched to each region, and an efficient maritime transport system was established for collecting tax goods. These two changes provided the administrative support needed to ensure the stable, ongoing production of celadon. Hence, from the early 11th century, celadon was produced in the southwest of the peninsula and safely transported by sea to the main market around the capital of Gaeseong. If it had not been for the Khitan invasions, there would have been no real reason to make the great effort of shifting the main sites for celadon production so far from the capital. Such historical circumstances explain the process by which the southwest area, including Gangjin, became known as the main site of Goryeo celadon production.

The study of Goryeo celadon advanced significantly following Nomori Ken’s (野守健) discovery of the Yucheon-ri kiln site in Buan-gun in 1929. Kilns that had produced Goryeo celadon were confirmed in Guwan-dong, Daejeon, and many other parts of the country; Goryeo celadon artifacts were recovered from the wreckage of a ship that had sunk off the west coast; and diverse Goryeo celadon vessels and shards were excavated from places of end-use, such as royal palaces, temples, and tombs. Researchers have hence expanded their interests beyond the Gangjin official kilns, and as a result, the Buan area, a major center of Goryeo ceramics production, has been recognized as a crucial research site. This article aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the ceramics produced at Yucheon-ri and of the operation of the kilns, particularly in the context of their relation to Gangjin ceramics. Moreover, a number of other celadon kilns that, like Yucheon-ri, did not produce vessels with a ‘moon-halo’ footring (haemurigup), a representative feature of the early Goryeo Dynasty, will also be investigated, notwithstanding their different periods and systems of operation. The vessels produced at these mid-Goryeo kilns are compared against those of Yucheon-ri in terms of vessel type, form, decorative motifs, and relative chronology, in order to clarify when the kilns operated and why they closed. Vessel Forms from Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Based on a surface survey and examination of vessels excavated from the upper stratum at Yucheon-ri, the celadons found there can be clearly divided into two groups, according to differences in quality. It is evident that several Yucheon-ri kilns (e.g., number 12 and 13) were devoted to the production of high-quality wares. In this article, I will use the terms “ordinary celadon” and “high-quality celadon” to classify the vessels by an analysis of decorative motifs, type of foot, and firing methods. The ordinary celadon from these kilns is analyzed and compared to vessels produced at other regional kilns, while the high-quality celadon is compared to the finds excavated at Yongun-ri kiln 10 in Gangjin. According to the results of the excavation of Yongun-ri kiln 10 in Gangjin, the stratigraphy can be divided into layer I (earlier) and layer II (later). No vessels with a moon-halo footring were found in layer II. The celadons that were found in this kiln were further subdivided into three groups according to the type of firing supports used: Group A refers to vessels fired on beige-colored refractory clay supports; Group B to vessels fired on supports made of refractory clay mixed with sand; and Group C to vessels fired on silica spurs. Since no Group A vessels were produced at the Yucheon-ri kilns, the excavation of Yongun-ri kiln 10 provides important clues for understanding the situation at Yucheon-ri. A. Ordinary Celadon A significant amount of ordinary celadon was produced at all 33 confirmed kilns at Yucheon-ri. Analysis shows that the Yucheon-ri vessels are quite similar to vessels excavated from other kilns (e.g., the nearby Jinseo-ri kilns, and kilns in Sinyeong-ri in Gongju, Guwan-dong in Daejeon, Saeng-ri in Eumseong, and Bojeong-ri in Yongin) in terms of vessel type, form, decorative motifs, type of foot, and method of firing, making it rather difficult to distinguish them from each other (Table I). Notably, celadon vessels with a moon-halo footring and dishes with a flanged rim, features which are considered representative markers for the nascent stage of celadon production, were not made at these kilns. Analysis also showed that the Yucheon-ri ordinary celadon is similar in date to Group B celadon (fired on supports of refractory clay mixed with sand) from layer II at Yongun-ri. Table 1. Major Vessel Types at Each Kiln Site B. High-quality Celadon High-quality celadon was produced at kiln 12 and a number of other kilns at Yucheon-ri. In this case also, the Yucheon-ri wares are similar in vessel type and form with ordinary celadon wares and celadon produced at other mid-Goryeo kilns, but the quality of the clay paste and glaze is much finer than those of ordinary celadon. The most commonly produced vessel types (i.e., rice bowls [bal] (Table II), small bowls [wan] (Table III), and shallow dishes [jeopsi] (Table IV)) from Yucheon-ri were compared to those found in layer II of kiln 10 at Yongun-ri, to examine the general characteristics of high-quality celadon from Yucheon-ri and their comparative time of production. Comparison shows that the majority of Yucheon-ri celadon corresponds to Groups B and C at Yongun-ri (kiln 10, layer II). In terms of type of foot and firing method, ordinary celadon rice bowls (Fig. 1) exhibit a slanted foot and evidence of firing on refractory clay or supports of refractory clay mixed with sand. In contrast, high-quality celadon rice bowls (Fig. 2), have a straight foot and smoothly rounded foot rim, with the underside of the foot shallowly recessed, and in most cases were fired on silica spurs, like the Group C vessels from Yongun-ri (kiln 10, layer II). These characteristics are commonly found on small bowls and shallow dishes, as well as cups (jan). These changes indicate a shift in production method to achieve greater efficiency and to make clean, refined celadon wares. Table II. Comparison of bal from Yongun-ri in Gangjin and Yucheon-ri in Buan Table III. Comparison of wan from Yongun-ri in Gangjin and Yucheon-ri in Buan Table IV. Comparison of jeopsi from Yongun-ri in Gangjin and Yucheon-ri in Buan Fig. 1. Bowl excavated from Yucheon-ri kiln 10. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 2. Bowl excavated from Yucheon-ri kiln 12. (National Museum of Korea). C. Celadon Inscribed with the Character Seong (成) In the area around Sadang-ri kiln 7 in Gangjin, along with high-quality celadon vessels inscribed with the word eogeon (御件, vessels for court use), a set of celadon vessels inscribed with the character seong (成) was discovered (Figs. 3-6). The reason for and meaning of this inscription are still not known, but as the inscribed vessels were all produced at the same kiln, they were presumably produced around the same time. Interestingly, the collection of vessel types in this set is very different from that of early Goryeo celadon vessels found alongside vessels with a moon-halo footring. Fig. 3. Celadon bowl with seong (成) inscription and raised lotus petal design, excavated from Sadang-ri kiln 7 in Gangjin. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 4. Celadon cup with seong (成) inscription and carved lotus petal design, excavated from Sadang-ri kiln 7 in Gangjin. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 5. Celadon bowl with seong (成) inscription and incised parrot design, excavated from Sadang-ri kiln 7 in Gangjin. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 6. Foliated celadon dish with seong (成) inscription and molded palmette design, excavated from Sadang-ri kiln 7 in Gangjin. (National Museum of Korea). As for the relative chronology of the celadon production sites, the upper limit date is probably related to the opening of regional kilns, including the Yucheon-ri kilns. Looking at the celadon end-use sites, most of the vessels in this group have been excavated from the sites of Hyeeumwon (惠蔭院, a Goryeo inn) and the royal tombs of Jireung and Seongneung; the vessels excavated from these sites date from no later than the first half of the 13th century. In addition, vessels excavated from the Seonwonsa Temple site date from no earlier than 1240. These findings show that production continued at least until the first half of the 13th century. Celadon vessels inscribed with the character seong (成) are known to have been produced in around 100 different kilns scattered across a wide area, including Yongun-ri, Gyeyul-ri, and Sadang-ri in Gangjin; some 70 other confirmed kilns in Yucheon-ri, Jinseo-ri, and other places in Buan-gun; as well as a number of small-scale regional kilns. In terms of the chronological range of the seong-inscribed celadon group, the many kilns in the Gangjin and Buan areas (excluding the small regional kilns) would likely have been operating around the same time, or perhaps one or two generations apart at the most. It is known that Yongun-ri kiln 10 was operated by 46 potters, but given that the entire population of Goryeo in the 12th and 13th centuries (when the seong-inscribed celadon vessels were produced) was estimated to be around 2.1 million, the kiln in Daeguso, a pottery village in Gangjin, probably had fewer potters (Koo Illhoe 2008, 43-65). Ultimately, the numerous kilns in Gangjin and Buan that produced seong-inscribed celadon almost certainly did not all operate at the same time. Evidence suggests that a small group of potters moved around from one kiln to another, and this is believed to account for the relatively wide chronology of almost 150 years. Comparative Analysis of Yucheon-ri Wares and Chronological Material A. Excavated Artifacts 1. Celadon Tiles: As evidenced by examples found at Manwoldae, the Goryeo royal palace site in Gaeseong, celadon tiles were not for the use of the common people. In line with the record about Yangijeong (養怡亭, Pavilion for Nourishing Enjoyment, next to the royal palace) found in Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo), it is accepted that production of celadon tiles was particularly active around 1157 (the 11th year of the reign of King Uijong). Yucheon-ri has also yielded an array of architectural materials made from high-quality celadon, including roof tiles, thin flat tiles, and bricks. The celadon roof tile seen in Fig. 7 is barely distinguishable from celadon tiles excavated from kiln sites such as Sadang-ri in Gangjin, with matching size, glaze, and peony scroll design.1 Fig. 7. Celadon tile shards, excavated from Yucheon-ri kiln 12 in Buan. (National Museum of Korea). 2. CELADONS WITH REVERSE-INLAY DECORATION: One of the distinguishing features of Goryeo celadon is the inlay technique, which reached its pinnacle in the 12th century. One example of a ceramic vessel from the heyday of the inlay technique is the celadon bowl with inlaid bosanghwa scroll design in reverseinlay (with the background, rather than the design, carved away and filled with white) (Fig. 8) said to have been found in the tomb of Mun Gongyu (文公裕), who died in 1159 (the 13th year of the reign of King Uijong). Fig. 8. Celadon bowl with inlaid bosanghwa scroll design, presumed to have been excavated from the tomb of Mun Gongyu. (National Museum of Korea). Bowls with inlaid bosanghwa scroll design were also made in both the Yucheon-ri kilns (Fig. 9) and Gangjin kilns, and they have drawn attention for their remarkable similarities. Indeed, the form and the interior decoration are almost identical, although the central lotus petal design inside the bowl is slightly different. Still, the principal reverse-inlay bosanghwa (literally “precious visage flower”) scroll design indicates a close connection between the kilns of Buan and Gangjin. Fig. 9. Celadon bowl with inlaid bosanghwa scroll design, excavated from Yucheon-ri kiln 12. (National Museum of Korea). 3. CELADONS FROM JIREUNG: Vessels excavated from Jireung, the tomb of King Myeongjong, have provided crucial chronological data for dating Goryeo celadon (Fig. 10). The royal tomb was constructed in 1202 (the 5th year of the reign of King Sinjong), and the funerary items found inside were of the highest quality produced at the time. As the period in question was not marked by any particular political and social changes, the vessels are dated to the early 13th century, when the tomb was constructed. Comparison between the vessels excavated from Jireung and those from the Buan and Gangjin kilns reveals that they are so similar that they are difficult to distinguish from one another (Figs. 11 and 12). Fig. 10. Set of celadon vessels from Jireung. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 11. Flat-bottomed celadon dish with molded palmette design, excavated from Jireung. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 12. Flat-bottomed celadon dish with molded palmette design, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). 4. CELADONS FROM SEONGNEUNG AND GOLLEUNG: A diverse array of celadon vessels were found inside two contemporaneous Goryeo tombs: Seongneung, the tomb of King Huijong, which was constructed in 1237 (the 24th year of the reign of King Gojong) (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 2003, 226-243), and Golleung, the tomb of Queen Wondeok, consort of King Gangjong, which was constructed in 1239. Vessels recovered from Seongneung include a circular celadon dish with slip-painted design (Fig.13); those from Golleung include a tripod celadon censer with incised cloud design, the lid of a celadon maebyeong with incised lotus design, and a celadon foliated dish (Fig. 15). Fig. 13. Shards excavated from Seongneung, the tomb of King Huijong: slip-painted dish, center row, second from left. (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage). These two tombs also yielded a celadon bowl with raised lotus design and a celadon dish with pressed palmette design that closely resemble vessels made in Yucheon-ri. In addition, there are remarkable similarities between the circular celadon dish with painted design found in Seongneung (seen in Fig.13) and a circular celadon dish with clay painted design from Yucheon-ri (Fig. 14), as well as between the tripod celadon censer with incised cloud design from Golleung and a tripod white porcelain censer with incised cloud design from Yucheon-ri (Fig. 16). Fig. 14. Circular celadon dish with slip-painted design, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 15. Set of vessels excavated from Golleung. (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage). Fig. 16. Fragment of tripod celadon censer with incised cloud design, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). 5. CELADON INSCRIBED WITH THE CHARACTERS JEONGNEUNG (正陵): It is known that from 1365 until 1374 the tomb of Queen Jangmok, consort of King Gongmin, was called Jeongneung, so celadon vessels inscribed with Jeongneung, such as the celadon bowl with inlaid lotus scroll design and Jeongneung inscription (Fig. 17), are important benchmarks for late Goryeo chronology. Hitherto, celadon wares with this inscription are believed to have been made only in the Gangjin region. Ten such vessels have survived, including those excavated from the site of Seonwonsa Temple in Ganghwado Island. Fig. 17. Celadon bowl with inlaid lotus scroll design and Jeongneung inscription. (National Museum of Korea). Notably, however, the shards of a celadon bowl with a very similar inlaid lotus scroll design (Fig. 18) were excavated in 1966 from Yucheon-ri by the National Museum of Korea. Although the shards indicate that the bowl had a wide, gently curved interior, unlike the steeper interior of the Jeongneung-inscribed bowl, the design on the inside is very similar, albeit more roughly executed. These shards indicate that the kilns at Yucheon-ri and Gangjin must have been closely connected at the time the Jeongneung-inscribed wares were produced in Gangjin. Fig. 18. Celadon bowl with inlaid lotus scroll design, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). B. Celadons Inscribed with Cyclical Characters It was once believed that celadon wares inscribed with cyclical characters (ganji) indicating the year were only produced in Gangjin. But the 1966 excavations at kiln 12 at Yucheon-ri uncovered a shard of a celadon bowl inscribed with the cyclical characters im’o (壬午, probably corresponding to 1342 rather than 1282 or 1402), inlaid in white at the bottom of the interior (Fig. 19). Discovered along with this shard were shards from a number of other celadon vessels, including a celadon flanged dish with molded twin-fish design (Fig. 20); celadon flanged dish with pressed lobe design (Fig. 21); and celadon stem-cup (Fig. 22), all of which are representative 14th-century materials that serve as markers for relative chronology. These shards from Yucheon-ri also resembled celadon vessels made in Gangjin in terms of type, form, and decorative motifs. Fig. 19. Shards of a celadon bowl inscribed with the cyclical year name im’o (壬午) in white inlay, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 20. Celadon flanged dish with molded twin-fish design, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 21. Celadon flanged dish with molded lobed design, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 22. Celadon stem-cup, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). Prior to the production of celadon inscribed with ganji, rice bowls and small bowls made in Yucheon-ri were often decorated with reverse inlay scroll designs, featuring a large inlaid surface. But once the ganji inscriptions began to appear on celadon, linear inlaid scroll designs became more common, along with three exterior bands decorated with an inlaid lotus leaf pattern. These stylistic changes came about in Yucheon-ri wares around the time when the ganji-inscribed celadon began to be produced in Gangjin, as evidenced by the shard inscribed with im’o (壬午) and the celadon bowl with inlaid cranes-and-clouds design (Fig. 23). Fig. 23. Celadon bowl with inlaid cranes-and-clouds design, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). Chronology and Nature of Yucheon-ri Kilns A. Period of Operation 1. OPENING OF THE YUCHEON-RI KILNS: Comparative analysis of Yucheon-ri ceramics excavated from both kiln sites and historical sites reveal that representative vessel types of the early Goryeo period (e.g., bowls with a moon-halo footring, dishes with flanged rims, foliated dishes) were not produced at Yucheon-ri. In addition, the relative chronology of new celadon vessel types produced when the Yucheon-ri kilns opened matches that of vessels belonging to Groups B and C from Yongun-ri (kiln 10, layer II) in Gangjin. Also, common decorative motifs and techniques include incised parrot designs and twin-butterfly designs, as found in Yuezhou wares, and molded bosanghwa scroll designs like those found in Yaozhou wares from China. In addition to the extensive use of molded designs, the inlay technique was also used, resulting in greater diversity than in the early Goryeo period. It has also been confirmed that the aforementioned vessel types and forms match those made at Jinseo-ri and other regional kilns, as well as those bearing the seong (成) inscription found at the Sadang-ri kilns in Gangjin. The above results serve as the basis for determining when the Yucheon-ri kilns began to operate, as is discussed below: a) Changes in Celadon: In 1071 (the 25th year of the reign of King Munjong), diplomatic relations resumed between Goryeo and Song China, leading to an increased influx of Chinese ceramic wares. As a result, the vessel types, forms, and decorative motifs of Goryeo celadon underwent some changes under the influence of wares from the Northern Song Dynasty. For example, the melon-shaped bottle and square celadon base found in Jangneung (the tomb of King Injong), and the censer in the shape of a lotus leaf found in Gangjin, all resemble similar wares excavated from the Luzhou kilns in China. This corroborates the records of Xu Jing, a Song Dynasty envoy to Goryeo, who wrote that Goryeo celadon of the first half of the 12th century bore great similarity to the new wares from Luzhou.2 Notably, both the Liao and Jin dynasties recruited potters from the Yaozhou, Ding, and Cizhou kilns of Northern Song. Hence, Northern Song influence was naturally evident in Liao and Jin ceramic wares, which in turn influenced Goryeo wares as well. b) Increased Demand for Ceramics: Through active exchange with the Northern Song, Goryeo assimilated some elements of its culture, including the use of ceramic wares in everyday life. Consequently, the use of ceramic vessels in everyday life grew rapidly in Goryeo, as affirmed by the discovery of everyday celadon wares, rather than top quality vessels, in sunken cargo ships, and the increased excavation of celadon from the tombs of ordinary people. This growing demand for ceramics in Goryeo could not be completely met with imported Chinese wares and the celadons made in Gangjin. Hence, it is believed that the Yucheon-ri kilns in Buan and other regional kilns began production in order to meet the increased demand. Also, in the early 12th century, the system wherein crafts were produced exclusively by government-designated workshops broke down, thereby enabling private kilns to operate, which also affected the spread of celadon kilns across the country. c) Establishment of the Yucheon-ri Kilns: As already mentioned, the dissemination of ceramic production technology from Gangjin would have been based on the spread of actual models and forms, resulting in the similarity of celadon wares produced by kilns in other regions, including the ordinary celadon made in Yucheon-ri. Presumably, the production techniques were spread by potters who left the official kilns upon their closure, as can be inferred from a record dating to 1108 (the third year of the reign of King Yejong):3 “Special demand [above and beyond the normal designated supply] for tribute goods from various state workshops producing bronze, iron, ceramics, paper, and ink has become quite excessive, and the craftsmen, unable to endure this hardship, are fleeing. The head of each state workshop, taking the situation into consideration, has to judge whether the special demand for tribute goods is high or low and report accordingly to the king.” Hence, the itinerant potters who are presumed to have left the Gangjin kilns were very probably the means for the spread of Gangjin’s production techniques. Moreover, it seems likely that some of these potters established the Yucheon-ri kilns around the beginning of the 12th century. 2. PERIOD OF OPERATION OF THE GANGJIN AND BUAN KILNS: As discussed in Section II, celadon vessels inscribed with the character seong (成) were produced as both ordinary and high-quality celadon in Gangjin and Buan, but only as ordinary celadon at other regional kilns. However, only the kilns at Gangjin and Buan produced celadon inscribed with cyclical year names, celadon inscribed with the name Jeongneung, and the new celadon vessel types, forms, and decorative motifs that appeared after the Mongol invasions. In other words, none of the smaller regional kilns produced the new vessel types that appeared under the influence of the Yuan Dynasty, indicating that they had been closed down and were thus unable to make the later celadon types. The closure of the kilns can probably be attributed to the Mongol invasions, although it is likely that only some of the kilns sustained direct damage from the invasions. The rest were probably closed as the result of Goryeo’s basic wartime defense policy, wherein the people were evacuated to islands and mountain fortresses. In light of this mass exodus, few of the small regional kilns of the mid-Goryeo period would have been able to remain in operation (Yun Yonghyeok 1991, 183-190). The Gangjin and Buan kilns, on the other hand, continued to operate during the Mongol invasions. In fact, while much of the country was devastated by the Mongols, the Buan area did not suffer great damage from the invasions. However, records do show that, during this time, Buan was twice attacked by Japanese pirates, first in the seventh month of 1358 (the 7th year of the reign of King Gongmin) and again in the ninth month of 1376 (the 2nd year of the reign of King Wu). Given that the pirates burned boats and pillaged the area, Buan must have sustained some considerable damage from these attacks. Anheungchang, one of 12 jochang (漕倉, warehouses for collected tax goods) of Goryeo, was located in Buan, which would have made it an important target for the Japanese. What’s more, the Yucheon-ri kilns were located right along the coast, so it is believed that they must been damaged as well.4 Hence, the flight of potters as the result of the Japanese rampages seems to be one of the viable reasons behind the closure of the Yucheon-ri kilns around the late 14th century. 3. CLOSURE OF THE YUCHEON-RI KILNS: In the past, it was generally thought that the kilns at Yucheon-ri must have closed before the production of ganji-inscribed celadon began, since no such inscribed celadon had been discovered there. However, as discussed in Section III, that idea had to be re-evaluated following the discovery of a celadon shard inscribed with the cyclical characters im’o (壬午, Fig. 19) at the Yucheon-ri kilns in 1966. In addition, further excavations uncovered celadon inscribed with the name Jeongneung and a range of vessels that can be dated to the 14th century according to their type, form, and decorative motifs. As such, it is estimated that the Yucheon-ri kilns operated until the late 14th century. B. Nature of the Yucheon-ri Kilns 1. OPERATORS: The Yucheon-ri kilns are not mentioned at all in Goryeosa (History of Goryeo) or any other official records, and there is no evidence that they were supervised and operated by the state. Clearly, they were not official government-operated kilns. While the Yucheon-ri kilns were large-scale kilns that operated for a long time and produced wares comparable to those from the official kilns at Gangjin, the lack of any mention in Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam (新增東國輿地勝覽, New Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea), the Geography Section of Sejong sillok (世宗實錄, Annals of the Joseon Dynasty: King Sejong), or other related records indicates that they were definitely not classified as a so (所, an official factory or workshop responsible for the manufacture of crafts for the state). Then how were the Yucheon-ri kilns operated? The Gangjin kilns constituted an official state-designated so for ceramics production, and they were operated by local officials who managed both the potters affiliated with the kilns and the goods produced there. However, there are currently no existing records to shed light on the nature of the kilns in Buan or any other mid-Goryeo kilns. Here it is necessary to explain the system of the so, the official craft workshops of the mid-Goryeo period. So, hyang, and bugok were special administrative units of the Goryeo Dynasty, which were established for the manufacture of a particular type of product to be supplied to the state. As mentioned, so were craft workshops specifically dedicated to the production of bronze, silver, gold, iron, ceramics, paper, ink, threads, and textiles. Although no exact date has been confirmed, it is believed that the official kilns (i.e., so for ceramic production) were formed sometime between the reorganization of Goryeo’s regional administrative system around 940 (the 23rd year of the reign of King Taejo) and 987 (the 6th year of the reign of King Seongjong) at the latest, when the system of regional administrative units based on gun and hyeon was virtually finalized. Certainly by 1108 (the 3rd year of the reign of King Yejong), problems with the so had already been officially revealed, accordingly it has been suggested that the system of so workshops had been fully implemented during the reign of King Hyeonjong (1009-1031). Of the regions that produced celadons in the mid-Goryeo period, Gangjin is the only one that had the natural conditions, let alone the man-made institutions, to produce celadons in the latter half of the 10th century, during the time when the Goryeo regional administration system was being amended. Naturally, the other regions would have been organized into ordinary administrative units, rather than special ones. Kilns did not operate in these regions until around the beginning of the 12th century, when new ceramic production technology was introduced. It is crucial to note that being specially designated as an official kiln carried no real benefits for a community. In fact, if the reorganization of regional administration resulted in the designation of a so in a given region, the people of that area would have dropped in social status and been subjected to all kinds of legal discrimination. This being the case, the local people naturally objected to being designated as a special administrative unit, and indeed such instances were rare. Ultimately, this means that the regional kilns of the mid-Goryeo period, with the exception of Gangjin, began operation after the so were established. Such kilns would have operated in nearly the same way as the official kilns in Gangjin, only in ordinary administrative areas. As yet, there is no documentary evidence indicating that the Yucheon-ri kilns were operated as official kilns. However, as discussed above, the vessels produced at Yucheon-ri attest to close relations with the Gangjin kilns, thereby differentiating the Yucheon-ri kilns from other regional kilns. 2. CONNECTION WITH THE GANGJIN KILNS: As indicated by the comparative analysis of high-quality celadon inscribed with the character seong (成), the vessels from Yucheon-ri kiln 12 are almost indistin-guishable from the vessels from Sadang-ri kiln 7 in terms of vessel type, form, decorative motifs, paste, glaze color, and firing supports. Hence, it is believed that, rather than simply copying the Gangjin wares, the Yucheon-ri kilns either worked from the same models as the Gangjin kilns or operated under the instruction of potters from Gangjin. The close affiliation between the Buan and Gangjin kilns, not seen in any other mid-Goryeo kilns, is further supported by the fact that both sites manufactured vessels requiring special production techniques, such as celadon iron-painted bowls with molded design (Figs. 24 and 25), a celadon cup with copper-oxide glaze on the exterior, and high-quality Goryeo white porcelain. Fig. 24. Celadon iron-painted bowl with molded design, excavated from Yucheon-ri. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 25. Celadon iron-painted bowl with molded design, excavated from Dangjeon-ri kiln 1 in Gangjin. (National Museum of Korea). Conclusion Ceramics from the Yucheon-ri kilns formed one of the two major streams of Goryeo ceramic wares, along with those made in the Gangjin kilns. The Yucheon-ri kilns began operating at a time when social and cultural circumstances led to an increased number of kilns being established around the country. This can be surmised from the fact that the Yucheon-ri kilns did not produce bowls with a moon-halo footring or dishes with flanged rims, both of which are representative vessel types of the first half of the Goryeo period, as well as similarities between the major vessel types produced at Yucheon-ri and the celadon inscribed with the character seong (成) excavated from Sadang-ri kiln 7 in Gangjin. These features of the Yucheon-ri kilns emerged after Goryeo resumed diplomatic relations with the Song Dynasty in 1071, which led to increased trade with China and a greater influx of Chinese ceramics. Goryeo society also imported aspects of the lifestyle of Northern Song, including its use of ceramic ware in everyday life, and the subsequent rise in demand for ceramics made it necessary to establish more kilns. It is believed that the Yucheon-ri kilns and other kilns of the mid-Goryeo period began to appear around this time. This phenomenon is in line with the increased activity of the kilns in the northern part of China as the techniques of the southern Yuezhou kilns spread during the Northern Song Dynasty. Another major factor behind the spread of celadon kilns across Goryeo was the collapse of the state-managed craft production system in the early 12th century, which paved the way for the operation of private kilns. The Yongun-ri, Gyeyul-ri, and Sadang-ri kilns in Gangjin, and the Yucheon-ri and Jinseo-ri kilns in Buan all produced celadon with the seong (成) inscription. These kilns operated in virtual equilibrium from the 12th century to the first half of the 13th century, steadily producing almost the same vessel types and forms for a period of 150 years. This level of production is directly related to the number of available potters, obviously essential for kiln operation. The numerous kilns in Yucheon-ri were not all actively producing a large volume of wares at the same time; instead, it is thought that a small group of potters moved around within the region, steadily operating a small number of kilns at a time. It is also thought that, since there were no real benefits associated with being designated as a special administrative unit called a so, the Yucheon-ri kilns operated without such official designation, but nevertheless in a manner similar to the official kilns in Gangjin. The discovery of a celadon shard inscribed with the year name im’o (壬午) at Yucheon-ri would seem to support the theory that the Yucheon-ri kilns were subject to the same strict government control as the Gangjin kilns. Since such a celadon inscribed with a cyclical year and other vessels excavated at Yucheon-ri can be dated to the 14th century, it is thought that the Yucheon-ri kilns, like the Gangjin kilns, continued production until the end of the Goryeo Dynasty. Thus, the kilns in both Gangjin and Buan are the only kilns known to have survived and to have continued to produce celadon from the second half of the 13th century until late Goryeo. The closure of many regional kilns in the first half of the 13th century can be attributed to the Mongol invasions. Some of these smaller regional kilns may have closed as the result of direct damage from the invasions, but most were probably forced to close due to the loss of manpower caused by the wartime evacuation of citizens to islands and mountain fortresses. Attacks by Japanese pirates also played a role in closing down the kilns. Unlike the majority of the country, Buan did not suffer great damage during the Mongol invasions, but records show that Buan was twice pillaged by Japanese pirates. The pirates likely targeted Anheungchang, one of Goryeo’s twelve quayside warehouses for collected tax goods, which was located in Buan, and it is highly likely that the Yucheon-ri kilns would have sustained damage in such an attack, since they were located along the coast. Such damage, along with the probable flight of potters from Yucheon-ri as the result of Japanese rampages, is therefore considered to be a primary reason for the closure of the Yucheon-ri kilns around the late 14th century. In conclusion, the Yucheon-ri kilns in Buan began operating at a time of stable celadon production, and along with the Gangjin kilns, produced not only the finest vessel types, but also celadon inscribed with cyclical year names (ganji). Hence, the Yucheon-ri kilns are essential to any understanding of Goryeo ceramics in a larger context.

Gold-painted celadon (hwageum cheongja) is a rare type of ceramic from the late Goryeo Dynasty, on which artisans painted over the celadon glaze with lines of pure gold. Today, few examples of Goryeo gold-painted celadon have survived, and none have ever been excavated from a kiln site. Nonetheless, due to the unique method of decoration, which further enhances the splendor of Goryeo inlaid celadon, gold-painted celadon remains one of the most exceptional types of Korean ceramics. Furthermore, analysis of records related to gold-painted celadon and the few surviving relics is crucial for understanding the meaning, development, and characteristics of celadon production in the late Goryeo period. Thus far, research on gold-painted celadon has focused either on introducing relevant references or estimating the dates when the relics were produced. It has been noted that more academic interest and research is needed in this area, and because this has been lacking, no comprehensive examination or organization of materials related to Goryeo gold-painted celadon has ever been published (a brief description of the technique appears in Pak and Whitfield 2002, p.83, but with no examples illustrated). This article examines many details related to the production of gold-painted celadon, including the site of production and the decoration technique, in order to better understand its significance in the overall field of Goryeo celadon. First, I provide an indepth analysis of the relevant references, in order to ascertain the background of production (including dates), as well as the types of remaining examples. Hopefully, this information will help to settle existing debates about the dates and characteristics of gold-painted celadon production. Second, I focus in more detail on the characteristics of decoration techniques and explore the origins of the practice of painting with gold. By examining the surviving examples and comparing the gold-painting technique seen on them with the gold-painting technique used in Goryeo Buddhist paintings, I can shed new light on this practice by placing it within the context of Goryeo aesthetics. Finally, in order to understand the decorative motifs and to estimate production sites and dates, I compare the decoration on gold-painted celadon with that on “regular” celadon vessels (i.e. those without gold) inscribed with ganji, cyclical characters indicating a year from the Chinese sexagenary cycle. Although this article is primarily concerned with gold-painted celadon, my hope is that my comparisons will also enhance our understanding of the vessels bearing ganji by improving the estimates of their production dates. Background of Gold-Painted Celadon Production Historical References Historical records about gold-painted celadon in Korea are quite scarce, but there are a couple of interesting examples. For instance, the following passage is from the “Biography of Jo Ingyu” (趙仁規, 1237-1308), Chapter 18 of the Biography Section of Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo): Upon being given a gold-painted porcelain vessel, Emperor Shizu of Yuan (元世祖, also known as Khubilai Khan, r. 1260-1294) asked Jo Ingyu: ‘Does painting in gold make the vessel stronger?’ Jo responded: ‘No, it simply makes it more decorative.’ Then the Emperor asked, ‘Can one re-use the gold?’ to which Jo answered: ‘Ceramics break very easily, and when they are broken, the gold also gets destroyed. So it cannot be re-used.’ ‘In that case,’ retorted the Emperor, ‘do not make this kind of ceramics any more!’ This record is undated, but elsewhere in Goryeosa, it is recorded that Jo Ingyu was one of the officials who accompanied King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok to the Yuan capital in 1289 and again in 1293, so it is believed that this exchange must have taken place on one of these two occasions. Another record appears in Chapter 31 of the Biographies of Kings Section of Goryeosa, the biography of King Chungnyeol (忠烈王, r. 1274-1308). According to this record, in 1297 (23rd year of King Chungnyeol’s reign), “Hwang Seo (黃瑞), the civil official, was sent to Yuan China, where he presented gold-painted onggi (甕器, earthenware vessels), hazel grouse, and Jeju beef [to Emperor Chengzong (元成宗, also known as Temur Khan, r. 1294-1307)].” It is impossible to decipher exactly what types of gold-painted wares are being discussed in these two brief records, but the term “porcelain” from “gold-painted porcelain” definitely refers to celadon, which was abundantly produced in Goryeo. Both of these records come from the late 13th century, at a time when celadon production was high in Gangjin (South Jeolla Province) and Buan (North Jeolla Province), as evidenced by various archaeological excavations. Also, celadon wares have been found in Chinese excavations, such as a celadon maebyeong excavated from the tomb of Shi Tianze (史天澤, 1202-1275) in Hebei Province; a celadon bowl and pillow dating from the late 13th or 14th century that were discovered in Shenyang and Liaoyang in Liaoning Province; and a celadon cup with a high foot, produced in the 14th century, excavated from Hangzhou in Zhejiang Province (Feng Xianming 1986, 47-53). These discoveries provide ample evidence that the porcelain that was included in exchanges between Goryeo and Yuan was celadon. Furthermore, seven Goryeo celadon wares were found among the artifacts from the Sinan shipwreck (presumed to be a Japanese ship filled with Chinese cargo, which sunk in the 1320s). Kiln excavations in Korea have shown that celadon was the most produced type of porcelain in Goryeo in the late 13th and early 14th century, and all of the Goryeo ceramics that have been found in China are also celadon. Finally, all of the surviving examples of gold-painted Goryeo ceramics are celadon. Therefore, the reference in Goryeosa to “gold-painted porcelain” must certainly mean gold-painted celadon. Both of the Goryeosa references state that gold-painted porcelain wares were given as gifts to Yuan emperors. The first record (“Biography of Jo Ingyu”) is particularly interesting, because, judging from Emperor Shizu’s questions about the materials and technique, it seems as if he had never seen a celadon ware with gold decoration before. In fact, at that time, the Goryeo court usually presented Yuan emperors with metal wares, such as cups, bottles, or ewers made from gold or silver. Thus, it seems that gold-painted porcelain was neither an ordinary gift of tribute, nor a replacement for metal wares, the usual tribute objects. Instead, gold-painted porcelain seems to have been produced in very limited quantities for special purposes. According to the first record, Emperor Shizu ordered Goryeo not to present any more gold-painted ceramics as tribute. Thus, it seems likely that Goryeo did not submit any gold-painted wares to the Yuan court from the time of the Emperor Shizu’s order (in 1289 or 1293) until the end of his reign in 1294. Interestingly, however, the second record indicates that by 1297, only a few years later, Goryeo had resumed presenting gold-painted onggi to Khubilai’s successor, Emperor Chengzong. At any rate, gold-painted porcelain was clearly a very special type within Goryeo inlaid celadon, and therefore must be considered somewhat differently, in terms of its characteristics and meanings. Ostensibly, the only difference between gold-painted porcelain and “ordinary” inlaid celadon is the gold decoration on the surface. These two records show that Goryeo ceramics were being painted with gold in the late 13th century, and furthermore, they indicate that the technique may have been devised as a special tribute for the Yuan court. On the other hand, there are no earlier references to gold-painted celadon. When the Song envoy Xu Jing (徐兢), who visited Goryeo in 1123, wrote about Goryeo culture and civilization in his Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉 使高麗圖經, Illustrated Record of the Chinese Embassy to the Goryeo Court in the Xuanhe Era), he commented fairly extensively about the color and forms of Goryeo celadon, as well as describing various metal wares. Notably, however, there is no mention of any ceramics being painted with gold. Nor is there any record of gold-painted ceramics in the section of Goryeosa that covers the 12th century. Furthermore, excavations from 12th-century sites have not yielded any definitive examples of gold-painted celadon, even among ceramics found within the royal tombs of Jangneung (長陵, tomb of King Injong [仁宗, r. 1122-1146]) and Jireung (智陵, tomb of King Myeongjong [明宗, r. 1170-1197]). Thus, records of gold-painted Goryeo ceramics did not appear until towards the closing years of the reign of Emperor Shizu (1260-1294), and every surviving example of gold-painted Goryeo inlaid celadon is estimated to have been produced in the late 13th century. Hence, the archaeological evidence matches the historical records. Of course, this could change through future research and excavation. However, based on the current references and evidence, we can conclude that gold-painted porcelain was a unique type that was produced in limited quantities around the late 13th century. Types of Vessel There are very few surviving examples of Goryeo gold-painted celadon. One of the representative extant pieces of gold-painted celadon is a flattened vase with an inlaid tree and monkey design (靑磁象嵌畫金樹下猿文扁壺) (Fig. 1), which is known to have been excavated in 1933 from the ruins of Manwoldae, a Goryeo Palace in Gaeseong. Because the neck and mouth of the vessel has been destroyed, it is hard to know its overall shape. But based on the discernible features (e.g., the relatively wide shoulder and narrow foot, the flattened front and back), this piece can be identified as a pyeonho (扁壺, flattened vase), a ceramic form that emerged in the late Goryeo Dynasty and became more prevalent between the late 13th and 14th centuries. Figure 2 shows a restored example of another pyeonho with a damaged mouth. The majority of Goryeo celadon jars produced in the late 13th century and 14th century were pyeonho, and there are two extant gold-painted pyeonho of Figure 1 and 2. Thus, the “gold-painted onggi” that was presented to the Yuan court in 1297 (according to the record from Goryeosa) must have had a shape similar to the flattened vase with inlaid tree and monkey design (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Flattened vase, gold-painted celadon with inlaid tree and monkey design. 13th century. Height- 25.5 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 2. Flattened vase, gold-painted celadon with inlaid house and figure design. 13th century. Height- 25.2 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Figure 3 shows another surviving relic with gold-painted decoration, a celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design (靑磁象嵌畫金牡丹唐草文大楪), but the gold decoration is difficult to see because of extensive exfoliation. Finally, the gold-painted dish in Figure 4 (靑磁象嵌畫金唐草文楪匙), with an overall shape that is reminiscent of metal wares, features a masterfully elaborate inlaid scroll design in reverse inlay (yeoksanggam, where the background, rather than the design itself, is carved away and filled in white, see Pak and Whitfield 2002, p.174) that covers the entire surface. The stems and outlines of the scrolling foliage were all originally painted in gold, as can be clearly seen from the enlarged detail photographs (Figs. 4a and 4b). Fig. 3. Bowl, gold-painted celadon with inlaid peony scroll design. 13th century. Height- 6.6 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 4. Dish, gold-painted celadon with inlaid scroll design. 13th century. Height- 4.5 cm. (Private collection). Fig. 4a and 4b. Detail and micrograph of Fig. 4. Method and Origin of Gold-Painting Decorative Technique Techniques for Making Gold-Painted Ceramics In order to create a gold-painted ceramic vessel, one must first make a standard celadon ware with inlaid design. The design motif is inlaid with white clay and red ocher, then glaze is applied and the vessel is fired, resulting in a finished celadon with inlay design. Finally, the lines of gold are painted on the glazed surface, following the outline of the design (Fig. 1a). At one time, experts believed that gold powder was affixed to the ceramics with some type of strong adhesive, in which case some traces of the adhesive should remain, even after the gold powder had worn away. It was hypothesized that the gold powder was mixed with gelatin and then applied onto the surface of the celadon glaze. However, recent research by the National Museum of Korea (National Museum of Korea 2008) has presented a different conclusion. Detailed analysis of the flattened vase with an inlaid tree and monkey design (Fig. 1) has shown that the vessel was fired at a low temperature of 700-800°C, thereby allowing the gold powder to bond with the surface. Instead of gelatin, the gold powder was mixed with an adhesive, and then brushed onto the surface. Then, the vessel was fired at a low heat, causing the adhesive to become oxidized and charred black, while the gold naturally melted and stuck to the surface. The evidence for this procedure can be seen in micrographs of the burnt black area around the gold decoration (Fig. 1-3). Although the research showed that other ingredients were mixed with the gold powder to serve as an adhesive, their precise nature remains a mystery. It is also unclear whether the charred areas remained wherever the gold powder was painted on. I had the opportunity to examine the actual vessel myself, as well as many photographs of it, and I confirmed that there were some gold-painted areas that did not seem to show any signs of char marks. In addition, the micrographs (Fig. 1b) presented by the National Museum of Korea show char marks not only within the gold-painted area, but also in the surrounding area. Therefore, the research and evidence regarding the exact procedure for painting gold onto celadon remain inconclusive, and the theory about using a low-temperature second firing to fix the gold on the surface has not yet been absolutely confirmed. The char marks may just be difficult to see with the naked eye, or they may have simply worn off over the years. Figs. 1a. and 1b. Detail and micrograph of Fig. 1. I also recently used a microscope to examine another gold-painted relic that has not yet been thoroughly examined by the National Museum of Korea, the aforementioned gold-painted celadon dish with inlaid scroll design (Fig. 4). However, I was unable to find any char marks to confirm the presence of the burnt adhesive, as seen in Figure 4a, which shows a close-up of the dish. This dish is inlaid with white clay, with more fine lines etched in later to add more detail, and then glaze was applied before firing. As shown in Figure 4a, much of the gold has worn away, although some traces are still visible. Notably, the lines that are clearly visible in the areas of reflected light are not the lines from the inlaid design; they are the lines where the gold was originally painted, and where the adhesive affected the glazed surface. At first glance, one might think that these lines were carved into the glazed surface in advance, in order to mark where the gold should be painted. However, a closer look reveals that the curves of the exfoliated lines are exceptionally smooth and clean, not to mention extremely narrow (from 0.4 to 0.8 mm). It does not seem plausible that such pristine, slender curves could have been cut into the glassy surface of the porcelain with a hard, sharp tool. In fact, in the micrograph of Fig. 4a, the lines where the gold was painted (thereby affecting the surface of the glaze) look darker than the surrounding areas, and the curves are so well rounded and natural that they could only have been painted by the soft sweep of a brush (Fig. 4b). The matte surface on these lines seems to be due to corrosion caused by an adhesive, but again, the exact type of adhesive has yet to be determined. Two possible candidates for the adhesive material are gelatin, which was used in paintings on silk, and the sap of the lacquer tree (Toxicodendron vernicifluum), which was used to make both Asian lacquerware and as an adhesive for the gold leaf for many Buddhist statues. Nevertheless, both of these substances are notoriously difficult to use on porcelain, primarily because they do not stick well to the ceramic and thus fall off quite easily. In addition, both gelatin and lacquer would probably be decolorized, degenerated, and exfoliated by the low-temperature firing process that has been recently theorized for gold-painted ceramics. Another possibility is that some type of acidic material was applied in order to cause the glaze to become matte, thereby allowing the gold to stick with more durability and security. However, even today, there are few known substances that are acidic enough to achieve this effect, and those substances are impossible to apply with a brush. Therefore, we still cannot confirm what caused those lines to lose their glossy surface, or what components were added to the gold to allow it to stick to the surface. Notably, however, limited quantities of porcelain wares with gold-decorated surfaces were also produced in Song China, and a Chinese historical document provides a useful reference for our case. In “Every Material has its Own Technique” (治物各有法, “Zhiwu geyoufa”), Miscellaneous Observations from the Guixin Year (癸辛雜識, Guixin zashi) by Zhou Mi (周密, 1232-1298), the author reveals that one way to prevent gold from exfoliating from the surface of a ceramic vessel is to mix it with garlic juice: “for bowls with gold decoration, use garlic juice with the gold for the painting, afterwards put them in the kiln and fire them, then [the gold decoration] will never come off.”1 Garlic contains plenty of amino acidic compounds (e.g., aspartic acid and glutamic acid), which form a sticky adhesive. It is also known that garlic juice has been used as an adhesive for medieval and modern mural paintings in the West (Bonaduce et al. 2006, 226-232). As yet, there are no known references to the use of garlic juice as an adhesive in Korean art. But garlic has been a common part of the everyday lives of Koreans since ancient times; in fact, garlic is even featured in the myth of Dangun, the legendary figure who is said to have founded Korea in 2333 BCE. Furthermore, it is highly likely that the people of the late Goryeo era were aware of the Chinese record describing the use of garlic juice as an adhesive for gold. So although we cannot confirm that garlic juice was used as the adhesive for gold-painted Goryeo celadon, based on the Chinese references, I would like to propose it as the most likely candidate for that purpose. In addition to the exact composition of the adhesive for the gold, another issue deserving of our attention is the production sites for gold-painted Goryeo celadon. The most prolific sites for the production of Goryeo inlaid celadon were the kilns in Gangjin and Buan, Jeolla Province. Of course, the secondary process of painting the gold and firing it at a lower temperature did not necessarily have to take place at the same kilns. It is entirely possible that some of the finest celadon wares were sent from the kilns to the capital, where a master painter could have applied the gold, and an expert in firing could have completed the process. These issues are closely related to the origin of gold-painted celadon, which will be addressed in the next section. In conclusion, surviving gold-painted Goryeo ceramics show very fine, delicate gold lines drawn along the outlines of inlaid designs on the glazed surface of inlaid celadon. In all of these vessels, the areas where the gold lines have worn away show that the surface of the glaze was somehow corroded by the adhesive used with the gold. The exact composition of the adhesive is not known, but garlic juice may have been a key ingredient. The technique used to paint Goryeo celadon with gold is particularly significant, because it is the only known example of anything being painted on the glazed surface of Goryeo and Joseon porcelain wares. Furthermore, the combination of gold with the delicate inlay technique makes these rare vessels even more unique and extraordinary. Origin of Gold-Painted Decoration It has often been pointed out that Goryeo celadon was in part influenced by Buddhist art. For example, the celadon kundika was modeled after the form of metal kundika, and celadon incense burners share many characteristics with bronze incense burners used for Buddhist rites. More importantly, decorations on Goryeo celadon ware often resemble those of Buddhist paintings. For example, the painting Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (水月觀音圖), which was produced in the 14th century, demonstrates a gold-painting technique similar to that used for ceramics (Fig. 5). First, various colors were painted over the initial sketch, and then resplendent lines of gold were added to complete the painting. In fact, the method of painting gold lines on top of finished Buddhist paintings is widely recognized as one of the representative features of certain types of Buddhist paintings of the Goryeo Dynasty. Likewise, in gold-painted celadon, the lines of gold were applied to a finished piece of inlaid celadon, so the relationship between these two practices is worth exploring. Gold-painted celadon and gold-painted Buddhist paintings share several common features. Most obviously, both use pure gold as a decoration material. Also, in both cases, the gold was applied as a finishing layer over the colors of the Buddhist paintings or the inlaid design of the celadon. Third, the gold lines were usually used to trace the outlines of either the painting or the inlaid design. Fourth, at times, the gold lines applied to both paintings and celadon diverged from the pre-existent lines or design of the work, as when gold lines were added to areas where there was no inlaid design. Fifth, and finally, as a result of the previous four features, the gold decoration in both Buddhist paintings and Goryeo celadon produced similar visual effects. In particular, the inlay of scrolling foliage on the gold-painted dish (Figs. 4 and 4a) bears a striking resemblance to the gold decoration of Maitreya’s robe in the painting of the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara. 14th century. 106.2 x 54.8 cm. (Amorepacific Museum of Art). Another gold-painted Goryeo Buddhist painting with some compelling relevance for gold-painted celadon is Amitabha (阿彌陀如來圖) from the collection of Chionin, Kyoto, which was produced for King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok (daughter of Emperor Shizu) in 1286 (12th year of King Chungnyeol), as an offering to Buddhist deities from the official Yeom Seungik (廉承益, d. 1302). The painting is significant for gold-painted ceramics because it shares the same decorative technique and it was produced during the same time period covered by the historical documents that refer to gold-painted ceramics. But the painting’s relevance for gold-painted celadon extends even further due to the involvement of Yeom Seungik who was a favorite official of King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok, and heavily involved in various national projects related to Buddhism. For instance, Yeom was instrumental in the increased production of Buddhist sculpture and paintings, the construction of Buddhist architecture, and the transcription of Buddhist scriptures, including the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經), produced in 1283 (currently in the collection of the National Museum of Korea). In fact, Yeom used his own residence to set up an office for transcribing the scriptures in gold characters. Historical records show that Yeom was also one of the officials who accompanied King Chungnyeol, Queen Jangmok, and the Crown Prince on a visit to the Yuan court in 1289, along with Jo Ingyu and others such as In Hu, and An Hyang. When King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok returned to the Yuan court four years later, in 1293, they brought with them a large entourage of 80 civil and military officials, including Yeom, Jo Ingyu, In Hu, Gak Cheong, and Won Gyeong. Based on historical records and Buddhist relics that cite Yeom’s influence, it is safe to say that he was one the most important members of the Goryeo court of the late 13th century, and that he was a key figure for Goryeo Buddhist art. As discussed in the previous section, Jo Ingyu was the official who presented the “gold-painted porcelain” to Emperor Shizu. The fact that Yeom, a favored official and the known leader of many national enterprises related to Buddhism, was present during Jo’s visit to the Yuan court strengthens the correlation between Goryeo Buddhist paintings and gold-painted celadon. Historical documents confirm that Goryeo’s extravagant decorative techniques, highlighted by gold-painted Buddhist paintings and Buddhist scriptures transcribed in gold or silver, were internationally known during the late 13th century. In fact, at that time, the Chinese requested that Goryeo send monks who were highly skilled in scripture transcription. Thus, in 1290, a total of 100 Goryeo monks (in two different groups) were sent to the Yuan court. Then, in 1297, the year when the “gold-painted onggi” was presented to the Yuan court (according to the second record from Goryeosa), envoys from Yuan came to Goryeo, and they recruited monks with skills in scripture transcription. Additional monks were sent to Yuan in 1302, and Yuan’s interest in Goryeo’s scripture transcription still persisted after that. According to all of this historical evidence, we can estimate that the production of gold-painted Goryeo celadon was taking place sometime around 1289-1297. Furthermore, around that time, gold was a very popular material for decorating Buddhist paintings and transcribing Buddhist scripture, and the splendor of such decorative stylings had captured the attention of the Yuan court and ruling class. Therefore, we can hypothesize that the Yuan’s esteem for gold-decorated Buddhist works may have led to the production of gold-painted celadon, which was presented to the Yuan emperors. Comparing Gold-Painted Celadon to Celadon Inscribed with Cyclical Characters Decorative Motifs and Production Sites The decorative characteristics of gold-painted Goryeo celadon can be illuminated by examining the few surviving relics of the type. First of all, several motifs can be identified from the flattened vase with monkey design (Fig. 1), including the lotus petals around the base and the ogee medallion enclosing the main design, both of which were popular in late Goryeo inlaid celadon. Notably, however, this design of the tree and monkey is not found on any other known inlaid celadon from the late Goryeo Dynasty. Compared to other popular inlaid motifs from late Goryeo celadon, the tree and monkey design looks a bit rough, perhaps indicating that the craftsman was not familiar with this design, and thus had not yet mastered its execution. The precise meaning of the tree and monkey motif is also not clear. Figure 1a, a detail of the vase with the tree and monkey design, shows an inlaid lotus design from the side of the vase, which is rather notable. Unlike the monkey design on the main body, the motifs on the side of this vessel (e.g., the lotus design) have been seen in other examples of late Goryeo celadon, such as a covered bowl and stand with inlaid dragon and phoenix design (靑磁象嵌龍鳳文蓋盒) (Fig. 6). This bowl is estimated to have been produced in the late 13th century, based on the complexity of the various patterns (e.g., the dragon and phoenix design, the cloud and crane design, the intertwining scrolls). In comparing the flattened vase from Figure 1 and the bowl from Figure 6 and 6a, some notable similarities emerge, especially the overall form of the lotus flower, and the sharp petals and stamens at the center of the lotus flower and the three flower buds on the upper part. Interestingly, several other covered bowls have been found with a shape similar to the one in Figure 6, all of which are estimated to have been produced between the 13th and 14th century, but many of these other covered bowls have details that are much simpler and more stylized than those seen in Figure 6. For instance, a shard from the lid of one of these covered bowls was excavated from a kiln site at Sadang-ri, Gangjin (Fig. 7), and the simplified inlaid design of this shard is believed to exemplify an overall trend towards simplification that took place in the 14th century. Thus, based on the elaborateness of the design and detail seen in Figures 1a and 6, both vessels are assumed to have been produced around the same time, in the late 13th century. After that point, such motifs began to change by becoming simpler and more stylized. Fig. 6. Celadon covered bowl and stand with inlaid dragon and phoenix design. 13th century. Height- 15.2 cm. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art). Fig. 6a. Detail of Fig. 6 Fig. 7. Shard of lid from covered bowl, celadon with inlaid lotus scroll. 14th century. Excavated from a kiln site at Sadang-ri, Gangjin. (Gangjin Celadon Museum). Questions concerning the style and execution of decorative motifs are closely related to the problem of identifying the site where gold-painted celadon wares were produced. To date, no shards or vessels of gold-painted celadon have ever been excavated from a kiln site. Based on the estimated production period, the decorative style, and the overall quality of the surviving examples of gold-painted celadon, the most likely candidates as production sites would be the kilns in Buan, North Jeolla Province and Gangjin, South Jeolla Province. Of these two, the Gangjin kilns would seem to be the more likely candidate. According to Goryeo documents, the kilns in Gangjin were the place where special craftsmen were located, and the area was specially managed by the government, so those kilns are widely considered to be the site where official ceramics were produced for the monarchy and the court. Excavations at the Gangjin kiln sites have yielded numerous celadon shards with various ganji (cyclical) inscriptions from the late Goryeo Dynasty, as well as shards with various other types of inscriptions (i.e., references to historical events or people) that indicate dates within the Goryeo period. This evidence has basically confirmed that the Gangjin kilns produced celadon for the Goryeo court and government offices. However, celadon vessels and shards with features similar to those excavated from Gangjin have also been recovered from the Buan kiln sites, and a few of those artifacts have inscriptions akin to those found in Gangjin. Perhaps more importantly for our case, the Buan kilns are strongly linked to Buddhism. Unlike celadon from the Gangjin kilns, relics recovered from the Buan kilns are often inscribed with either the names of temples (e.g., Hwanghasa, Cheongnimsa) or the (presumed) names of Buddhist monks (e.g., Uijang, Donjin, Donjang, Eungji, and Jocheong). Thus, the Buan kilns are considered to have been closely related with Buddhism at the time. As mentioned earlier, when King Chungnyeol and Queen Jangmok visited the Yuan court, they were accompanied by both Yeom Seungik, who was integral to various Buddhist enterprises of Goryeo, and Jo Ingyu, who presented the “gold-painted onggi” to Emperor Chengzong. Given the crucial relationship between gold-painted celadon, Buddhism, and the Yuan court, the fact that the Buan kilns had close ties with Buddhism also makes them a viable candidate to be the production site for Goryeo gold-painted celadon. This hypothesis is further supported after considering the reverse-inlay technique, wherein the background of the main design (rather than the design itself) is carved into the surface of the vessel. Specifically, consider the gold-painted celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design shown in Figure 3, which features a distinctive black-and-white inlay scroll design on both the exterior and interior of the bowl. Although the gold lines from this bowl have almost entirely exfoliated, the scroll design remains quite evident, surrounding an arrangement of peony designs in five sets of double circles. The scroll design varies in color, with white inlay used on the exterior and black inlay used on the interior, but the reverse-inlay technique is used in both cases. A similar reverseinlay design can also be found on the exterior surface of a bowl excavated from the Jireung tomb, the royal tomb of King Myeongjong (Fig. 8). This bowl also features an arrangement of peonies inside double circles, surrounded by a reverse-inlaid scroll design in white clay. Furthermore, the reverse-inlay design on this bowl matches designs found on shards excavated from the Buan kiln sites, leading experts to postulate that it was produced in Buan. Thus, the fact that the gold-painted celadon bowl from Figure 3 has such a similar design with the reverse-inlay technique indicates that it too may have been produced in the Buan kilns. Fig. 8. Bowl, celadon with inlaid scroll design, excavated from Jireung, the royal tomb of King Myeongjong, constructed in 1202 or 1255. Height- 8.4 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Although the exact relationship and division of labor between the Gangjin and Buan kilns has never been conclusively defined, it is evident that the two sites served different purposes. The fact that on more than one occasion, gold-painted celadon was presented to a Yuan Emperor means that it was devised and created according to the political and diplomatic needs of the Goryeo court. Thus, the kilns at Gangjin, which are considered to be the official kilns of the Goryeo court, would seem to be the most likely place where the gold-painted celadon vessels were produced. On the other hand, gold-painted ceramics have some definite ties to Buddhism, which would make the Buan kilns a more likely choice. Also, very few shards from Gangjin show the reverse-inlay technique that is seen in the gold-painted bowl (Fig. 3) and the Jireung bowl (Fig. 8). Such shards have been found in the Buan kilns, providing some important evidence that gold-painted celadon may have been produced there. Celadon with Ganji Inscriptions Celadon wares from the late Goryeo Dynasty were often inscribed with the year of their production according to the Chinese sexagenary calendar (which has a 60-year cycle). Such inscriptions, typically found on the bottom interior surface of the vessel, are known as ganji (干支)2, so these ceramics are collectively known as “celadons with ganji inscriptions.” But it is imperative to note that a ganji inscription does not provide the exact date of production, because the indicated year could fall within any of a number of 60-year cycles (for example, the inscription gyeongja could refer to the year 1240, or 1300, or 1360, etc.). But given a ganji inscription as a starting point, scholars are often able to use other evidence to determine the most likely year of production. Thus far, eight different ganji inscriptions have been found on celadon vessels, including gisa (己巳), imsin (壬申), jeonghae (丁亥), and eulmi (乙未) (Fig. 9). These cyclical combinations correspond to the 6th, 9th, 24th and 32nd years of the sixty-year cycles whose first years are 1264 and 1324: i.e. between 1269 and 1295, or between 1329 and 1355. But ever since the Japanese colonial era scholars have been debating the dates of the celadon wares with ganji inscriptions. In fact, while some scholars believe that the ganji inscriptions are crucial evidence for determining the chronology of Goryeo celadon, others have questioned their validity as evidence for dating ceramics. However, when we take into consideration the changes in decorative style and technique that happened over time, particularly as exemplified by gold-painted celadon, we can improve our estimates for the production date of celadons with ganji inscriptions. Based on the two Goryeosa records, we know that gold-painted celadon was being produced in the years 1289 and 1297. So, by comparing the decorations on the surviving gold-painted relics with those from the celadon with ganji inscriptions, we can perhaps get a better idea about the production date of celadon with ganji inscription. Fig. 9. Bowls, celadon with ganji inscriptions. 14th century. (National Museum of Korea). Bowls seem to have been one of the most prevalent types of ceramics produced during the 13th and 14th centuries, based on the number of surviving artifacts. During the Goryeo period, the style of inlaid decoration changed over time. This is especially true of the inlaid designs on the exterior, rather than the interior, surface. In particular, bowl exteriors decorated with the inlaid scroll design show important differences in composition and expression over time, such that this design is key for our understanding of how decorative techniques for ceramics transformed during the Goryeo Dynasty. To demonstrate, we can compare the designs of two bowls from different parts of the 13th or early 14th century. First, the aforementioned bowl from the Jireung tomb (Fig. 8) must have been produced during the early or mid-13th century, because the Jireung tomb was built in 1202, and then destroyed during Mongolian invasions in 1231, 1232, and 1236, and repaired in 1255. Second, the celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design (靑磁象嵌牡丹唐草文己巳銘大楪) shown in Figure 10 has a ganji inscription of gisa, indicating that it was probably produced in either 1269 or 1329. Both bowls feature the scrolled vine design on their exteriors, with some notable differences. While the scroll design completely fills the space on the first bowl (Fig. 8), it is more simplified and expressed with thinner lines on the second bowl (Fig. 10). Based on our knowledge about the trend toward simplified designs, we can estimate that the second bowl was more likely produced in 1329, rather than 1269. The shift toward simplified designs accelerated later in the 14th century, as demonstrated by two other bowls with inscriptions that indicate dates. First, a celadon bowl with inlaid lotus scroll design (靑磁象嵌蓮花唐草文正陵銘大楪) (Fig. 11) can be fairly accurately dated because it bears the inscription Jeongneung (正陵), the name of the tomb of Queen Indeok (仁德王后, d. 1365). It is thought that the Jeongneung tomb was properly maintained until King Gongmin’s death in 1374, so scholars have estimated that relics with the Jeongneung inscription were produced between 1365 and 1374. Here, we see that the elaborate peony design within the double circles from the previous examples (Figs. 3 and 8) had been replaced by a stamped chrysanthemum, while the scroll design had become more simplified. These changes can also be seen in another celadon bowl with inlaid scroll design (靑磁象嵌唐草文司膳銘大楪) (Fig. 12), which is inscribed saseon (司膳). Saseon is not ganji, but refers to Saseonseo (司膳署), the government office responsible for royal court cuisine. The office lasted from 1372 to 1432, which corresponds to the last few years of the Goryeo Dynasty and the first decades of the Joseon Dynasty. On the exterior surface, the decorative motifs had been reduced to two bands, and the scroll design is a repetition of simple scribbles, which is quite different from the bowls that were previously produced. Thus, the inscribed celadon bowls from later time periods have sparser compositions and more simplified scroll designs. Of course, these changes appeared in all celadon bowls, not only those with inscriptions. Fig. 10. Bowl, celadon with inlaid peony scroll design with gisa inscription. 14th century. Height- 7.8 cm. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art). Fig. 11. Bowl, celadon with inlaid lotus scroll design with jeongneung inscription. 1365-1374. Height- 6.4 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 12. Bowl, celadon with inlaid scroll design with saseon inscription. 1372-1432. Height- 7.2 cm. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art). By incorporating gold-painted celadon into this analysis, we can get a firmer idea of the exact dates of the vessels with ganji inscriptions, since we know that gold-painted wares were being produced in the closing years of the 13th century. Here it is important to remember that the only discernible unique feature of gold-painted celadon was the gold decoration. Thus, the designs and techniques of gold-painted celadon correspond to those seen on contemporaneous inlaid celadon without gold painting. Earlier, we examined the complex and elaborate scroll design on the gold-painted celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design (Fig. 3), which represents the earlier type of the scroll motif. We can compare that bowl with the celadon bowl with inlaid peony scroll design and gisa (己巳) inscription (Fig. 10), which must have been produced in either 1269 or 1329, according to the inscription. If the production date was 1269, then it was made around the same time as the bowl from Figure 3, but a quick comparison of the scroll designs on both vessels casts doubt on that interpretation. The scroll design on the gold-painted bowl (Fig. 3) is denser, more complex, and more detailed than the design on the gisa-inscribed bowl. Based on these differences in the inlaid design, it seems more likely that the latter was produced in 1329, not 1269. As explained earlier, the trend towards simplified designs is clearly exemplified by inlaid celadon with relatively firm production dates, including the jeongneung-inscribed bowl (Fig. 11) made between 1365 and 1374, and the saseon-inscribed bowl (Fig. 12) produced between 1372 and 1432. Notably, the simplified scroll design exemplified by the gisa-inscribed bowl can also be seen in other celadon vessels with ganji inscriptions. For example, the celadon cup with high footring and inlaid lotus scroll design (靑磁象嵌蓮花唐草文壬申銘高足盃) in Figure 13 is inscribed imsin, referring to either 1272 or 1332. The motif of the flower at the center of this cup has been previously discussed (Figs. 1a, 6, and 7), in that the form of the lotus flower and the details such as the sharp petals and stamens at the center of the flower and the three other flower buds are very similar in the gold-painted flattened vase (Fig. 1a) and the covered bowl (Fig. 6). Based on the complexity and detail of the decoration of these two vessels (Figs. 1a and 6), I argue that both were produced around the same time, during the late 13th century. Note that the same flower design also appears on both the covered bowl shard in Figure 7 and the imsin-inscribed cup in Figure 13, but that the design has become relatively simplified, with a much looser arrangement. Based on this comparison, we can hypothesize that the cup was produced later than the gold-painted flattened vase (Fig. 1a), which means that 1332 is more likely than 1272 as the production date. In conclusion, from the cases of the gisa-inscribed bowl and the imsin-inscribed cup, it would seem that celadon vessels with ganji inscriptions postdate gold-painted celadon, meaning that they were probably produced in the early 14th century. Fig. 13. Stem-cup, celadon with inlaid lotus scroll design with imsin inscription. 1272 or 1332. Height- 8.9 cm. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art). Conclusion This study has provided more detail on gold-painted Goryeo celadon by analyzing historical documents, comparing the surviving relics to other types of gold-painted decoration, estimating the dates of their production, and examining other details. The process has contributed more evidence to the debates about the dates of the ganji-inscribed celadon. According to the two records from Goryeosa, gold-painted celadon was produced in limited quantities the late 13th century. Through micrographs, it has been confirmed that gold was mixed with an adhesive material, and painted with a brush in thin lines of 0.4-0.8 mm. Although the exact nature of the adhesive has not yet been determined, garlic juice is a very likely ingredient, based on Zhou Mi’s record in Guixin zashi. The gold lines were usually traced along the outlines of a design that had been previously inlaid. Interestingly, an examination of the areas where the gold has worn away reveals that the gold-adhesive mixture left a matte surface without gloss. I argue that the technique of painting with gold must have been influenced by both gold-painted Buddhist paintings and transcribed Buddhist scriptures, based on three main factors: the previously acknowledged relationship between Buddhist artifacts and celadon; the overall similarities in the gold lines, composition, and decorative effects of gold-painted ceramics and gold-painted Buddhist paintings; and the presence of Yeom Seungik and Jo Ingyu, strong advocates of Buddhism, on the trip to the Yuan capital when the gold-painted celadon was presented to Emperor Shizu. Finally, I show how analysis of the decorative motifs of gold-painted celadon may provide better estimates of the production dates of ganji-inscribed celadon. Specifically, by comparing the exterior inlay decoration (e.g., the lotus scroll design) on various wares, in light of the 14th-century trend towards simplified designs and compositions, I argue that the ganji-inscribed celadon wares were likely to have been produced in the early 14th century, rather than the mid-13th century. Unfortunately, due to the overall scarcity of gold-decorated ceramic artifacts and the thorough wearing away of the gold decoration, there has not been much in-depth research on gold-painted Goryeo celadon, a fascinating subtype that enhances the beauty, intricacy, and sophistication of Goryeo celadon. Moreover, gold-painted Goryeo celadon is a highly significant material for researching international exchange between Goryeo and Yuan China. I hope that this paper will provide the foundation for future research on this topic.

It is well known that the kingdom of Goryeo (918–1392) was a Buddhist nation, and that Buddhism had a profound influence on all aspects of Goryeo society. However, according to the official record of Goryeo state rites listed in Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo), the Taoist ritual of choje (醮祭) or chorye (醮禮), a sacrifice offered to the stars, was performed quite often (Kim Haeyeong 2003, 20-31).1 In the Goryeo Dynasty, most Taoist rituals were performed in the form of chincho (親醮), in which the king personally conducted the ritual as a priest, praying for good fortune for himself, the royal family, and the entire nation. Since Taoist rituals were closely related to the royal family, those who were close to the king prepared the cost and necessities for the rituals. Records from Goryeosa indicate that chincho rituals were carried out intensively during specific periods. As seen in Table 1, chincho was performed quite frequently during the reigns of King Yejong and King Uijong, before the number of performances significantly fell during and following the reign of King Myeongjong. The sharp plunge in the number of performances of chincho, a symbol of royal power, can probably be attributed to the start of the military regime in 1170. But the ritual returned to prominence during the reign of King Gojong, with the number of performances continuing to rise during the ensuing reigns of King Wonjong and King Chungryeol. Table 1. Number of performances of chincho in the Goryeo royal court (* Name of the king and years of his reign). The highlited area shows the period when chincho was most performed. 德宗*Deokjong(r. 1031-1034) 靖宗Jeongjong(r. 1034-1046) 文宗Munjong(r. 1046-1083) 宣宗Seonjong(r. 1083-1094) 肅宗Sukjong(r. 1095-1105) 毅宗Uijong(r. 1146-1170) 睿宗Yejong(r. 1105-1122) 仁宗Injong(r. 1122-1146) 1 time 6 times 14 times 12 times 14 times 23 times 11 times 29 times 明宗Myeongjong(r. 1170-1197) 神宗Sinjong(r.1197-1204) 熙宗Huijong(r. 1204-1211) 康宗Gangjong(r. 1211-1213) 高宗Gojong(r. 1213-1259) 元宗Wonjong(r. 1259-1274) 忠烈王Chungryeol-wang(r. 1274-1308) 忠宣王Chungseon-wang(r. 1298) 8 times 0 times 0 times 1 time 12 times 14 times 19 times 1 time 忠宣王Chungseong-wang(r. 1308-1313) 忠肅王Chungsuk-wang(r. 1313-1339) 忠惠王Chunghye-wang(r. 1339-1344) 忠穆王Chungmok-wang(r. 1344-1348) 忠定王Chungjeong-wang(r. 1348-1351) 恭愍王Gongmin-wang(r. 1351-1374) 禑王Wu-wang(r. 1374-1388) 恭讓王Gongyang-wang(r. 1389-1392) 0 times 6 times 0 times 4 times 1 time 0 times 6 times 1 time Goryeo people performed choje to pray to the sun, moon, and stars (日月星辰) for a variety of wishes, including longevity, fortune, the happiness of the royal family, rain during a drought, a good harvest, cures from diseases, prevention of natural disasters, and victory in war. Though it is difficult to ascertain exactly how choje was performed during the Goryeo Dynasty, the following records from the early Joseon Dynasty provide a brief outline of the ritual: An official of the Taoist rituals said to the king: “Previously, choje was always performed in the evening, but I found the following from Jinmugyeong (眞武經, Chinese: Zhenwujing, Scripture of the Perfected Warrior): ‘At five gyeong (between 3:00 and 5:00 am), I burn the incense and the candle. There are three tables, on which are laid clean fruit, jujubes (Chinese dates), and soup. Keeping my mind in a pure state, I bow down to pray.’ So I ask Your Majesty to follow the scripture and perform choje at five gyeong.” The king followed this suggestion. (Taejong sillok, first day of third month, 13th year of King Taejong, 1413) This record shows that choje had been performed in the evening until 1413, when the time of the ritual was moved to 3:00 am. Another record gives more details: Samgyechoje (三界醮祭) has a long history and is performed by Sogyeokseo (昭格署, National Taoist Temple). In this rite, 351 ancestral tablets are placed on the inner and outer altars. The Haenghyangsa (行香使, official selected by the king, in charge of burning incense at the Royal Ancestral Shrine or royal tombs) offers tea, soup, and alcohol from the west of the inner and outer altars, and the Heongwan (獻官, temporary priest appointed for national rites, in charge of offering alcohol to the spirits as a representative of all performers of the rite) offers tea, soup, and alcohol from the east of the inner altar. (Seongjong sillok, 22nd day of eleventh month, 15th year of King Seongjong, 1484). Since this record indicates that the Taoist rite samgyechoje already had a long history by the 15th year of King Seongjong (r. 1470-1494), it is assumed that choje had been performed in a similar way since the Goryeo Dynasty. This paper examines how Taoist rituals, which were performed in the royal court as significant state rites, influenced the production of Goryeo celadon. Taoist rituals were performed throughout the Goryeo Dynasty, most intensively during the 12th and 13th centuries. This paper investigates how Taoism affected the celadon production of this period, particularly in terms of the characteristics of celadon wares of this time. In order to analyze the Taoist influence, the shapes and designs of Goryeo celadon are compared with literary works, Taoist paintings, mural paintings, and relics excavated from the tombs of Chinese Taoist masters of the Jin and Yuan Dynasties. In addition, various inscriptions on Goryeo celadon wares are interpreted, to explore how those inscribed wares were related to Taoist rituals and contemporaneous events. Taoist Influence on the Decoration of Goryeo Celadon Little research has considered the implications and origins of Goryeo celadon made in the shape of religious symbols (e.g., symbols of Taoism, Buddhism, or Confucianism). While some pieces of figurative celadon have been reviewed for their association with Taoism, very few studies have yet examined how Taoism influenced the shapes and designs of Goryeo celadon. This section reviews the connection between Taoism and the characteristics and symbolism of certain figurative celadon wares, as well as the cranes-and-clouds design. Among the various types of Goryeo celadon, figurative celadon best exemplifies the influence of Taoism. Specifically, Goryeo figurative celadon was sometimes made in the shape of figures or motifs derived from Taoism. For example, Figure 1 shows a celadon pitcher in the form of a seated Taoist immortal. The figure wears a crown decorated with a bird and holds a plate full of peaches in both hands. Both the crown decorated with a bird and the peaches are attributes of the Taoist goddess Xiwangmu (西王母), and they are commonly found in the paintings and the blue-and-white porcelains of the Yuan Dynasty. Figure 2 shows a porcelain figure group from the Yuan Dynasty, one of three such groups from a tomb datable to 1276,2 featuring Xiwangmu, who wears a crown decorated with a bird, with a crane and two young attendants, each holding a plate full of peaches, beside her. The decoration is in underglaze iron-brown, with a touch of blue in the ruyi pectoral worn by Xiwangmu. An earlier depiction of Xiwangmu can be seen in Figure 3, which shows a mural painting of the Liao Dynasty from a tomb dated 923, showing the goddess descending from heaven on a cloud, trailed by three Taoist maidens (仙女). Although damage to the area around the goddess’s head makes it impossible to identify whether she has a bird decoration on her crown, she is certainly holding a peach in her hands (Fig. 3a). Obviously, the male figure depicted in the ewer (Fig. 1) cannot be Xiwangmu, but it is considered to be a Taoist deity, reverently holding a peach while sitting among the clouds. Fig. 1. Celadon ewer in the shape of a Taoist immortal (靑瓷人物形注子). 12th century. Height- 28.0 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 2. Blue-and-white porcelain figure of Xiwangmu (靑畫白瓷西王母像), from Hangzhou (杭州), Zhejiang (浙江) Province. Yuan Dynasty. Height- 19.5 cm. (Southern Song Dynasty Guan Kiln Museum [南宋官窑博物馆]). Fig. 3. Painting of Xiwangmu (西王母圖), from M1 at Baoshancun in Dongshaburitaixiang, Ar Horqin Banner, Inner Mongolia. Liao Dynasty (923). Photograph from Complete Collection of Murals Unearthed in China Vol. 3: Inner Mongolia (中國出土壁畫全集 3 內蒙古). (Beijing: Beijing Science Press, 2012). Other Goryeo celadon wares taking the form of Taoist deities and immortals include a water dropper shaped like a standing immortal (Fig. 4) and a bird-shaped ewer (Fig. 5). The latter features a crowned Taoist immortal (神仙) holding a bowl and riding on a nan (鸞, luan in Chinese, the female counterpart of the phoenix, feng 鳯), a mythical bird from Chinese legend, frequently mentioned in the poetry and lyrics of the Goryeo Dynasty. Notably, all three of the celadon figures are wearing robes with sleeves trimmed with a small feather pattern (Figs. 1, 4 and 5). The same feather decoration can also be seen in the hem of the sleeves of Xiwangmu in the Liao mural painting (Fig. 3), as well as on the sleeves of the figures in Nine Taoist Saints (Southern Song Dynasty, late 12th century) (Fig. 6), representing the Seven Stars in the Northern Dipper (北斗七星), the highest Taoist deity. Taoist immortals (仙人) could fly, and they were called by names that compared them to feathers, such as wugaek (羽客), wuryu (羽流), wusa (羽士), and wuin (羽人). The same names were often used to refer to Taoist masters as well. The feather-like trim of the robe appears to have been a visual embodiment of this concept. Another notable similarity between the robes is that they have two scarves that are tied like a ribbon at the back and then flow to both sides, as seen in both the Goryeo water dropper (Fig. 4) and the Taoist maidens in the Liao mural painting (Fig. 3). Fig. 1a. Side view of Fig. 1 Fig. 4. Celadon water dropper in the shape of a Taoist immortal (靑磁人物形硯滴). 12th century. Height- 14.5 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 5. Bird-shaped celadon ewer with a crowned rider holding a bowl (靑瓷乘鸞人物形注子). 12th century. Height- 21.4 cm. (Art Institute of Chicago). Fig. 6. Nine Taoist Saints. Southern Song Dynasty. 112.5 x 54.1 cm. Hogonji Temple, Shiga (滋賀縣 寶巖寺). Photograph from New History of World Art Vol. 6: Southern Song Dynasty and Jin (世界美術大全集 東洋編 第6卷 南宋᠊金) Fig. 61. (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 2000). The most popular design of Goryeo celadon was the cranes-and-clouds design, which first appeared in the 12th century. This motif was applied through various techniques, such as incising, relief, inlay, and painting with black and white clay. Regardless of the decorative technique, the cranes-and-clouds design of Goryeo celadon was expressed like a painting, with cranes flying between clouds in the sky (Figs. 7 and 8). Similar designs can also be found in Chinese celadon wares from the Yaozhou (耀州) kilns and Longquan (龍泉) kilns, although they appear less frequently than in Goryeo celadon, and feature a somewhat different expression of the cranes and clouds (Fig. 9). The best Goryeo example is the maebyeong (plum vase) in Figure 10, with cranes flying in all directions in a pattern reminiscent of Auspicious Cranes (瑞鶴圖卷, Fig. 11) by Emperor Huizong of the Northern Song Dynasty (宋徽宗, r. 1101-1125). Fig. 7. Shard of celadon bowl incised with cranes-and-clouds design (靑瓷陰刻雲鶴紋盤片). 12th century. Diameter (fragmentary)- 29.7 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 8. Shard of celadon bowl incised and engraved with cranes-and-clouds design (靑瓷陽陰刻雲鶴紋碗片). 12th century. Height (fragmentary)- 6.2 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 9. Yaozhou ware celadon bowl with molded cranes-and-clouds design (靑瓷陽刻雲鶴紋碗). Northern Song Dynasty (12th century). Height- 7.3cm, Diameter (mouth)- 20.7 cm. (Shanxi Museum). Fig. 10. Celadon maebyeong inlaid with cranes-and-clouds design (靑瓷象嵌雲鶴紋梅甁). 13th century. Height- 41.7 cm. (Gansong Art Museum). Fig. 11. Auspicious Cranes (瑞鶴圖卷) by Emperor Huizong (徽宗). Northern Song Dynasty (1112). Color on silk. Height- 51.0 cm. (Liaoning Provincial Museum). The cranes-and-clouds design is believed to have first been used in Goryeo celadon in the 12th century, but no research has yet attempted to uncover the origin or meaning of the design. In general, cranes have commonly been used to symbolize longevity: notably, a number of literary works from the Goryeo Dynasty feature Taoist immortals riding cranes or the mythical nan. For instance, the lyrics of Hwangungak (還宮樂, songs played when the king returns to the palace after having attended a feast) tell of immortals riding on cranes and nan, who present the king with the elixir of eternal life (仙丹): What a joy! Our king moved the heart of Bongrae Mountain and all the immortals descended from the mountain on nan and cranes, and came before the pavilion to present His Majesty with the elixir of eternal life (Goryeosa, volume 71, book 25, Treatise on Music II, Tang Dynasty Music, Hwangungak) 喜賀我皇 有感蓬萊 盡降神仙到 乘鸞駕鶴御樓前 來獻長壽仙丹 (高麗史, 卷 71 志 卷 第 25 樂 二 唐樂 還宮樂) Also, the poem “Plum Blossom” (梅花) by the Goryeo literatus Yi Inro (李仁老, 1152-1220) concerns a character who wants to reach the abode of the immortals (瑤臺), riding on a crane: On Mt Goya’s icy skin, clothed with snow His sweet lips swallow beads of morning dew Not happy with the common stamens turning red in spring He aims for the immortal realms, riding a crane. (“Plum Blossom,” quatrain with seven Chinese characters in each line, from Dongmunseon, volume 20) 姑射氷膚雪作衣 香唇曉露吸珠璣 應嫌俗蘂春紅染 欲向瑤臺駕鶴飛 (東文選, 卷二十, 七言絶句, 梅花) The use of the cranes-and-clouds design as a Taoist symbol is also evidenced by relics excavated from the tombs of two Taoist masters, Yan Deyuan (閻德源, 1094-1189) of the Jin Dynasty and Feng Daozhen (馮道眞, 1189-1265) of the Yuan Dynasty. Yan Deyuan was abbot of the Taoist temple Yuxuguan (玉虛觀) in Xijing (西京, present-day Datong, Shanxi Province), and the inscription on his tombstone attests to his status among the Taoists of the Jin Dynasty. According to the inscription, he was revered like a god by people of all classes, and he was honored by the royal court with the title Yuliuzhizong (羽流之宗), which was given to the leading masters of Taoism. The relics from his tomb include a hechangyi (鶴氅衣, crane’s-down garment), the garment of a Taoist master (Fig. 12), as well as other clothes, all of which were densely embroidered with cranes-and-clouds designs. The cranes and clouds embroidered on the clothes of Yan Deyuan (Fig. 12a) are quite similar to those engraved and incised on the fragmentary 12th-century Goryeo celadon bowl (Fig. 8a). Fig. 12. Robe of a Taoist master, from the tomb of Yan Deyuan (閻德源). Jin Dynasty. Songzhuang (宋庄), Datong (大同), Shanxi (山西) Province. Photograph from Wenwu (文物, Cultural Relics, 4: 1-13, Fig. 2). Fig. 12a. Detail. Fig. 8a. Detail. The cranes-and-clouds design also adorns the wooden coffin and the ceiling of the burial chamber of the tomb of Feng Daozhen, located in Songzhuang (宋庄), Datong, Shanxi Province (Figs. 13 and 14). Feng Daozhen was an especially revered Taoist master, who served as the abbot of a Taoist temple (Longxiang Wanshougong, 龍翔萬壽宮) and the leader of the Quanzhenjiao Sect (全眞敎). The cranes and clouds painted on the walls of Feng’s tomb are similar to those inlaid on the shard from a Goryeo celadon maebyeong (Fig. 15). Fig. 13. Cranes-and-clouds design in mural painting, from the tomb of Feng Daozhen (馮道眞). Yuan Dynasty. Songzhuang, Datong (大同), Shanxi (山西) Province. Photograph from Wenwu (文物, Cultural Relics, 10: 34-42, Fig. 4). Fig. 14. Cranes-and-clouds design on the cover of wooden coffin, from the tomb of Feng Daozhen (馮道眞). Yuan Dynasty. Songzhuang, Datong (大同), Shanxi (山西) Province. Photograph from Wenwu (文物, Cultural Relics, 10: 34-42, Fig. 10). Fig. 15. Shard of celadon maebyeong inlaid with cranes-and-clouds design (靑瓷雲鶴紋梅甁片), from kiln site in Yucheon-ri, Buan. 12th century. (National Museum of Korea). The fact that the cranes-and-clouds design is prominently featured on a variety of relics (e.g., clothes, mural painting, and wooden coffin) from the tombs of leading Taoist masters from the Jin and the Yuan Dynasties demonstrates that cranes and clouds were recognized as Taoist symbols. Therefore, the cranes-and-clouds design that appears so frequently on Goryeo celadon of the 12th century is likely to be a Taoist motif that represents the world of immortals. Unlike similar designs on Chinese celadon, the cranes-and-clouds designs on Goryeo celadon are highly pictorial, which necessitates an investigation of the relationship between Goryeo celadon and the other highly pictorial works of the era, such as textiles and mural paintings. Goryeo Celadon in Taoist Rituals Research into the inscriptions on Goryeo celadon has revealed a considerable number of references to Taoism. Celadon wares related to Taoism were typically made as ordinary vessels (e.g., cups and dishes); they were usually undecorated, and both the style of foot and the firing process were similar to regular Goryeo celadon. Given these similarities, it seems likely that Taoist-influenced celadon vessels were produced intensively during certain periods of the Goryeo Dynasty. Such vessels could certainly be vital research materials for the study of Goryeo celadon used in Taoist rituals in the royal court, an area that has thus far been neglected in the existing studies. Thus far, research has identified more than ten pieces of Goryeo celadon with painted, incised, or inlaid inscriptions reading either sojeon (燒錢) or sojeonsaek (燒錢色) (Figs. 16 and 17). While the existing research has not provided much explanation about the meaning of sojeonsaek, according to Goryeosa, the term is related to the prohibition of 1278: Fig. 16. Celadon cup with inlaid inscription of sojeon (燒錢). Late 13th century. Height- 5.1 cm, Diameter (mouth)- 10.1 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 17. Celadon cup with inlaid inscription of sojeonsaek (燒錢色). Late 13th century. Height- 5.8 cm, Diameter (mouth)- 7.9 cm. (National Museum of Korea). In the third month of the fourth year of King Chungryeol’s reign, Dobyeongmasa (都兵馬使, Supreme Council of Defense Matters) issued an official document declaring that, since the Yuan court had prohibited the consumption of alcohol in all regions, Goryeo too must implement the prohibition. However, alcohol is required for certain feasts, such as the king’s birthday celebration, the reception for envoys from the Yuan court, Yeondeunghoe (燃燈會, Lotus Lantern Festival), and Palgwanhoe (八關會, Eight Precepts Day). So let Yangonseo (良醞署, Chinese: Liangyunshu, Office of Fine Wines) present alcohol to the king and establish Joyangdojego (造釀都祭庫, Principal Brewery Store) to brew alcohol for ancestral rites and choje held by the government. Sojeonsaek shall request alcohol from Yangonseo and place alcohol on the tables… (Goryeosa, volume 85, book 39, Treatise on Punishment and Law II, Prohibition). “忠烈王 四年 三月, 都兵馬使, 據判出牒云, 大朝, 令諸路斷酒, 國家, 亦宜行之, 聖節日, 上朝使臣, 迎接內宴, 燃燈八關, 不可無酒, 令良醞署供進, 國行祭享醮酒, 良醞署亦別建造釀都祭庫, 燒錢色傳請供設 …” (高麗史卷85 志39 刑法2 禁令) This record shows that, despite the general prohibition, alcohol would be supplied for specific special events by two offices—Yangonseo and its affiliate Joyangdojego—and that a third office, Sojeonsaek would be charged with making the official request for alcohol for choje and properly displaying wine cups on the altar. Most of the surviving celadon wares with the sojeon inscription are cups, which would indicate that they were the cups placed on the altar for choje. The following record from Taejo sillok provides further evidence that during the Goryeo Dynasty Sojeonsaek was an institution responsible for Taoist rituals (Taejo sillok, first year of King Taejo, 1392): What is important in choje, the Taoist sacrifice to the stars, is that it should be sparing and simple, wholly sincere and untainted. Under the Goryeo Dynasty, many of the places where sacrifice was performed were treated without respect and not reserved [exclusively for choje]. We beg that it should only be performed in Sogyeokjeon alone, that efforts should be made to keep it pure and clean, so that it may be sincere and respectful. Other places, such as Bokwongung, Singyeokjeon, Guyodang, Sojeonsaek, Daecheonggwan, Cheonggyeobaeseongso, and others, should all be abolished. King Taejo followed this advice. “禮曹啓, 道家星宿之醮, 貴於簡嚴, 盡誠敬而不瀆, 前朝多置醮所瀆而不專, 乞只置昭格殿一所, 務要淸潔, 以專誠敬, 其福源宮·神格殿·九曜堂·燒錢色·大淸觀·淸溪拜星所等處, 一皆革去, 上從之.” (太祖實錄, 卷2元年 壬申 11月) This record clearly shows that Sojeonsaek had indeed served as one of the official sites for choje during the Goryeo Dynasty. Sojeon refers to the ritual of burning paper money, which was performed on Jungwonjeol (中元節, the 15th day of the seventh month in the lunar calendar). It was believed that the ghosts and spirits of the underworld enter the realm of the living on this particular day, so people would prepare paper money for the spirits of their ancestors. They burned this paper money during the sojeon ritual, in order to console the spirits of the deceased and let them return safely to the underworld. Only two of the royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty have the stone tables for the sojeon ritual (Fig. 18)—Geonwolleung (健元陵, tomb of King Taejo, 1408) and Heolleung (獻陵, tomb of Queen Wongyeong [1420] and Taejong [1422])3—which is most likely related to the fact that Taoist rituals were frequently performed in the royal court until the early days of the Joseon Dynasty. There is also a line by the poet Kim Siseup (1435-1493) about “mourning before the tomb by burning paper money” (神道燒錢哀似隕), which would seem to indicate that the sojeon ritual was performed not only in the royal court, but also among families of the ruling class. Fig. 18. Stone table for sojeon ritual, from the tomb of King Taejo (健元陵 燒錢臺石). 1408. (Author’s photograph). Other celadon vessels that were used in choje have been found, bearing inscriptions of Chinese characters such as chilwonjeonbae (七元前排, ‘place before the seven primordial ones’), sibiryojeonbae (十一曜前排, ‘place before the eleven luminaries’), and cheonhwangjeonbae (天皇前排, ‘place before the Heavenly Emperor) (Figs. 19-21). Chilwon (Fig. 19) refers to Bukdodaeseong Chilwonseonggun (北斗大聖 七元星君), the Taoist deity of the highest rank. Also known as the Seven Stars of the Northern Dipper, this god was believed to control people’s fate. Sibiryo (Fig. 20) refers to eleven celestial bodies: the sun, the moon, five planets (Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, Saturn); and four stars (Gyedo [計覩], Nahu [羅睺], Wolpae [月孛], and Jagi [紫氣]). In Taoism, Sibiryo represents all the stars of all the constellations, and the sacrifice for Sibiryo is called Sibiryocho (十一曜醮). Cheonhwang (天皇, Heavenly Emperor, Fig. 21) is a high-ranking star deity located at the center of the Northern Dipper. The term jeonbae (前排) means “in the front row,” so the celadon wares with these inscriptions must be the ritual wares presented before Chilwon, Sibiryo, and Cheonhwang during choje. The celadon bottle (Fig. 21) is inscribed in black inlay on the four sides of the body, with these four Chinese characters: cheon 天, hwang 皇, jeon 前, and bae 排. Fig. 19. Celadon dish with inlaid inscription of chilwonjeonbae (七元前排). Late 13th century. Height- 3.3 cm, Diameter (mouth)- 12.8 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 20. Celadon dish with inlaid inscription of sibiryojeonbae (十一曜前排). Late 13th century. Height- 3.0 cm, Diameter (mouth)- 12.1 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 21. Celadon bottle with inlaid inscription of cheonhwangjeonbae (天皇前排). Height- 19.3 cm, Diameter (mouth)- 8.7 cm, Diameter (foot)- 6.8 cm. (Gangjin Celadon Museum). The Taoist deities relevant to these inscribed celadon vessels can be seen in the Goryeo painting The Descent of Tejaprabha Buddha (熾盛光如來往臨圖, late 13th-14th century) in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Fig. 22). In this painting, Tejaprabha Buddha (Buddha of blazing light) and the two attendants Sūrya-prabha (日光菩薩, Sunlight Bodhisattva) and Candraprabha (月光菩薩, Moonlight Bodhisattva) are descending to the earth, surrounded by heavenly stars represented as celestial deities, including Cheonhwangdaeje (天皇大帝), Sibiryo, the Nine Stars of the Northern Dipper (北斗九星), the 28 constellations (二十八宿), and the Six Stars of the Southern Dipper (南斗六星). All of the figures in this painting, with the exception of Buddha and the two Bodhisattvas, are depicted as Taoist deities called gwanbokjiphol (官服執笏, officials holding tablets), confirming that Taoism still exerted a powerful influence on the Korean peninsula in the late 13th and 14th century. Fig. 22. Detail of outline diagram of Descent of Tejaprabha Buddha (熾盛光如來往臨圖). Late 13th century-14th century. Goryeo Dynasty. (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston). ❶ Tejaprabha Buddha (熾盛光如來, Buddha of blazing light), ❷ Suryaprabha (日光菩薩, Sunlight Bodhisattva), ❸ Candraprabha (月光菩薩, Moonlight Bodhisattva), ❹ Cheonhwangdaeje (天皇大帝), ❺ Sibiryo (十一曜), ❻ the Nine Stars of the Northern Dipper (北斗九星) Figure 23 shows a celadon cup with the inscription samgwan (三官), which refers to the three divine officials of heaven (天官), earth (地官), and water (水官) (Fig. 23). In Taoism, heaven, earth, and water are believed to be the three basic elements of the universe and are personified as officials. Sangwonjeol (上元節, 15th day of the first month) is the birthday of Jamidaeje (紫微大帝; Chinese: ziweidadi, Purple Tenuity Emperor), the heavenly ruler of the Pole Star. The birthday of Cheongheodaeje (淸虛大帝), the official of earth, who is believed to forgive sins, is Jungwonjeol (中元節, 15th day of the seventh month), also known as gwijeol (鬼節, day of the ghosts). Hawonjeol (下元節, 15th day of the tenth month) is the birthday of Dongeumdaeje (洞陰大帝), the official of water, who is believed to drive out bad luck. Other celadon dishes and cups have been found with the inlaid inscriptions cheon (天, heaven) or ji (地, earth), and these are thought to have been used in rituals on Sangwonjeol or Jungwonjeol. Fig. 23. Celadon cup with inlaid inscription of samgwan (三官). Late 13th century. Height- 6.8 cm, Diameter (mouth)- 10.3 cm, Diameter (foot)- 3.4 cm. (Gangjin Celadon Museum). Most of the remaining celadon wares inscribed with cheon, ji, or gwi (鬼, ghosts) are round dishes and cups. These vessels might have been associated with Samgyecho (Samgye 三界 refers to the three worlds of heaven, earth, and humanity), or else they might have been used to perform choje on Sangwonjeol or Jungwonjeol (Figs. 24-26). They have no decoration, other than the inscriptions in the interior and on the outer surface of the body. They were fired on silica supports, indicating that they were high-quality celadon. Samgyecho was performed as a Taoist ritual in the royal court not only during the Goryeo Dynasty, but also during the early Joseon Dynasty. Fig. 24. Celadon dish with inlaid inscription of cheon (天). Early 14th century. Height- 3.5 cm, Diameter (mouth)- 11.8 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 25. Celadon dish with inlaid inscription of ji (地). Late 13th century. Height-3.5 cm, Diameter (mouth)- 12.0 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 26. Celadon cup with inlaid inscription of gwi (鬼). Early 14th century. Height- 5.4 cm, Diameter (mouth)- 8.7 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Production of Celadon in Relation with Taoism This chapter focuses on the production of two types of Goryeo celadon: celadon with Taoist aesthetic features (e.g., vessels shaped like Taoist figures or decorated with the cranes-and-clouds design) and inscribed celadon cups and dishes used for Taoist rituals. Specifically, I examine how the production of such celadon objects may have changed during those periods when Taoist rituals were most intensively performed in the Goryeo royal court. Celadon wares shaped like Taoist figures or decorated with the cranes-and-clouds design are estimated to have been produced primarily in the 12th century. As seen in the previous chapter, that time period saw a sharp rise in the number of performances of chincho, particularly during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122) and King Uijong (r. 1146-1170). King Yejong expended considerable effort to promote Taoism. For instance, he ordered the teaching of the Daodejing (道德經), actively imported Taoist elements and ideas from the Song Dynasty, and built Goryeo’s first Taoist temple, Bokwongung. King Uijong was also a strong supporter of Taoism, who frequently held choje and built several Taoist halls specifically for the king’s own use (e.g., Gieunsaek [祈恩色], Daechosaek [大醮色], Noindang [老人堂]). Taoism maintained a powerful presence under the reign of King Sinjong (r. 1197-1204), when the Taoist Choe Dang (崔讜, 1135-1211) formed Girohoe (耆老會, a gathering of retired elderly officials) and lived in free retirement with his fellow retired officials. According to Goryeosa, Choe Dang and his fellows were considered “immortals on earth” (地上仙), and their images were engraved on a rock so that they would be remembered by the world. As the belief in Taoism prevailed in the 12th century, the visual representation of Taoist immortals also became more popular, and this trend seems to have been reflected in the increased production of celadon wares shaped like Taoist immortals. In addition, there were frequent exchanges between Goryeo and the Jin Dynasty during the 12th century, and it is possible that Taoist motifs (including the cranes-and-clouds design) were imported into Goryeo at this time.4 As already noted, the cranes-and-clouds design can be seen on clothes excavated from the tomb of Jin Taoist master Yan Deyuan (閻德源, 1094-1189). Goryeosa provides some interesting information regarding the second type of Taoist celadon vessels, inscribed cups and dishes used in Taoist rituals. The celadon bowl with the inscription chilwonjeonbae (Fig. 19) was probably used during the choje offered to Chilwon, the Seven Stars of the Northern Dipper. According to Goryeosa, that particular ritual was performed four times during the reign of King Uijong (in 1152 and three times in 1169), and twice during the reign of King Gojong (in 1253 and 1254) (See Table 2). Table 2. Records from “Sega” (世家), Goryeosa, regarding the performance of choje for Chilwon (Northern Dipper) Eighth day of fourth month, 1152 (sixth year of King Uijong) Choje for the Northern Dipper performed in the palace of the king 醮北斗於內殿 22nd day of first month, 1169 (23rd year of King Uijong) Choje for the Northern Dipper performed in the palace of the king 醮北斗於內殿. Unknown day in second month, 1169 Choje for Sibiryo, Southern Dipper, Northern Dipper, 28 constellations, and the signs of the zodiac performed in the palace in Sumunjeon Hall 醮十一曜·南北斗·二十八宿·十二宮神於修文殿. Fifth day of third month, 1169 Choje for Taeil (origin of everything), Sibiryo, Southern Dipper, Northern Dipper, and the signs of the zodiacperformed in the palace of the king 醮太一·十一曜·南北斗·十二宮神於內殿 14th day of 12th month, 1253 (40th year of King Gojong) Choje for the Northern Dipper performed by the king 親醮北斗 23rd day of first month, 1254 (41st year of King Gojong) Choje for the Northern Dipper performed by the king in the palace of the king 親醮北斗于內殿. Goryeosa records eight performances of Sibiryocho, which is related to the celadon wares inscribed with sibiryojeonbae. Four of those performances occurred during the reign of King Uijong, while the other four happened around the last quarter of the 13th century (i.e., fifth and eleventh months of 1272, fifth month of 1274, and twelfth month of 1288, see Table 3). Table 3. Records from “Sega” (世家), Goryeosa, regarding the performance of choje for Sibiryo Seventh day of 12th month, 1150 (fourth year of King Uijong) Choje for Sibiryo performed by the King in the palace of the king 親醮十一曜於內殿 Eighth day of second month, 1169 (23rd year of King Uijong) Choje for Sibiryo and 28 constellations performed in the palace of the king 醮十一曜, 二十八宿於內殿. Unknown day in second month, 1169 Choje for Sibiryo, Southern Dipper, Northern Dipper, 28 constellations, and the signs of the zodiac performed in the palace of the king 醮十一曜·南北斗·二十八宿·十二宮神於修文殿. Fifth day of third month, 1169 Choje for Taeil, Sibiryo, Southern Dipper, Northern Dipper, and the signs of the zodiac performed in the palace of the king 醮太一·十一曜·南北斗·十二宮神於內殿 Seventh day of fifth month, 1273 (14th year of King Wonjong) Choje for Sibiryo performed by the king in the main palace 親醮十一曜于本闕. Sixth day of 11th month, 1273 Choje for Sibiryo performed in the palace of the king 醮十一曜于內殿. 17th day of fifth month, 1274 (15th year of King Wonjong) King visits the main palace to perform choje for Sibiryo and pray for rain 幸本闕, 醮十一曜, 禱雨. Fifth day of 12th month, 1288 (14th year of King Chungryeol) King visits Guyodang to perform choje for Sibiryo 幸九曜堂, 醮十一曜. Goryeosa records 39 performances of Samgyecho—the ceremony associated with celadon wares inscribed with cheon, ji, or gwi—including five times during the reign of King Gojong, six times during the reign of King Wonjong, and ten times during the reign of King Chungryeol. According to the text, sixteen of the Samgyecho ceremonies (41 percent of the total) occurred around the late 13th century, from 1260 to 1308. Thus, the records from Goryeosa show that choje rituals related to the inscribed celadon were performed mostly from the late 12th to the late 13th century. Those inscribed vessels share many similarities in terms of their shape, the style of foot, the location of the inscription, and the firing technique, leading experts to believe that they were all produced around the same time, in the late 13th century, during the reigns of King Wonjong (r. 1259-1274) and King Chungryeol (r. 1274-1308). The records show that Taoist rituals were frequently performed by the king during the 12th century, and yet there is no evidence that celadon ritual wares with inscriptions were produced during this period. So the question is, why did these inscribed vessels suddenly appear in the late 13th century? To address this question, it is first necessary to know what types of vessels were used as ritual wares for Taoist ceremonies in the 12th century. Again, Goryeosa offers some valuable information on this topic: On the eulmyo day, choje was performed for Samgyecho. But the cost of the ceremony was too high, so Dojego and Dojaego (都祭庫; 都齋庫; offices in charge of supplying items for sacrifices and rituals) could not afford the expenses….Thus, a group of naesi (內侍, court servants) including Yu Bangui, Jin Deukmun, Yi Song, Kim Eunghwa, Kim Jonwi, Jeong Jungho, Hui Yun, Wi Jakyeon allied with a group of hwansi (宦寺, eunuchs) and became blood brothers. They exploited people below them and flattered those above them to build temples and order Buddhist paintings, and performed rituals to pray for the longevity of the king. Also, they imposed a special tribute to the state and accumulated vessels made of gold, silver, brass, and copper. (Goryeosa, Book 19, “Sega,” second month, 23rd year of King Uijong, 1169) 乙卯, 設三界醮, 時, 齋醮之費寔繁, 都祭·都齋二庫, 未支其用, 又立館北·奉香·泉洞三宮, 各置員僚, 徵求諸道, 轉輸三宮者, 絡繹於道, 民皆愁嘆, 內侍劉邦義·秦得文·李竦·金應和·金存偉·鄭仲壺·希胤·魏綽然等, 深結宦寺, 約爲兄弟, 以剝民媚主, 爲事, 創寺繪佛, 設齋祝聖, 又制別貢, 金銀鍮銅器皿, 山積. 高麗史 世家 19 毅宗 23年 2月 The king personally wanted to offer choje to Noinseong (老人星, the Canopus star). So, he ordered Kim Wubeon whose post was Panyebinseongsa (判禮賓省事, third-grade senior official in charge of the feast for state guests) and Jin Yeokseung whose post was Nangjung (郎中, fifth-grade senior official belonging to the Six Boards) to build a shrine at the foot of a mountain south of Jingwansa Temple, and established Byeoleungiso (別恩祈所) to produce flowers made of gold and silver and vessels made of gold and jade. (Goryeosa, Book 19, “Sega,” fourth month in 24th year of King Uijong) 王欲親醮老人星, 命判禮賓省事金于蕃·郞中陳力升, 搆堂於眞觀寺南麓, 又立別恩祈所, 造金銀花, 及金玉器皿. 高麗史 世家 19 毅宗 庚寅 二十四年 四月 As mentioned, choje was most frequently performed during the reign of King Uijong, but these records show that the offices responsible for Taoist rituals (e.g., Dojego or Dojaego) could not afford the expenses for the frequent performances of choje. Hence, some officials close to the king (e.g., Naesi and Hwansi) exploited people to acquire and produce ornaments and vessels made of gold, silver, or jade, which were then presumably used for Taoist rituals in the 12th century. Then why were those vessels made from luxurious materials suddenly replaced by celadon wares in the late 13th century? The answer may be found in another Goryeosa record, regarding the 45th year of King Gojong (1258): During the reign of King Gojong, chincho had long been abolished for many reasons. But then in the 45th year of King Gojong’s reign, necessary items for Jeongsasaek (淨事色, the office in charge of choje) could be supplied by the families of powerful officials. Among naesi of Chamsang (sixth grade or above) and Chamoi (seventh grade or below), diligent people were selected as Naesijeongsasaek (內侍淨事色) and were appointed in posts regardless of their ranks in the government. As many men of power entered Jeongsasaek, the number of officials of Jeongsasaek gradually increased.(Goryeosa, Book 31, Treatise on Government Posts, Jesa dogma gaksaek, Jeongsasaek)高宗時, 諸事未具, 久廢親醮, 至四十五年, 取權臣家 淨事色器械, 以充其用, 選差內侍叅上, 叅外勤恪者, 稱內侍淨事色, 每政, 超資除授, 有勢者爭入, 員數漸多.高麗史 志 31 百官 諸司都監各色 淨事色 The above record shows that Jeongsasaek was established in 1258 to resume choje, which had long been suspended. According to the records, choje was performed 12 times during the 46-year reign of King Gojong: six times from 1220 to 1228, and six times from 1251 to 1259. Thus, it would seem that the performance of choje was suspended for about 22 years, from 1229 to 1250. Notably, this period coincides with the Mongol invasion of 1230, which forced the king to move the capital to Ganghwado Island, a likely reason why the king could not conduct Taoist rituals for more than two decades. King Gojong resumed choje in 1251, but apparently the vessels and implements for choje had not been secured even by 1258, so necessary items were temporarily acquired or borrowed from the families of powerful officials. Goryeo was still at war with the Mongols in 1258, and the state was short on the necessary items for choje. In 1259, a peace treaty was signed with the Mongols and the Goryeo capital returned to Gaegyeong, but evidently the royal court was still lacking the proper implements for choje. Hence, the inscribed vessels for Taoist rituals were produced during the ensuing reigns of King Wonjong and King Chungryeol, when choje were frequently held. Interestingly, while the ritual wares used during the previous century were made from precious metals or jade, the vessels produced for Taoist rituals in the 13th century were made from celadon, probably because celadon was more abundant and less expensive than those other materials. Therefore, the sudden production of inscribed celadon wares for Taoist rituals in the late 13th century can seemingly be explained by the war with the Mongols, which suspended the king’s performance of choje, caused financial difficulties for the royal family, and made it more difficult to collect taxes and tributes. Conclusion This paper has examined the influence of Taoism on Goryeo celadon, especially in regard to how the production of celadon vessels related to Taoism was affected by the fluctuating performance of Taoist rites by the Goryeo kings. There are two main types of Goryeo celadon related to Taoism: celadons in the form of Taoist figures or decorated with Taoist motifs, and celadon vessels inscribed with the names of Taoist deities or rituals. Both types were produced in conjunction with the royal family’s generous sponsorship of Taoism, but the first type seems to have been produced mostly in the 12th century, while the second type was produced largely in the late 13th century. According to historical records, Taoist rituals were most frequently performed in the royal court during the reigns of King Yejong and King Uijong in the 12th century and during the reign of King Chungryeol in the late 13th century. Among the celadon wares of the 12th century, some of the aesthetic elements that reflect the influence of Taoism include bird decorations on the crown, peaches, and feather-like decorations on the hem of the robe sleeves. Also, existing research has largely overlooked the Taoist roots of the most popular motif of Goryeo celadon, the cranes-and-clouds design. Given that Goryeo literature of the 12th century often mentions cranes in relation to Taoist immortals, and that the cranes-and-clouds design was expressed in relics excavated from the tombs of influential Taoist masters of the contemporaneous Jin and Yuan Dynasties, I conclude that the cranes-and-clouds design on Goryeo celadon represented the world of Taoist immortals. In the late 13th century, many celadon wares were produced with inscriptions related to Taoist rituals (e.g., sojeon, sojeonsaek, chilwonjeonbae, Sibiryojeonbae, cheonhwangjeonbae, samgung, cheon, ji, gwi), and these vessels are thought to have been used in Taoist rituals. Taoist rituals were not performed by the Goryeo royal court from 1229 to 1250 due to the war against the Mongols, but the rituals were resumed in 1251 (the 38th year of King Gojong). However, at that time, the court was still lacking the necessary implements for choje. Historical records show that the office responsible for choje was re-established in 1258, after which time choje began to be performed more frequently. Thus, the inscribed celadon ritual wares were almost certainly produced in the late 13th and early 14th century, during the reigns of King Wonjong (r. 1259-1274) and King Chungryeol (r. 1274-1308). In the 12th century, ritual wares made from precious metals or jade had been used for choje, but the vessels produced for those rituals in the late 13th century were made from celadon. This change is thought to be due to the long years of war, which had interrupted the royal performance of choje, exhausted the kingdom’s finances, and destroyed the existing system of tributary taxation.

The great mounds of the tumuli that dot the landscape of Gyeongju, the ancient capital of Silla, demonstrate the enormous power wielded by the individuals for whom they were constructed. However, that power was anything but simplistic, and for a more detailed understanding of its nature, we must venture inside the tumuli to examine the grave goods buried within them. For example, the amazing quality and quantity of the grave goods excavated from Hwangnamdaechong Tomb—a royal tomb of the fifth century beneath a mound that measures approximately 120 meters in length and 24 meters in height—clearly demonstrates the economic and military power wielded by the Silla kings, who were called maripgan at the time. The substantial political power of the maripgan was not something that emerged suddenly, but was the end-product of an ongoing process of state formation that can be traced back to the Bronze Age. One way of investigating this process, which culminated with the Silla Kingdom, may be to consider how the power base of the chiefs within the region changed over time. This may be done by analyzing the grave goods from the burials of chiefs, and particularly by examining how the nature of the grave goods changed over time as the social role of the chief shifted from being a leader with authority to being a ruler with power (Lee Heejoon 2002). Therefore, this article analyzes and compares the grave goods from representative burials of chiefs in the region from the Bronze Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (which preceded the establishment of the Silla Kingdom). Such an analysis should enhance our understanding of the changing nature of the power of chiefs, and particularly how control based on authority came to be replaced by control through power. So how can grave goods shed light on the formation and intensification of authority or power? One possible approach may be to consider the grave goods in terms of their relationship with the economic, physical, and ideological components of society, which Haas (1982) and Earle (1997) have identified, respectively, as providing the “base” or “source” of the elite’s controlling power. An examination of how these three components were established over time, ultimately contributing to the institutionalization of the power of the chiefs, may allow us to judge the degree to which the societies of each period were politically integrated. Research Approach Before the mid-1990s, research on the formation of ancient states in the Korean Peninsula tended to take a social evolutionary approach. Central to this approach was the notion of a “chiefdom society,” which was believed to have been established in the Bronze Age. However, the concept of a “Korean chiefdom society” is highly problematic, in that it attempts to categorize the social characteristics of the Korean Bronze Age according to a scheme of social development previously established by western scholars. Since the mid-1990s, a number of studies have appeared that address the issue of state formation through a diachronic analysis of the evolution of political power. This new research trend began with Kwon Oyoung’s (1996) study on the formation of the guk polities of Samhan. This was soon followed by studies that successively: analyzed the grave goods (i.e., bronze artifacts) of elite burials in the southern regions of the Korean Peninsula in order to consider how the social position of the deceased changed from the Early Iron Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (Lee Cheonggyu 1998); examined archaeological material from the Yeongnam region in order to trace the area’s social development from the Bronze Age through the development of the Jinhan and Byeonhan polities (Lee Jaehyun 2003); addressed the religious role of Early Iron Age chiefs (supplementing previous discussion of their political, economic, and military power), including contemplating how that role may have changed over time (Yi Hyunhae 2003); and showed how the changing nature of political power gradually brought about the integration of regional political units from the Bronze Age (Lee Sungjoo 2007). Thus, since the mid-1990s, studies on state formation in the Korean Peninsula have focused, either implicitly or explicitly, on the development of political or social power. They have also recognized that the most appropriate method for investigating this topic may be an analysis of artifacts from burial contexts, and have thus acknowledged the need for a more systematic and comprehensive analysis of these artifacts. To date, however, no study of state formation with the clear goal of charting the development of power has provided a detailed consideration of the interpretative methodology required to undertake such an endeavor. As mentioned, Jonathan Haas (1982), whose research was translated into Korean in the late 1980s, approached the process of state formation and development by looking at how leaders come to exercise power over their dependent population. His method of analyzing this power in terms of the three constituent aspects—economic, physical, and ideological—that form its “base” can serve as the blueprint for constructing a valid interpretative approach. With this in mind, this paper carries out a systematic analysis of the grave goods from representative chieftain burials, in the belief that such artifacts may reflect the changing nature of the above-mentioned aspects of the power base of chiefs. Analysis and interpretation will particularly focus on identifying how the grave goods represent various aspects of the chiefs’ power base, in order to elucidate how those aspects shifted in significance over time. The time period under consideration in this paper comprises the Korean Bronze Age, Early Iron Age, and Proto-Three Kingdoms Period.1 For the purpose of the current research, each of these periods can be further divided into a number of phases. The Bronze Age can be subdivided into the Early and Late Bronze Age. The Early Iron Age can be subdivided utilizing the chronological framework established by Takesue Shunichi (2004), which is based on diachronic changes observable in the assemblages of pottery and bronze artifacts from the southern region of the Korean Peninsula (see the map, p. 75), and supplemented by cross-dating the Korean artifacts with material from the Northern Kyushu region of Japan. This division includes the following four phases: Phase I (representative site: Namseong-ri, Asan), dated to around the fourth century BCE, and represented by Korean-type bronze daggers, bronze mirrors, and bronze ritual implements of unknown function found in association with attached-rim pottery with rims that are round in cross section; Phase II (representative site: Chopo-ri, Hampyeong), dated to the early third century BCE, and represented by bronze dagger-axes, bronze spearheads, and bronze bells found in association with attached-rim pottery with rims that are round in cross section; Phase III (representative site: Namyang-ri, Jangsu), dated to the late third century BCE, and represented by iron objects found in association with attached-rim pottery with rims that are round in cross section; and Phase IV, dated to around the second century BCE, and represented by attached-rim pottery with rims that are triangular in cross section. The Proto-Three Kingdoms Period can be roughly divided into the wooden coffin burial phase (first century BCE - second century CE), and the wooden chamber burial phase (second - third century CE). The wooden coffin burial phase can be further subdivided into Phase I (up to first century CE) and Phase II (first century CE and beyond); the wooden chamber burial phase is referred to as Phase III.2 Map of important sites mentioned in the text: ① Soso-ri in Dangjin ② Dongseo-ri in Yesan ③ Namseong-ri in Asan ④ Gubong-ri in Buyeo ⑤ Hapsong-ri in Buyeo ⑥ Songguk-ri in Buyeo ⑦ Wonbuk-ri in Nonsan ⑧ Goejeong-dong in Daejeon ⑨ Gal-dong in Wanju ⑩ Namnyang-ri in Jangsu ⑪ Chopo-ri in Hampyeong ⑫ Daegok-ri in Hwasun ⑬ Jeongnyang-dong in Yeosu ⑭ Paldal-dong in Daegu ⑮ Yongjeon-ri in Yeongcheon ⑯ Okseong-ri in Pohang ⑰ Sara-ri in Gyeongju ⑱ Tap-dong in Gyeongju ⑲ Joyang-dong in Gyeongju ⑳ Gujeong-dong in Gyeongju ㉑ Ipsil-ri in Gyeongju ㉒ Jungsan-ri in Ulsan ㉓ Hadae in Ulsan ㉔ Daho-ri in Changwon ㉕ Yangdong-ri in Gimhae Artifacts from Representative Chieftain Burials 1. Bronze Age (Fig. 1) Fig. 1. Bronze dagger (left) and stone dagger (right) from Songguk-ri site in Buyeo. Bronze Age. Height (left)- 33.4 cm, (right)- 34.1 cm. (National Museum of Korea). The burials of the Bronze Age consist of dolmens and stone cist burials. In the case of dolmens, the quantity and quality of grave goods are not directly proportionate to the scale of the burial structure, since the grave goods generally consist of either a single Liaoning-type bronze dagger or a set comprising a single stone dagger and several stone arrowheads, with little variation in quality and quantity. It is therefore difficult to determine, based on the grave goods alone, which of the dolmens may be regarded as representative chieftain burials of the Early Bronze Age. As for the Late Bronze Age, the stone cist burials of the Songguk-ri site in Buyeo can be regarded as the representative chieftain burials. In contrast to the Early Bronze Age, the burials of this phase contain either two stone daggers, or bronze daggers along with either stone daggers or other bronze objects; notably, a few burials contain all three types of these artifacts. However, it cannot be said that bronze daggers became more widely used as grave goods in the Late Bronze Age. In Early Bronze Age burials, a total of two bronze daggers and 11 stone daggers have been excavated; in Late Bronze Age burials, 13 bronze daggers and 191 stone daggers have been excavated, and just four of the burials contained both bronze and stone daggers (Bae Jinseong 2006). 2. Early Iron Age (Table 1 and Figs. 2 and 3) Table 1. Representative burials and grave goods of each phase of the Early Iron Age. Phase Site Korean-type bronze dagger Excavated number Bronze mirror Bronze ritual implement of unknown function Bronze bell Bronze spearhead Bronze dagger-axe Bronze tool Other bronze object Iron tool Ⅰ Dongseo-ri, Yesan 8 5 Split-bamboo-shaped 3Trumpet-shaped 2Disk-shaped 1 Ⅱ Chopo-ri, Hampyeong 4 3 Instrument with end bells 2Composite instrument with end bells 2Poll-top bell 2Other type 1 2 3 Axe 1Chisel 2Engraver 1 Chinese-type mirror Ⅲ Burial 4, Namyang-ri, Jangsu 1 1 2 Chisel 1 Axe 2Chisel 2Engraver 2 Ⅲ Burial Na-1, Wonbuk-ri, Nonsan 1 Axe 1 Ⅳ Burial 4, Gal-dong, Wanju Cast axe 2 Ⅳ Burial 90, Paldal-dong, Daegu 1 1 Flat axe 1,Spearhead 1,Sword 1 Fig. 2. Grave goods from the burials of Phase I to IV of the Early Iron Age (Scale: 1/8, except for pottery and Artifact 18 [1/10], and beads [1/4]) Fig. 3. Shield-shaped bronze implement from Namseong-ri site. Early Iron Age. Length- 17.6 cm. (National Museum of Korea) – Phase I The representative chieftain burials of this phase come from the sites of Goejeong-dong in Daejeon, Dongseo-ri in Yesan, and Namseong-ri in Asan. Various bronze objects including daggers and mirrors were commonly used as grave goods, and the only types of pottery deposited in the burials were attached-rim pottery and burnished black jars with long necks. The burials of Dongseo-ri and Namseong-ri yielded many Korean-type bronze daggers, but in the Goejeong-dong burial, only one Korean-type bronze dagger was found, in association with bronze horse bells. In addition, bronze axes and chisels were also deposited as grave goods at the chieftain burial of Namseong-ri. – Phase II The representative chieftain burials of this phase come from the sites of Gubong-ri in Buyeo, Daegok-ri in Hwasun, and Chopo-ri in Hampyeong. Bronze axes and chisels were used as grave goods; notably, bronze engraving tools are commonly found in the burials of this phase. In addition, bronze bells seem to have replaced the bronze ritual implements of unknown function from the previous phase. A relatively large number of Korean-type bronze daggers were found, and interestingly enough, one Chinese bronze dagger was deposited at one of the Chopo-ri burials. – Phase III The representative chieftain burials of this phase come from the sites of Hapsong-ri in Buyeo, Soso-ri in Dangjin, and Namyang-ri in Jangsu. Bronze bells were no longer used as grave goods, and the deposition of iron tools (e.g., axes, chisels, engravers) began. Korean-type bronze daggers and bronze mirrors continued to be deposited, but no longer in multiple numbers. Bronze dagger-axes and spearheads were still used as grave goods, but were never deposited together in the same tomb. Fragments of bronze mirrors and daggers were also used as grave goods (e.g., the earth-cut burial from the site of Wonbuk-ri in Nonsan). The standard set of grave goods, consisting of a single Korean-type bronze dagger with the addition of another type of bronze object (such as a bronze mirror), was no longer maintained in this period, as can be seen in the cases of Burial Na-1 in Wonbuk-ri and the burials of Gal-dong, Wanju. – Phase IV In this phase, Korean-type bronze daggers and bronze mirrors no longer appear to have been used as grave goods in the chieftain burials of the south-western region of the peninsula. However, in the southeastern region, Korean-type bronze daggers and bronze mirrors with multiple knobs continued to be used as grave goods, in association with bronze engravers, spearheads, and bells. This can be observed at the burials of Ipsil-ri and Gujeong-dong, both located in Gyeongju. Notably, in Phase IV, bronze spearheads and dagger-axes were still used as grave goods in the southeastern region (for example, in Burial 90 at Paldal-dong in Daegu), whereas in the southwestern region, their use was already experiencing a decline in Phase III. This fact may reflect a difference in the degree of cultural development between the eastern and western parts of the southern region of the peninsula, which has previously been posited. 3. Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (Table 2 and Figs. 4, 5, and 6) Table 2. Representative burials and their grave goods of each phase of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period. Phase Site Korean-type bronze dagger Bronze mirror Other bronze objects Bead ornament Iron sword Iron spearhead Iron arrowhead Cast iron axe Flat iron axe Wrought iron axe Other iron objects I Burial 38, Joyang-dong, Gyeongju Early Han mirror 4 Ring-shaped object Glass beads, Agate beads Dagger 1 2 8 3 Hand knife 3 Engraver, Scythe, Chise II Burial 130, Sara-ri, Gyeongju 2 Korean imitation mirror 4 Tiger-shaped buckle 2, Horse gear Glass and crystal earring 1 Dagger 1 2 24 70 4 Small knife 4 Caldron, Scythe, Horse bit III Burial 162, Yangdong-ri, Gimhae Late Han mirror 2, Korean imitation mirror 8 Glass and crystal earring 1 6 (Including a sword) 18 60 40 8 Plow Caldron, Scythe III Burial 78, Okseong-ri, Pohang Crystal beads Sword 3 105 64 2 9 Shovel, Object of unknown function with scale-shaped protrusions, Hand knife, Scythe Fig. 4. Grave goods from the burials of Phases I - III of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (Scale: 1/8, except for pottery [1/10], beads [1/4], Artifact 47 [1/20], and Artifact 48 [1/15]). Fig. 5. Animal-shaped buckles from Eoeun-dong site in Yeongcheon. Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (1st century). Length (above)- 19.4 cm, (below) 22.4 cm. (Gyeongju National Museum). Fig. 6. Necklace from Sara-ri site in Gyeongju. Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (1st century). Diameter of each bead - 0.3-0.4 cm. (Gyeongju National Museum). – Phase I (Wooden coffin burials of the first century BCE) The representative chieftain burials of this phase are Burials 5 and 38 of Joyang-dong in Gyeongju, Burial 1 of Daho-ri in Changwon, and the wooden coffin burial of Yongjeon-ri in Yeongcheon. In this phase, the Korean-type bronze dagger was replaced by the iron dagger. Flat iron axes were commonly used as grave goods (but usually no more than two or four in a single grave), and iron sickles and iron knives with a ring-shaped hilt began to be deposited together as a set. Joyang-dong Burial 5, which is a relatively early burial, contains a bronze mirror with multiple knobs, but in the later burials of this phase, that type of mirror was replaced by Han bronze mirrors, thus bringing an end to the use of the former as a grave good. Notably, bronze horse bells were found in the majority of these burials. Also of interest is the deposition of weapons (e.g., iron spearheads) and farming and construction tools (e.g., iron axes) as grave goods in the wooden coffin burial of Yongjeon-ri. – Phase II (Wooden coffin burials of the late first century CE) Burial 130 of Sara-ri in Gyeongju is the representative chieftain burial of this phase. Notably, this burial represents the last known instance of the Korean-type bronze dagger being used as a grave good. Also deposited in the burial were iron arrowheads, which became a popular grave good from this period; many iron axes; various bronze objects; four Korean imitations of Han mirrors, effectively replacing the Han mirrors of the later stage of Phase I; and crystal beads, which indicate the existence of a long-distance exchange network. The last three types of artifact are of particular note for this study, since they seem to have been used to emphasize the social and political status of the deceased. – Phase III (Wooden chamber burials of the mid-second to early third century CE) A representative chieftain burial of this phase is Burial 162 of Yangdong-ri in Gimhae. A greater number of iron arrowheads were used as grave goods, and the presence of many iron spearheads is also of interest. The deposition of a large number of flat iron axes and Korean imitations of Han mirrors (in addition to some authentic Han mirrors) continued as well. Another representative site is Burial 78 of Okseong-ri in Pohang, which dates to the later stage of this phase, and is most interesting for the presence of a large number of iron spearheads and arrowheads. Overall, weapons, rather than farming implements and other tools, were more widely used as grave goods. Flat iron axes were no longer deposited, except in the earliest stage of this phase, and the importance of general farming tools (such as iron sickles) appears to have diminished, being largely replaced by shovels. In the other representative chieftain burials of this phase, such as Burial 43 of Hadae in Ulsan, pitchforks and small plows were deposited along with shovels. It should be noted that these three types of farming tools (which are all plowing tools) only appear with any frequency in the large-scale burials of this phase, often in association with swords with ring-shaped pommel end decorations and quartz beads. Diachronic Change in the Power Base of Chiefs from the Bronze Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period 1. Power Base of Bronze Age Chiefs There has been much debate regarding the nature of the society of the Korean Bronze Age. It is considered by some scholars to have been a stratified society, as exemplified by those participating in the 2006 conference “Stratified Society and the Emergence of Leaders.” However, in the English archaeological and anthropological literature, “stratified society” generally refers to highly complex societies, and therefore must be used with care. For example, Morton Fried (1967) regards “stratified society” as a social stage that follows egalitarian and ranked society, and precedes the state. In addition, Kristian Kristiansen (1991) has used “stratified society” to refer to a social stage in between chiefdom and state. Thus, in the archaeological record, stratified societies may not easily be distinguished from state-level societies. In the Korean Bronze Age, members of society no longer maintained an egalitarian relationship, but the precise nature of that social inequality requires much consideration. The issue becomes even more complicated if we accept that social differentiation may be observed even within egalitarian societies. Brian Hayden (1995), for example, has proposed the concept of “transegalitarian communities,” which are additional social categories lower than chiefdoms, and characterized by a degree of social inequality. Therefore, while the Bronze Age in Korea clearly witnessed the emergence of social inequality, the precise nature and meaning of that inequality has yet to be fully explored. Significantly, the grave goods of the chieftain burials of both the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age generally consisted of a single dagger—a stone dagger for the Bronze Age, and a bronze dagger for the Early Iron Age (along with other bronze objects). This concurrence indicates that the dagger likely symbolized the political authority, rather than the military power, of the leader. In addition, the fact that only a single dagger was deposited makes it unlikely to be a concrete expression of economic power or individual wealth. Thus, of the aforementioned three aspects of the power base of chiefs, the dagger would seem to represent the ideological component. While the labor involved in the construction of dolmens may also be regarded as a strong indicator of the authoritative nature of chieftain power, labor expenditure also represents, to a degree, the economic component of that power base. However, this economic aspect does not appear to have been controlled by the deceased individual alone. The presence of Liaoning-type bronze daggers in Bronze Age burials is widely considered to be a strong indicator that the deceased were part of a local elite group. For example, Takesue Shunichi (2002) attempted to attribute Stone Cist Burial 1 from Section 52 of the Songguk-ri site to a local elite group, based on the presence of a Liaoning-type bronze dagger and a stone dagger, along with the fact that the graves form a cluster with other neighboring burials. This understanding of dagger burials is based in part on the interpretation of the Sangjeok dolmen cluster from the Jeoknyang-dong site in Yeosu, which yielded many bronze artifacts, including seven Liaoning-type bronze daggers and one Liaoning-type bronze spearhead. Takesue divided these dolmens into seven groups, with each group containing a dolmen with a bronze dagger (Fig. 7), and it was suggested that the seven dolmen groups represented seven social groups of equal social standing. Fig. 7. Distribution of Liaoning-type bronze daggers from the dolmens of the Sangjeok group of the Jeokryang-dong site in Yeosu (Takesue Shunichi, 2004, p. 31). Woo Jeongyeon (2010) has suggested that the bronze dagger dolmens may be the graves of the founding ancestors of local groups, and that the dolmens later constructed nearby may have also been imbued with the symbolic meaning of the bronze daggers by virtue of their close proximity to the dolmens containing them, which might explain why there were no grave goods in many of those later burials. Given this interpretation, then it is possible to argue that burials with bronze daggers were not necessarily superior to those without. Notably, the bronze objects that were deposited as grave goods in Early Bronze Age burials most likely came from outside the Korean Peninsula and, as they have mostly been found at coastal sites, they may have been acquired through long-distance sea routes. Therefore, the individuals buried with these bronze daggers may have been involved in long-distance trade, which contributed to the accumulation of economic wealth by the community. The grave goods found in the Late Bronze Age stone cist burial from Songguk-ri are particularly fine, including a Liaoning-type bronze dagger, a stone dagger, 11 stone arrowheads, and many jade beads. It has been suggested that the individual in this burial and the occupants of other burials in the Songguk-ri cemetery were members of the local elite (Choi Jonggyu 2004). One way to explain the disproportionate amount of labor involved in the construction of Bronze Age burials vis-à-vis the relatively modest grave goods deposited within, as well as the fact that the burials of the ensuing Early Iron Age consisted of single interments accompanied by a rich array of grave goods, may be to adopt Colin Renfrew’s (1974) distinction between group-orientated chiefdoms and particularizing chiefdoms. In applying this distinction to the Korean data, however, it must be noted that Renfrew’s model was based on European prehistoric societies, which were similar to Korean societies in terms of the degree of social complexity, but drastically different in terms of their mode of organization (Feinman 2001). The preceding evidence indicates that, during the Bronze Age, the ideological component seems to have been the predominant factor of the power base of chiefs on the Korean Peninsula, rather than the economic or physical component. 2. Power Base of Early Iron Age Chiefs In Phases I and II of the Early Iron Age, the grave goods assemblage came to consist of Korean-type bronze daggers accompanied by a variety of other bronze objects. As noted above for the Bronze Age, these daggers can be seen to symbolize the political authority of the deceased (Yoon Taeyeong 2010), and thus may also be regarded as representing the ideological component of chieftain power. As for the other types of bronze objects deposited in Early Iron Age burials, Yoon has interpreted the bronze ritual implements of unknown function and bronze bells as ritual symbols; bronze spearheads and daggeraxes as symbols of military power; and bronze axes, chisels, and engraving tools as economic symbols. The latter were attributed with an economic meaning because they were regarded as tools involved in the production of mokgan (wooden strips for writing), which were seen to reflect the deceased’s control of the long-distance exchange networks that may have provided the economic base of chieftain power. The imported Chinese-type bronze dagger found at the Chopo-ri burial may also serve as an indicator of such a network. Bronze mirrors, as sacred objects that symbolized interaction with the sun and the gods, have been interpreted as the highest class of ritual object owned by the high priest. Since the high priest was also a chief, such mirrors can be regarded as the representative ritual objects of a theocratic society. Ethnographic studies have shown that mirrors are seen to imbue their owners with absolute spiritual power, so it has also been suggested that those buried with bronze mirrors were believed to possess such power (Yi Hyunhae 2003). These interpretations demonstrate that bronze mirrors may also be regarded as symbols of the deceased’s ideological and political status. The bronze ritual implements of unknown function deposited in the burials of Phase I of this period may have represented the common wishes of the entire community. For example, the shield-shaped bronze implement from Namseong-ri site (Fig. 3) featured an image of a grain god, who may have ensured agricultural bounty, while the bronze implement in the form of a split bamboo is thought to have been involved in rituals of worship. The practice of depositing these implements, which had a strong communal element, may have provided an ideological focal point for the community, helping to unify them into a single political unit (Yi Hyunhae 2003). Thus the bronze ritual implements of unknown function may have provided political leaders with an additional priestly role, and consequently, an ideological power base. The use of these bronze ritual implements of unknown function as grave goods came to an end in Phase II, possibly because such symbols were no longer needed to assert the priestly role of the chief. Indeed, this may also explain the subsequent deposition of bronze bells, which were ritual implements used to call upon the gods (Lee Cheonggyu 1998). One of the most distinctive features of the Phase I burials of the Early Iron Age is the use of multiple daggers as grave goods. Given that different styles of daggers have been found in a single burial, they do not appear to have been deposited as weapons. As mentioned, the daggers likely functioned as symbols of the political authority of the deceased, but they may also have symbolized the deceased’s role in controlling long-distance exchange networks, and thereby represented the economic aspect of chieftain power. It should also be mentioned that the bronze spearheads and dagger-axes from Phase II and III burials may also be understood this way: although they are often associated with the physical element of chieftain power, they were not generally used as actual weapons, at least in the southwestern region of the Korean Peninsula. Given that such objects were probably obtained through long-distance exchange networks, they may have symbolized the deceased’s control of those networks. The fact that these objects—including the bronze engraving tool, as discussed above—were deposited in Early Iron Age burials from the earliest phase onwards may suggest that the economic component of chieftain power began to emerge from the beginning of this period. Then how can we understand the increased ideological component of the power base of chiefs, as represented by the deposition of bronze ritual implements of unknown function from the beginning of the Early Iron Age? One possibility is to consider Stephen Shennan’s (1982) distinction between the group-oriented ideology of European Neolithic societies and the particularizing ideology of the early chiefdom societies of the Bronze Age, assuming that the latter might also be applied to the Korean Early Iron Age. Of course, the grave goods of the European Early Bronze Age and the Korean Early Iron Age are different in nature; the former consist mainly of individual prestige items, while the latter include bronze ritual implements of unknown function, which were strongly communal in nature. This indicates that some of the communal elements of the funerary practices of the previous period were retained into the Early Iron Age. The most distinctive feature of Phase III is the clustering of burials, which was accompanied by the use of iron objects as grave goods. The burial clusters of the southern regions of the peninsula seem to have been established around the same time that iron objects first appeared in the area. However, it is difficult at present to pinpoint the precise date that these changes occurred or to identify the nature of the causal relationship—which clearly existed—between the two. The early iron artifacts found in the burials of the southwestern region are cast iron products that came from Warring States China, and they consist solely of a limited range of farming tools (Lee Sungjoo 2007). Therefore, in interpreting these artifacts, their practical function would seem to be subsidiary to their signification of economic power, representing the deceased’s ability to acquire such implements through long-distance exchange. This interpretation is supported by the fact that these iron farming tools replaced the bronze counterparts of the previous period. Thus, the early iron artifacts can be regarded as indicators of a significant increase in the economic basis of chieftain power, which was generated by long-distance exchange. Given this possible scenario, the clustering of burials may be understood as the result of economic stratification in society, which led chiefs and associated individuals to come together according to lineage. It should be mentioned that, while the brush and engraving tool from Burial 1 at Daho-ri are generally regarded as the earliest evidence for writing in the southern regions of the Korean Peninsula, the engraving tools deposited in Early Iron Age burials might have been used to make wooden strips for writing (Yoon Taeyeong 2010). If so, that could mean that long-distance exchange was actively taking place as early as Phase II of the Early Iron Age, contributing greatly to the increase in the economic basis of chieftain power. The evidence from the Phase IV burials is of poor resolution, making it difficult to interpret the archaeological data. However, one clearly noticeable feature of the grave goods assemblage is the presence of a wider range of ceramic vessels. This diversity of ceramic vessels may suggest the development and sophistication of libation ceremonies and ritual offerings, which in turn may indirectly reflect the close relationship between the deceased and the mourners. The ritual confirmation of that close relationship through libations and offerings may have been a means by which the living inherited the social position of the dead. Thus, the variety of ceramic vessels may also be regarded as an indicator of the strengthening ideological component of chieftain power. Thus, the ideological component of chieftain power seems to have been further strengthened in the Early Iron Age, and the economic component was established. By Phase III, the ideological component was so firmly cemented that, for the most part, it no longer needed to be expressed through grave goods. In addition, lineage groups with strong economic foundations came to form separate status groups within society. However, the physical component of chieftain power had yet to emerge. 3. Power Base of Proto-Three Kingdoms Period Chiefs The wooden coffin burials of the southeastern region of the peninsula first came to form clusters around the late second century BCE, and by around 100 BCE, such burial clusters were firmly established. The earliest of the burial clusters are represented by the sites of Ipsil-ri and Gujeong-dong in Gyeongju. Artifacts recovered from these sites (which were not formally excavated) include bronze objects that date to Early Iron Age Phase IV, and cast iron axes. The bronze bells and horse bells from Ipsil-ri can be seen to represent the last traces of the use of ritual objects as grave goods, along with the bronze mirror with multiple knobs from Joyang-dong Burial 5 (one of the earliest burials securely dated to Phase I of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period). It therefore appears that the priestly role of the chief had all but ended by this time. In this period, the Han mirror came to replace the bronze mirror with multiple knobs (e.g., Burial 1, Daho-ri). Considering Takakura Hiroaki’s (1993) interpretation of their use as grave goods in Northern Kyushu, the Han mirrors can be understood as prestige items that symbolized the ideological component of chieftain power. The Han mirrors and other prestige items acquired through long-distance exchange networks, which represent the majority of bronze artifacts found among the grave goods in the Phase I burials, can also be seen to reflect the economic component of chieftain power. The fact that, in the southeastern region of the peninsula, cast iron and flat iron axes appeared around the same time that the wooden coffin burials began to be clustered indicates an increase in the economic component of chieftain power. The production of iron and iron objects was closely associated with long-distance exchange—it has even been suggested that demand from the Chinese commandery of Lelang (established in 108 BCE) played a key role in generating iron production (Lee Sungjoo 1998)—and therefore economic power. The marked presence of iron tools and farming implements (e.g., iron sickles, cast iron hoes, flat iron axes), along with wrought iron axes, in the Phase I Proto-Three Kingdoms burials is indicative of the active participation of chiefs in the production and distribution of iron (Yi Hyunhae 1998). This represents a change from the Early Iron Age Phase III and IV burials, in which only one or two iron objects were symbolically deposited. Therefore, the presence of various bronze and iron artifacts in Phase I Proto-Three Kingdoms burials, symbolizing both the control of long-distance exchange networks and the existence of a secular form of political authority, indicates that the ideological base of chieftain power had been firmly established, and that the chief no longer acted as a high priest. In addition, the economic foundations of chieftain power also came to be firmly established through a synergistic relationship between increased production (as represented by iron tools used for farming and other purposes) and the development of long-distance exchange (as represented by foreign prestige items symbolizing connections with far-off lands) (Yi Hyunhae 1998). However, except for a few arrowheads, iron weapons were not yet being deposited as grave goods (with the exception of the site of Yongjeon-ri in Yeongcheon), suggesting that the physical power base of chiefs had yet to be properly established at this time. The representative burial of Phase II of the Proto-Three Kingdoms, Burial 130 Sara-ri, was found to contain 70 flat iron axes, a rare and dramatic reflection of the growth of economic power. The various bronze objects excavated from this burial can be regarded as prestige items that represented the political authority of the chief, as well as the chief’s involvement in networks of long-distance exchange. Also of importance at this site is the presence of a large number of iron arrowheads, although these were not accompanied by other weapons. This feature began to change during Phase III of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period, when weapons were increasingly deposited as grave goods, implying the emergence of chieftain power based on physical force (Lee Jaehyun 2003). This is particularly noticeable in the early burials of this phase, such as Burial 162 in Yangdong-ri and Burial 78 in Okseong-ri. Iron spearheads came to be used as the dominant grave good of the period, along with the iron arrowheads of the previous phase. The presence of 48 spearheads in Burial 2 at Hadae and 120 spearheads in Burial 58 at Okseong-ri indicates that this was a general trend for the large-scale burials of this phase. At Burial 162 in Yangdong-ri, the 40 flat iron axes, as well as mirrors (one Late Han mirror and eight indigenous imitations), can be seen to represent both the economic and ideological components of chieftain power. However, this direct expression of economic wealth soon came to an end, as can be seen in Burial 78 at Okseong-ri, where social status was expressed solely through a sword and crystal beads. Overall, the increasing presence of ceramic vessels in burials of this period likely reflects the standardization of funerary practices, while also being a material expression of notions of social differentiation, which had become more concrete in this phase. It must be noted that the increased deposition of weapons was accompanied by the use of iron pitchforks, small plows, and shovels as grave goods. These farming tools were used to till the earth and are therefore directly associated with the expansion of agricultural lands and increased production. The fact that these farming tools were limited to large-scale wooden chamber burials indicates that their manufacture and use may have been monopolized by the chiefs of this phase, which could possibly have provided the economic foundations needed to maintain the military force that the chiefs controlled. Hence, the above process may explain how the ideological and economic components of the political power base of chiefs, which had developed over a long time in the southern regions of the peninsula, came to be complemented by the physical component that was established with the appearance of wooden chamber burials. Conclusion The process by which the power base of chiefs in the southern regions of the Korean Peninsula emerged and developed, from the Bronze Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period, can be summarized in the following way. The power base of Bronze Age chiefs, whose leadership was based on authority rather than power per se, consisted only of an ideological component. The beginning of the Early Iron Age (around the fourth century BCE) witnessed the strengthening of the ideological basis of chieftain power, as well as the gradual establishment of its economic component. Based on these developments, the chief and associated individuals came to form an elite group in the late third century BCE, as evidenced by the clustering of burials. The economic basis of chieftain power was further strengthened with the beginning of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period in the first century BCE, and by the second century CE, the military component of the power base of chiefs became firmly established, ultimately resulting in the institutionalization of chieftain power.

During the Three Kingdoms Period, two distinct pottery styles, “Silla ceramic style” and “Gaya ceramic style,” were prevalent in the southeast region of Korea, namely Yeongnam region which includes the present-day provinces of North and South Gyeong-sang. For approximately 150 years, these two styles were geographically exclusive, separated by the Nakdong River. The Gaya ceramic style has been defined according to the stylistic characteristics of pottery found within the territory of the Gaya confederacy, but it must be noted that this style was not homogenous throughout the region. Indeed, significant stylistic differences can be observed between the pottery of Dae Gaya, Ara Gaya, and So Gaya (Park Seunggyu 1998). Such differences can also be observed (albeit to a lesser extent) between the pottery of the different areas that commonly adopted the Silla ceramic style (Lee Sungjoo 1993). “Changnyeong pottery,” “Uiseong pottery,” and “Seongju pottery” are examples of this. In other words, both Silla and Gaya ceramic styles comprised several constituent regional styles. The ceramic assemblages of the primary pottery styles (i.e., Silla and Gaya ceramic styles) are clearly different in nature, not only in terms of the types of vessels, but also in the form of vessels of the same type. However, within the individual regional styles, the types of vessel and the standard form of each vessel type are identical. In fact, the styles can only be distinguished by minute stylistic differences. For example, the Changnyeong and Uiseong styles are distinguished by subtle differences in curvature and other slight variations in form. In addition to geographical division, another interesting topic of study in this area is the change in ceramic style over time. Within the ceramic assemblage of any of the individual styles, small sequential changes can be seen in the vessel types of a specific pottery style, be it one of the two primary styles or a regional style. Hence, examinations of each vessel type according to region have allowed for the identification of regular patterns of change over time, making it possible to establish an extremely detailed chronological framework for both the Silla- and Gaya-style pottery of the Three Kingdoms Period, in which each century is divided into four phases. However, previous studies have rarely undertaken a conceptual analysis of either of the primary ceramic styles, nor have they given thought to the potters responsible for their creation, or to the nature of the pottery production community. Studies have focused, rather, on attempts to associate certain ceramic styles and stylistic changes with political groups and historical events. But we must bear in mind that style emerges from the fingertips of the potter. As such, any discussion of the similarities and differences in ceramic styles must first recognize that style cannot be separated from the ideas, choices, and physical actions of the potter during the production process. This paper aims to identify the stylistic differences between the Silla and Gaya pottery styles of the fifth to early sixth century, and to trace the processes that led to the establishment of each of these ceramic styles. I also examine the reasons for the different degrees of variation in vessel form, both spatially and temporally, as well as the way in which such differences may manifest themselves in both the inclusive and regional ceramic styles. In addition, I explore why changes in ceramic style happened so slowly, in a sequential and regular manner, thereby making it possible to formulate a detailed chronological scheme consisting of 25-year phases for the pottery of a given region. Ultimately, this paper may be regarded as another study on the distribution and transition of the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles. However, its significance lies in the emphasis of two key points: ceramic style should be regarded foremost as the result of human practice and, as such, the technological choices made by the potter must also be examined. Presenting the Problem The history of research on Gaya and Silla pottery can be divided into three distinct phases. Studies from the first phase (1960s to 1970s) aimed to define Silla and Gaya-style pottery and to identify the regional styles associated with each of the two primary styles. In the absence of detailed chronological schemes for the pottery of either region, research focused mainly on roughly summarizing and describing the differences between them. Studies of the second phase, mostly carried out in the 1980s, attempted to construct a systematic chronology for the ceramics of the regional styles. Also in this phase, interpretations that associated sudden changes in ceramic style with political events also began to be presented. A key example of this is the suggestion that the emergence of the Silla ceramic style, and its differentiation from the Gaya ceramic style, in the early fifth century was due to the southern campaigns of Goguryeo’s King Gwanggaeto. In the third phase, beginning in the 1990s, the formation and development of the polities of Silla and Gaya emerged as a key topic of research. Studies of this third phase attempted to use the spatial distribution of ceramic styles to infer the territorial boundaries of these polities. It is indeed highly likely that the spatial distribution of ceramic styles coincided with the territorial boundaries of political units in the Three Kingdoms Period. As noted by Lee Heejoon (1995), in prehistoric times, the area of distribution for any single ceramic style may have been occupied by several different social groups, but the political integration of the ensuing historical periods resulted in the political and economic control of the production of goods within each region. Therefore, it is reasonable to expect that the material culture of each regional group was characterized by a distinctive style. In other words, we may expect the territory of Silla to coincide with the spatial distribution of Silla-style pottery, and the territory of Ara Gaya to coincide with the spatial distribution of Ara Gaya-style pottery. Therefore, the utility of associating the spatial distribution of ceramic styles with the territories of political units must be acknowledged. However, no study has yet addressed the validity of this assertion. I argue that, at present, the field lacks a consideration of ceramic style itself, as well as why it emerges and changes. Ceramic style can be understood as comprising the external characteristics of a ceramic vessel, which inevitably result from the manufacturing practices of the potter. Hence, one way to explain the emergence of any ceramic style is to ask why potters adopted certain actions during the manufacture of ceramics. Indeed, ceramic vessels were “products” manufactured by individuals, which means that their production was structured by the knowledge and techniques of the potters, as well as the available equipment and infrastructure, and the social needs or constraints of the time. In fact, I have proposed that, in the study of ceramics, such factors may be more important than identifying the expansion of political units or the historical events that pottery has been seen to reflect (Lee Sungjoo 2003; 2004). Therefore, we must try to reconstruct the processes by which different styles of pottery were produced, and investigate how those processes were affected by technological choices made by the potter (Lee Sungjoo 2003). Theoretical Premises for the Study of Ceramic Style Technology and Ceramic Style Dojil togi (陶質土器, “stoneware-like pottery”)1 of Silla and Gaya was produced in large numbers using a fast potter’s wheel. It appears that the seven or eight most commonly used types of vessels were funerary or utilitarian vessels. In other words, it cannot be said that each vessel was produced according to a deliberate plan or purpose; rather, once the standard form of a given vessel type was developed and the procedures involved in its production were established, the vessels were repetitively produced by skilled potters who were familiar with those procedures and in particular with the use of the fast potter’s wheel. Of the five related components of techniques proposed by Pierre Lemonnier (Lemonnier 1992: 5), “gesture” may be considered the most significant factor in determining the outer appearance of pottery produced in such numbers. A similar concept would be “motor habit,” as proposed by Arnold (1985: 146-9), which is unconscious, fixed, and automatic. Therefore, if style is to be defined in terms of the outer appearance of ceramic vessels, which derives from the above components of technique, then in the case of production of ceramics in large quantity, style may be understood as unintentional, and resulting from the potential scope of actions that the potter could have adopted during manufacture. In consideration of Sackett’s discussion of style, which emphasized the passive nature of style and distinguished between active and passive style (Sackett 1992), the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles may be regarded as having been highly passive in nature. Since the advent of post-processual archaeology, various discussions have taken place on the social role and meaning of style, and a common theme of these discussions has been the duality of style. More specifically, it is maintained that, if style has a meaning or function, then that meaning or function will be of a dual nature. For example, Wiessner (1983), in studying different types of spearheads in southern Africa, distinguished between “emblemic style” (a symbolic representation of group affiliation) and “assertive style” (which carries information about the individual identity of those who used or produced material culture). Macdonald (1990) later referred to the expression of group identity internalized within a social group as “protocol style” and the exaggerated emphasis of individual identity as “panache style.” As will be later discussed in detail, Costin adopted a similar perspective and distinguished between intentional and mechanical attributes (Costin and Hagstrum 1995). Although originally produced as funerary vessels, most of the Silla- and Gaya-style pottery discussed in this paper are similar in nature to utilitarian vessels as regards their appearance, but some vessels with special decoration have been found in large-scale tombs. For the potter, the use of such decoration not only represented an adherence to the internalized rules of the group regarding the treatment of the deceased, but was also an expression of individual intention and identity. In this sense, Silla- and Gaya-style pottery was imbued with a dual nature. However, given the repetitive nature of the production of these vessels, it is difficult to assert that the styles were meant to express either the intentions of the potter or the symbolic aspect of funerary rituals. Indeed, the minute differences in outer appearance that form the basis of stylistic analyses of Silla- and Gaya-style pottery are the result of varying techniques in forming the vessels. Thus, in ceramics, style is determined in large part by the manufacturing techniques. Lechtman (1997) was the first in the field to argue that artifact style was contingent upon production technology, when she proposed that distinct methods of metallurgy and weaving that developed in the Andes shared a common stylistic mode, and that this technological style was an expression of social ideology or cultural ideas, while at the same time extending beyond simple expression and being involved in the formation and practice of those ideas. Thus, she stressed an understanding of style as being heavily associated with the symbolic and ideological ideas of the society to which the craftsmen belonged. Lechtman’s approach towards technology and style provided a theoretical model for later discussions on the social factors of technological development and the role of technology in a given social context (e.g. Dobres 2000). If ceramic styles are defined according to the external characteristics of pottery, then it may also be said that those styles are contingent upon forming technology. This is especially true of Silla- and Gaya-style pottery, because, as wares produced in great numbers, the outer appearance of these ceramic vessels was determined solely and automatically by forming practices. In this sense, both styles were created by the familiar bodily practices involved in quantity production, and were expressed through the technological developments and refinements that emerged in association with social needs and consensus. Transmission of the Pottery Production System and Technology In order to explain how the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles were formed, we need to consider how the outer appearance and dimensions of the vessels became standardized. As discussed, the style of Silla and Gaya pottery can be seen as a direct expression of production practices that emerged through the repetitive actions of the potters. Both styles can be defined through an examination of common vessel types found in Silla and Gaya burial grounds. For example, the ceramic assemblage of both the Gyeongsan and Uiseong pottery styles are composed of the same types of vessels, so a detailed comparison of the forms of each vessel type is required to establish their respective styles. Actually, it is easier to define regional styles if they become standardized, because such styles show little variation over time. Thus, the ceramic types that were produced in numbers can be more easily associated with a specific ceramic style. In exploring the issue of standardization, Costin and Hagstrum (1995) first distinguished between “intentional” and “mechanical” attributes, just as Sackett had distinguished between passive and assertive style. In this scheme, intentional attributes are those that emerge from the deliberate choices of the potter, whereas mechanical attributes are the result of unconscious production practices, repetitive gestures, efficiency and collective habits. Ceramic archaeologists have long focused on the relationship between production specialization and standardization, as well as the quality of the forming process (van der Leeuw 1977; Rice 1981). However, product specialization need not necessarily coincide with product standardization, such as when a craftsman becomes more specialized by spending a long time producing a limited range of ceramic vessels that require certain intentional techniques. Certainly, standardization in ceramic vessels may be achieved through the unintentional and quasi-mechanical manufacturing practices of producing in large numbers, but standardization and specialization will not always directly correlate. Other factors must be considered, as demonstrated by several studies that have addressed the issue of standardization in terms of social demand and the volume of production, the organization of the production system, and the labor input and work experience of the potter (Hagstrum 1985; Benco 1986; Rice 1981; Costin and Hagstrum 1995). When potters are not required to be inventive or to apply creative forms and decorations in the production of a type of ceramic vessel, then they will typically follow the procedure they have learned and inherited from previous generations. It is such learned habits and motions of production that lead to the formation of technological traditions (Gosselain 1998; Dietler and Herbich 1998; Stark 1999). Even potters who have the opportunity to observe more advanced production techniques will often be reluctant to implement those techniques, opting instead to adhere to the previously learned techniques that they are most comfortable with. Of course, skilled craftsmen may still attempt some innovations, usually when traditional technological elements are selectively merged with new technological elements (Lee Sungjoo 2008). However, so long as there is a demand for products manufactured according to the traditional technological system, that system will be maintained. Evidence from kiln sites recently excavated in the Yeongnam region demonstrates that craft workshops could be maintained for up to a century. Excavations have revealed that pottery, primarily funerary vessels, was manufactured in large quantities at kilns dating to around the fifth century CE. At that time, funerary practices involved depositing ceramic vessels in burials, so the pottery production system and its technology would have been well maintained. The regional pottery production system that supplied the products to any given local area would have been focused around a single pottery workshop or a cluster of workshops. Such workshops would have been maintained by several generations of craftsmen, and production skills would have been transmitted from one generation to the next, resulting in a technological tradition. This process helps to explain how the regional styles of Silla and Gaya pottery would have been established, and why they changed so gradually over time. This phenomenon may be understood to constitute a “regional tradition,” which was established as skills were transmitted within a given production system. Thus, the central workshop or workshop cluster of a region served as the primary mechanism for maintaining and transmitting the pottery technology of the regional styles. Foundations for the Formation of Ceramic Styles Importance of Funerary Vessels The main vessel types of Silla- and Gaya-style pottery were used on a large scale during funerary rituals in the Yeongnam region during the Three Kingdoms Period. These vessel types were established following the formalization of food offering rituals adopted by Jinhan and Byunhan polities in the wooden-chamber tombs of the late second century. The use of ceramic vessels in such ceremonies led to the emergence of various types of funerary vessels, and those funerary vessels form the core of the Silla- and Gaya-style pottery assemblage. Chronological analyses of ceramic artifacts found in the tombs of the Three Kingdoms Period in the Yeongnam region (Lee Sungjoo 1993) indicate that the main Silla-style vessel types emerged around the early fifth century in Gyeongju, which was then the center of Silla. It is generally accepted that the standard forms and manufacturing processes were established in Gyeongju around Wooden Chamber phases 3 and 4, represented by Hwangnam-dong Tomb 109. In the early fifth century, the Silla Kingdom was no longer a minor polity based solely in Gyeongju. By that time, Silla had expanded to encompass the wide area east of the Nakdong River, loosely consolidating the smaller polities of the region into an early state (Lee Heejoon 1996). The areas not included in this “Silla region” are collectively referred to as the “Gaya region,” just as the Gaya pottery style is a subsidiary classification referring to a ceramic style that is not the Silla pottery style. Hence, both Gaya territory and Gaya ceramic style can only be defined vis-à-vis Silla state formation. The process by which Silla vessel types came to be formalized is closely associated with the development of the use of ceramic vessels in Silla funerary rituals. From the late fourth century, ceremonies developed that involved the deposition of a standard selection of vessel types within a wooden chamber in a stone mound tomb. Such ritual ceremonies were important ideological tools for maintaining and legitimizing the power of the central elite of Silla, which was still in the early stages of state formation. The leaders of the regional polities that were consolidated by Silla still maintained their autonomy in some aspects, and they also adopted the Silla method of tomb construction, leading to the construction of large tombs in the central areas of Gyeongsan, Busan, Changnyeong, Uisung, and Seonsan. The Silla funerary rituals involving the deposition of ceramic vessels (Figs 1, 2 and 3) were also transmitted to the various local groups under Silla rule. This diffusion of funerary rituals involving ceramic vessels and the accompanying spread of the vessel types used in those rituals provided the foundations for the establishment of the Silla ceramic style. Fig. 1. Mounted cups as funerary vessels produced in large numbers in the 6th century in Gyeongsan. Messages of Apdokguk Pottery (압독국과의 통신: 토기의 메시지). (Gyeongsan: Yeungnam University Museum, 2006). Fig. 2. Long-necked jars as funerary vessels produced in large numbers in the 6th century in Gyeongsan. Messages of Apdokguk Pottery (압독국과의 통신: 토기의 메시지). (Gyeongsan: Yeungnam University Museum, 2006). Fig. 3. Deposition of ceramic vessels in funerary rituals, Seongsan-dong Tomb 38 in Seongju. Seongsan-dong Tombs in Seongju (성주성산동고분군). (Daegu: Keimyung University Museum, 2006). Technological Foundations for the Formation of Style The production of pottery prior to the early Proto-Three Kingdoms Period was based on the coil-building technique. The earliest evidence of the expert use of the potter’s wheel and regular paddling to form ceramic vessels can be seen in the paddled short-necked jars of the Gimhae area, which date to the late third century CE. At present, the short-necked jars deposited as grave goods at Yangdong-ri Tomb 235 in Gimhae may be regarded as the earliest examples of wheel-thrown pottery produced in large quantity in the Korean peninsula. After this, new techniques appeared, such as the use of a rapid rotary device to finish the vessel surface and shape the vessel rim, and the use of paddling to form a rounded base. Such techniques were applied to approximately 50 short-necked jars from Daeseong-dong Tomb 29 (late third century), and can also be observed in the multiple short-necked jars deposited as grave goods in Daeseong-dong Tomb 47 and Bokcheon-dong Tomb 54 (late fourth century). These can be regarded as the earliest examples of techniques for the production of standard pottery vessels being transmitted over more than a century within a given production system (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Chaîne opératoire of the manufacture of short-necked jars with lattice-shaped paddled patterns over a 100-year period, beginning with (1) Yangdong-ri Tomb 235 (late third century), continuing with (2) Daeseong-dong Tomb 29 (late third century) and (3) Daeseong-dong Tomb 47 (late fourth century), and ending with (4) Bokcheon-dong Tomb 54 (late fourth century). Until now, the adoption of high firing temperatures is considered as the primary factor explaining the emergence of dojil ware. But while high-temperature firing may indeed be regarded as a key technological innovation that enhanced the quality of ceramic vessels, it did little to contribute to the establishment of the large quantity production system needed to fulfill the social demand for pottery. Therefore, among the technological innovations represented by dojil ware, it may be argued that the forming method, rather than high-temperature firing, played a greater role in terms of the social aspect of pottery production (Lee Sungjoo 2008). In considering the establishment of the dojil ware production system, the use of the fast potter’s wheel, the well organized forming procedures, and the mechanical and repetitive use of skillful paddling have not been afforded much significance. Another fact that has been somewhat neglected is that, of all of the advances represented by Dojil ware, only high-temperature firing was implemented in the earliest phase (the late third century through the early fourth century) of its production (Fig. 5); only later did potters become aware of the technological innovation of throwing on a potter’s wheel (Fig. 6). At first, the specialist producers of dojil ware focused only on the production of short-necked jars. However, during the next generation (around the mid fourth century), the dojil ware specialists of the Haman and Gimhae regions began to apply the efficient method of throwing on the wheel to other vessel types (Fig. 7). By the following generation, all vessel types were being produced as dojil ware. The development of dojil ware can therefore be understood to represent the establishment and organization of a system that could cope with the social demand for pottery within a given area, in terms of both the large number of vessels and the number of vessel types. Furthermore, it was through this system that the new production technology was transmitted over succeeding generations. Fig. 5. Dojil ware: high-fired short-necked jar from the early stage, not thrown on the wheel, excavated from Simcheon-ri Wooden-Chamber Tomb 50, Chilgok-gun, North Gyeongsang Province. (Author’s photograph). Fig. 6. Dojil ware: detail of high-fired short-necked jar, showing clear lines from being thrown on the wheel, excavated from Dohang-ri Wooden-Chamber Tomb 33 in Haman. (Author’s photograph). Fig. 7. Dojil ware: high-fired vessel, thrown on the wheel, excavated from Simcheon-ri Wooden-Chamber Tomb 50, Chilgok-gun, North Gyeongsang Province. (Author’s photograph). The ceramic assemblage of the Yeongnam region in the fourth century is generally referred to as “archaic dojil ware.” In this period, it is difficult to definitively distinguish between the regional ceramic styles. However, archaic dojil ware vessels can be categorized into three phases, and these phases help to distinguish the regional ceramic styles. More specifically, the fourth-century distribution of ceramic styles varied according to differences in the geographical boundaries of the production and distribution system, whereas in the fifth century, the distribution of ceramic styles was determined by the geographical scope of political consolidation. In Phase I of archaic dojil ware, large-scale specialized systems for producing pottery were found only in the areas of Haman and Gimhae. In Phase II also, only Haman and Gimhae had noticeably developed systems for producing dojil ware. Those two areas were also the only regions where a variety of vessel types were used as grave goods. In the inland basin areas, such as Gyeongju and Daegu, a very limited range of vessel types—mainly short-necked jars—can be observed. In particular, in Gyeongju, the range of vessel types of dojil ware remained extremely limited until Phase III. In Phase III, however, a production system that used the forming method of dojil ware to manufacture various vessel types was established in the inland areas that link the Geumho River and the middle and lower reaches of the Nakdong River, albeit with a certain time lapse. The system of producing archaic dojil ware gradually and continuously spread from the southeastern coastal areas, where it was first established, to the other areas of the Yeongnam region. This transmission took place from Phase I, but the transition and adoption of the technology and production system of dojil ware that took place in Phase III is the most significant, because it was the technology and production system of this phase that had the greatest influence on the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles. Hence, a mode of manufacture able to satisfy the social demands of a given region was set up within the production system, and it appears that the transmission of technology between generations of specialist potters began to take place. At the time, the Yeongnam region was effectively divided according to the presence or absence of this Phase III dojil ware technology and production system. This notable regional imbalance in the nature of the production system and ceramic technology may be the foundation for the differences in ceramic style that later appeared. In areas with skilled potters who were familiar with the process of making each vessel type, it was easier to copy newly-introduced types of vessels. However, in areas that lacked such skilled potters, the new vessel types could only be awkwardly imitated. Regional Variation and Diachronic Change in Pottery Style Uneven Dissemination of Ceramic Technology and Regional Variations in Style From its earliest phase, the vessel types of Silla-style pottery, such as the mounted cup and long-necked jar, first emerged in Gyeongju and subsequently spread to the surrounding areas. Researchers have long regarded this phenomenon to represent the spread of the Silla pottery style. While this diffusion process was marked by some regional variations, it always originated in Gyeongju. Silla-style pottery made in Gyeongju was first distributed to the surrounding areas sometime around the early fifth century. The questions of why this distribution began in the early fifth century and how it took place require future consideration. One possibility is that the vessel types spread as the subsidiary political units of the kingdom adopted the funerary rituals of central Silla during the early stages of state formation. Around the same time, in the early fifth century, Silla pottery produced in Gyeongju was transmitted to the surrounding areas (i.e., Busan, Gyeongsan, Sangju, Gangneung, etc.). Thus, the spread of the Silla ceramic style in these areas may have been facilitated by the imitation of this newly-introduced pottery—Silla-style mounted cups and long-necked jars, in particular. At the Bokcheon-dong burial ground in Busan, pottery with Silla stylistic attributes cannot be observed in archaeological contexts dated prior to the phase represented by Tombs 21 and 22. Thus, it is from the Tombs 21 and 22 phase that Silla-style pottery appears. Notably, some of these vessels came from Gyeongju, while others were locally-produced copies, so it seems that Silla pottery was being copied from the time it was introduced. In the Busan area, a well-developed system for producing dojil ware and high-quality forming techniques had been in existence since the fourth century CE. Thereafter, using the throwing methods of dojil ware, which utilized the fast potter’s wheel, Busan potters were able to produce a wide range of vessel types, such as the mounted cup, long-necked jar, cylindrical vessel stand, and beaker-shaped vessel stand. Bokcheon-dong Tombs 93 and 95, which date to the period prior to the introduction of Silla-style pottery, illustrate that all types of dojil ware vessels were being skillfully manufactured from an early period, which suggests that potters of the time had the technological ability to produce any type of ceramic vessel. Following the introduction of Silla-style vessel types in the Tombs 21 and 22 phase, the indigenous archaic dojil ware and the newly introduced Silla-style pottery were used in conjunction with pottery that combined the production procedures of both styles. The complexity of this ceramic assemblage indicates that Silla pottery vessels made in Gyeongju were successfully imitated upon their introduction, with the habitual actions of the indigenous production procedures being seamlessly applied to their manufacture. As a result, by the mid-fifth century (Bokcheon-dong Tombs 10 and 11 phase), all of the ceramics deposited in the tombs of the Bokcheon-dong burial ground consisted solely of Silla-style vessels. In the Gyeongsan area, various dojil ware vessel types, demonstrating the skilful application of forming techniques, were found at Tombs 5 and 6 of Section G of the Imdang-dong site, dated to the phase just prior to the introduction of Silla-style pottery. It can be assumed that Silla-style pottery from Gyeongju was introduced and imitated in the following phase, but archaeological evidence of this has yet to be found. Ceramic vessels imitating Silla mounted cups and long-necked jars produced in Gyeongju have been found in contexts dating to as early as the early wooden chamber tombs of the Nobyeon-dong burial ground, which were constructed in the first half of the fifth century. It appears that, as in Busan, Gyeongsan potters were able to manufacture the various vessel types of Silla-style pottery with no technological constraints. Even vessels with complex forms, such as mounted cups and long-necked jars with stands, were manufactured as standardized products by potters who were evidently familiar with the production procedure. In contrast, the potters of the Sangju area do not appear to have been familiar with the forming procedures needed to produce the various types of dojil ware. Although vessel types such as the mounted cup and mug-shaped cup have been found at the Cheong-ri burial ground in Sangju in archaeological contexts dating to the phase just prior to the introduction of Silla-style pottery, it is not clear whether these new vessel types had been indigenously developed in the Sangju area. At the Sinheung-ri burial ground, located in the Haman Basin, it is possible to observe that, prior to the introduction of Silla style pottery, dojil ware vessels used as grave goods consisted of only a limited number of vessel types. Therefore, the dojil ware production system of this area apparently lacked the necessary technology for the mechanical forming of various vessel types, and so pottery production around Sangju focused on the short-necked jar with paddled pattern. Silla-style pottery began to be deposited in the burials of the Sangju area from the early fifth century. The Cheong-ri burial ground included locally made vessels that imitated Silla-style pottery from Gyeongju. At the Sinheung-ri burial ground, however, although the grave goods included Silla-style pottery that had been imported from Gyeongju, no local copies were discovered, which indicates that local groups reacted differently to Silla-style pottery, according to whether or not they had adopted the Silla funerary practices involving ceramic deposition. The Cheong-ri burial ground in Sangju yielded indigenous copies of the Silla-style vessel types that had been introduced in the early fifth century, thereby confirming that such production was occurring from the late fifth century. However, at that time, the procedure for manufacturing each of the vessel types was not well organized, and the habitual forming technique had not been established, so the vessels were not yet standardized in terms of dimensions and detailed form. From a chronological perspective, it is difficult to identify any formal characteristics that were maintained over a period of time, since the production technology for each vessel type was not being passed on through generations of potters. Therefore, a regional style cannot be established for the pottery of this area. Because of the low standard of forming technology used in the area, the Silla-style pottery of Sangju shows notable variations from the pottery of the Silla center, and these variations in form make it difficult to classify a regional style. Interestingly, the grave goods of the Sinheung-ri burial ground in Sangju consist only of short-necked jars, long-necked jars, and beaker-shaped vessels, which demonstrates that the Silla-style vessel types introduced into this area were not necessarily copied. This might be interpreted as a rejection of the Silla ceramic style. Even as the funerary rituals of the fourth century continued strongly into the early sixth century, mounted cups, long-necked jars with band-shaped handles, and mug-shaped cups were neither used nor copied. Therefore, the case of the Sinheung-ri burial ground indicates that the mere introduction of Silla-style vessel types did not necessitate the adoption of the Silla ceramic style, if the Silla funerary rituals had not yet been adopted. Conditions for the Establishment and Continuation of Regional Styles For approximately 150 years, from the early fifth to the mid-sixth century, the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles existed side by side, divided by the Nakdong River, the boundary between the Gaya confederacy and the Silla Kingdom. Each of the regional polities on either side of the river maintained a distinctive ceramic style for a certain amount of time, which I have been referring to as the “regional styles.” Thus, it is possible to construct detailed regional chronologies by examining the pottery assemblage of each regional style. There are, of course, some areas where no regional styles can be identified, even though Silla- or Gaya-style pottery was used. In addition, differences exist in the point of emergence and duration the lesser regional styles. Based on the above, the process by which the Silla ceramic style was adopted in areas where the regional styles were also established and maintained may have taken place in the following way: 1. Vessel types of central Silla pottery were introduced from Gyeongju. 2. Indigenous potters in the regions imitated the style of these vessels. 3. Conventional techniques for producing certain vessel types emerged, allowing for the establishment of the regional style. 4. These conventional techniques were transmitted from one generation to the next, maintaining the regional style. 5. Eventually, new manufacturing procedures emerged, leading to the demise of the regional style. For example, amongst the areas that adopted the Silla ceramic style, regional styles can be identified for Changnyeong, Gimhae/Busan, Uisung, and Gyeongsan. Even in these areas, however, the regional styles can only be observed for a limited number of vessel types, such as the mounted cup, long-necked jar, and long-necked jar with band-shaped handles. In Gimhae and Busan, the regional style appeared at an early date, in the mid-fifth century. In Gyeongsan, the regional style appeared around the late fifth or early sixth century, and existed for less than a century. On the other hand, no regional styles can be identified from the pottery found at the Gaya burial ground at Bonggye-ri in Habcheon or the Silla burial ground at Cheong-ri in Sangju, even though those cemeteries were used for a century or more. For example, although a number of sub-types of the mounted cup were in existence at the same time, none of these sub-types were made according to a shared set of habitual actions. A regional type cannot be established if the number of samples representing a vessel type is too small, nor can it be considered to have been maintained if no habitual techniques for production are transmitted between generations of potters (Lee Sungjoo 2004). One of the places where the establishment and continuation of the regional style can clearly be seen—to the extent that it may be regarded as a representative example—is the Gyeongsan area (Fig. 8). The regional style of Gyeongsan had a unique, though relatively short, existence, being found only in the sixth century. The Gyeongsan-style of pottery can be used to formulate a chronological framework, consisting of four 25-year phases. Interestingly, this regional ceramic style was not established around the time that Silla-style pottery was first introduced into the Gyeongsan area. In Gyeongsan, certain Silla-style vessel types, such as the mounted cup and long-necked jar with band-shaped handles, were imitated by local potters, while pottery from Gyeongju and other areas was also introduced into the region, as can be seen from the Imdang-dong and Siji-dong burial grounds (Fig. 9) (Kim Daehwan 2006). While some locally produced ceramic vessels have been found, they were not produced in large numbers via habitual production techniques, and thus cannot form the basis for a regional style. It was only in the late fifth century that the regional style emerged (in the mounted cup with lid and long-necked jar with band-shaped handles), in coincidence with a sudden increase in the construction of small-scale burials at the sites of Imdang-dong and Nobyeon-Siji-Uksu-dong. Each of these burials included at least 4-5 mounted dishes and 2-3 long-necked jars with band-shaped handles, indicating that the demand for such vessel types had increased dramatically. Indeed, at that time, there was a significant increase in the use of certain vessel types that were produced and distributed from workshops in and around Gyeongsan. The regional style can be said to have emerged when certain vessel types were produced in large numbers via habitual forming procedures, such that certain attributes of form were clearly distinctive to the workshop(s) which produced the pottery. Indeed, these distinctive formal attributes provided the basis for the regional styles. Fig. 8. Chronological scheme for the regional ceramic style of the Gyeongsang area, based on the pottery assemblage from the Siji-dong burial ground in Daegu. The mass production of certain vessel types in the late fifth century brought about the emergence of a clearly distinct regional style. Fig. 9. Plan of the Siji-dong burial ground (excavated by Yongnam Cultural Heritage Research Institute) and the chronological distribution of small-scale burials, illustrating the sudden increase in the construction of these small-scale burials from the late fifth to the mid-sixth century. Tomb chamber size is presented (in square meters) along the horizontal axis, while the vertical axis represents the number of burials at the burial grounds of (a) Imdang-dong in Gyeongsan and (b) Siji-dong in Daegu, both in Gyeongsang Province. If these habitual forming techniques had not been transmitted from one generation to the next, the regional style obviously could not have been maintained for almost a century. Thus, some system for transmitting the techniques must have been in place at that time. In the case of both Silla- and Gaya-style pottery, ceramic style may have emerged when increased social demand resulted in large quantity production, which led to the formalization of the chaîne opératoire of production for each vessel type. In addition, in order for the lesser regional styles to be maintained, this chaîne opératoire needed to be passed down from master potter to apprentice. Conclusion Issues of style may be approached from various perspectives. In the case of Silla- and Gaya-style pottery, questions about how a style emerged and why it changed over time can be approached differently according to how “style” is defined. Two levels of style are addressed in this paper: the inclusive ceramic styles of Silla and Gaya, which co-existed for around 150 years, and the various regional styles that made up the larger category of Silla- and Gaya-style, which existed at different times in different areas. Unlike previous studies of style in Korean archaeology, this paper regards style foremost as the result of human practices. In particular, I have argued that the style of dojil ware, which was produced in large numbers using the potter’s wheel, emerged and was maintained as the result of habitual techniques of throwing the vessels. Therefore, the differentiation of the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles, as well as the emergence and continuation of the regional styles, can be explained by examining when such systematic methods for forming vessels were established and how they spread. In the process, rather than approaching the formation and continuation of the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles in terms of historical events (such as the development of polities or the cohesion of social units), which can only lead to an abstract and fragmented understanding of the matter, we must instead focus on the choices made by the potter during the manufacture process and try to understand these choices within the socio-cultural context of the time.

The Korean phrase seohwa sujang (書畫收藏) is literally translated as “collecting calligraphy and paintings,” but its meaning is actually more comprehensive, encompassing the practices of researching, identifying, and appreciating art, as well as managing and preserving a collection. For clarity, in this article, seohwa sujang is translated as “collecting,” but it should be understood as comprising all of the above activities. In order to understand the development of art collecting during the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), it is crucial to consider three aspects of this practice: its social and economic foundations, its effect in guiding changes in art subjects and styles, and the overall demands of art collectors and patrons. As a Confucian society, Joseon revered the concept of wanmul sangji (玩物喪志), which held that attachment to material goods results in the loss of a person’s essential meaning and purpose. Accordingly, any act of collecting was considered inappropriate for Confucian scholars, so art collectors felt compelled to produce a variety of diverse theories to justify their activities. This article examines some of the arguments that Joseon scholars employed to support their purpose in collecting art, as well as the actual practices and trends that emerged from such discourses. The aim is to analyze the basis for appreciating, authenticating, criticizing, and collecting art throughout the Joseon Dynasty, and to illuminate the reasons why art collecting, despite being ostensibly discouraged by the nation’s ideology, became more common from the 17th century onwards. Through this analysis, I hope to articulate how changes in the attitudes and perspectives of collectors led to changes in the practice of art collecting, which will in turn help to improve the theoretical approach to cases of individual collectors. Theories of Art Collecting in the Joseon Dynasty Value Theory of Appreciating and Collecting Art The practice of collecting art is based on the recognition of its being worthy of appreciation. In order to be appreciated, art must carry a positive value that merits desire, veneration, and respect. However, Korean Confucian scholars traditionally took a dismissive view of painting, deprecating it as a lowly, even demeaning, craft.1 Thus, before we can begin to discuss how the practice of art collecting developed in the Joseon Dynasty, we must first examine how the value of art was redeemed, and how discourses attached significance to appreciating and collecting art. Hong Yangho (洪良浩, 1724-1802), a renowned calligrapher, epigraphist, and art collector, contributed greatly to elevating the value of art. Criticizing the attitude of the Joseon literati towards art, he argued that as calligraphy and painting shared the same roots, both were disciplines of high quality and standards. Of course, even before the late Joseon Dynasty, not everyone had such a strict attitude against producing and appreciating art. The early Joseon period (15th-16th century) is known for emphasizing the pursuit of moral and spiritual beauty, rather than material goods, but there were some prominent scholars who openly valued and appreciated art. For example, Shin Sukju (申叔舟, 1417-1475) wrote Hwagi (畫記, On Painting) in 1445, after viewing the art collection of Prince Anpyeong. Shin claimed that the appreciation of art involved a form of purity and elegance that inherently appealed to human nature and intelligence. Furthermore, he stated that art, along with poetry, could contribute to self-cultivation by broadening the mind and yielding profound wisdom. But although Shin’s article was one of many to discuss the useful effects of art appreciation for Confucian scholars, no one at the time wrote about the actual practice of collecting art. Nonetheless, these early affirmations of art appreciation would serve as the foundation for subsequent discourses on collecting art. Such discourses finally began to emerge in the 17th century. Although the early Joseon idea of wanmul sangji still lingered, art collecting gradually came to be seen as a suitable activity that demonstrated taste and refinement. Furthermore, in the 18th century, there were both reports of art collecting and stories from the collectors themselves, which show that their art collecting was much more than a mere hobby or pastime; it was a sort of mania, bordering on obsession. For example, a collector named Kim Gwangsu (金光遂, 1699-1770) wrote: Ever since I was young, I’ve had an extreme liking for antiquities.…Even though my family was affluent, I disdained wealth; I only liked art. When I acquired a rare book or epigraph, I couldn’t help betraying my delight on my face. I cherished them so much that I almost forgot to sleep or eat, as if I had actually met the real people behind these objects from the past. (Kim Gwangsu. “Sanggodang jaseo” [尙古堂自叙, Story Told by Myself] in Sanggodang yumuk [尙古堂遺墨, Calligraphy by Kim Gwangsu]) Another art collector, Hong Seokju (洪奭周, 1774-1811), echoed these sentiments: I don’t usually have a strong liking for things, except for paintings. If I saw an old painting that I liked, then I just had to buy it. I would pay a handsome price even if it was slightly torn or if the scroll was damaged. I cherished it as if it was my life. When I heard that someone had a great painting, I would exhaust every effort to schedule a visit so I could see it for myself. Then I would stare at it until my whole heart harmonized with it, and became part of it. I would look at it all morning without feeling bored, and all night without feeling tired. I forgot to eat, and I didn’t even feel hunger. Alas, my mania! (Hong Seokju, Yeoncheon jeonseo [淵泉全書, Collected Works of Hong Seokju], Chapter 7: “Byeokseol jeung banggunhyoryang” [癖說贈方君孝良, Discussing Mania with Bang Hyoryang]) The accounts of these two collectors epitomize the feelings of art enthusiasts from the late Joseon Dynasty. As mentioned, collectors were often willing to pay exorbitant prices to acquire works that they were attracted to. They treasured their favorite works of art, and spent all day looking at them without feeling bored. Their fascination with artworks went beyond the usual devotion of a collector, becoming more like a chronic disease. Numerous accounts survive with details of contemporaneous art enthusiasts whose passion matched that of Kim and Hong. For instance, Yi Hagon (李夏坤, 1667-1724), a scholar and book collector, wrote in Dutacho (頭陀草, Collected Works of Yi Hagon), “After clearing the table, lighting incense, and brewing tea, I sit by a well-lit window and earnestly discuss landscape paintings with someone of like mind, evaluating styles and masterpieces. This is the greatest pleasure in my life.” Yi Yuwon (李裕元, 1814-1888) wrote in Rimha pilgi (林下筆記, Essays by Yi Yuwon) that Yi Jomuk (李祖黙, 1792-1840) squandered everything he had to buy expensive antique artifacts from China. All these cases illustrate that late Joseon literati thought that art was not only worthy of their devotion, but was an essential part of their lives. This change in perspective by Confucian scholars was accompanied by a series of discourses in support of art collecting. Many writings began to emerge that combatted the long-standing tradition of wanmul sangji by providing positive evaluations of the practice of collecting art and antiquities. Jeong Beomjo (丁範祖, 1723-1801), a representative literatus of the 18th century, kept company with two of the most renowned painters of the time, Kim Hongdo (金弘道, 1745-after 1806) and Choe Buk (崔北, 1712-c.1786), and often commissioned one or the other to make paintings for him to appreciate. Jeong wrote that, among human endeavors, collecting art was greatly preferable to the pursuit of money or women. As demonstrated by these examples, the social acceptance of art collecting was closely related to the new perception that the obsessions of art collectors were associated with their inner psychology. These changes also led more people to believe that art appreciation could be a unique and exceptional hobby for a scholar. Import of Chinese Theories on Art and Antiquities One of the key contexts for understanding the rise of art collecting in the late Joseon period is the influx of Chinese books on the topic, many of which contained similar arguments in support of the practice. It is likely that many Joseon art collectors read these Chinese books and agreed with the ideas in them, and circulated them in their own writings and discussions. While individual collectors sometimes selectively purchased books documenting certain genres and works of art, more often, detailed information about art was acquired through imported encyclopedias, such as Gujin tushu jicheng (古今圖書集成, Complete Collection of Illustrations and Writings from the Earliest to Current Times). The influx of Chinese books contributed greatly to the changes of perception in Joseon regarding art appreciation, authentification, and criticism. Such books often included a wealth of information about paper, brushes, and ink, as well as antiquities such as bronze vessels, so they were very useful auxiliary materials for art appreciation. The books often had a specialized focus on calligraphy and paintings (e.g., Huajian [畫鑑, Examination of Painting]; Tuhui baojian [圖繪寶鑑, Precious Mirror for Examining Painting]). Some books dealt exclusively with the writing and painting materials and accessories of the Ming or Qing Dynasties, (e.g., Meigong miji [眉公秘笈, Meigong’s Secret Satchel]; Zunsheng bajian [遵生八牋, Eight Treatises on the Nurturing of Life]; Kaopan yushi [考槃餘事, Desultory Remarks on Furnishing the Abode of the Retired Scholar]; and Zhangwuzhi [長物志, On Superfluous Things]). Other books covered a wider range of topics in regard to authentication, mounting, binding, colophons (prefaces or postscripts about the work added by later scholars), stamps/seals, paper, and silk (e.g., Jiangcun xiaoxia lu [江村銷夏錄, Record of Summer in a Village]; Qinghe shuhuafang [淸河書畫舫, Clear River Boat of Painting and Calligraphy]; and Shigutang shuhuaji [式古堂書畫記, Records on Calligraphy and Painting in Shigu Studio]). Joseon literati took full advantage of this host of books on varied topics to accumulate expert knowledge on collecting art. The Chinese encyclopedic books helped shift Joseon perceptions about collecting art in two main ways. First, they presented various new opinions about the benefits of appreciating art, collecting it, and becoming a collector. More directly, the books provided quotations from numerous Chinese publications offering “how-to” guidance on topics such as mounting, binding, display, preservation, and the value of art appreciation. The first systematic discussion of art collecting in China was by Zhang Yanyuan (張彦遠, c. 815-c. 877) in his Lidai minghuaji (847), which was frequently referenced by Joseon literati. Zhang initiated discussion about what qualifications an art collector should have, and his ideas provided the foundation for the first theoretical discourse on the topic, written by Mi Fu (米芾, 1052–1107), a famous painter of the Northern Song Dynasty, in his Huashi (畫史, History of Painting). According to Mi Fu, there were two types of art collectors: “connoisseurs (鑑賞者)” and “dilettanti (好事者).” In short, a “connoisseur” has a genuine expertise about art and an eye for masterful works that are worthy of esteem, while a “dilettante” merely jumps on the latest artistic trends and throws money around to purchase artworks without a discerning eye. Mi Fu’s binary conception of art collectors was still being widely cited as late as the Qing Dynasty (1644-1912), and his ideas were crucial to the establishment of art appreciation as a noble and exemplary pursuit. These and other discourses were imported to Joseon, triggering discussions of the desirable qualifications for an art collector. In particular, the Joseon literati felt compelled to distinguish connoisseurs from dilettanti, in order to maintain a critical attitude towards those who took a blind fancy towards art, based merely on some personal whim or affinity. Some of the most representative participants in the discussion were Bak Jiwon (朴趾源, 1737-1805), Seo Sangsu (徐常修, 1735-1793), Yu Hanjun (兪漢雋, 1732-1811), and Nam Gongcheol (南公轍, 1760-1840). In his essay “Pilseseol” (筆洗說, On Brushwashers) from Yeonamjip (燕巖集, Collected Works of Bak Jiwon), Bak Jiwon wrote, “There are two ways to pursue an interest in artworks and antiquities: simply collecting them, or truly appreciating them. Those who just use money to own art without knowing how to appreciate it can only believe in whatever works they happen to pick up along the way. Meanwhile, great appreciators might be very poor, and unable to own many artworks, but they will always be equipped with knowledge and a discerning eye.” Yu Hanjun and Nam Gongcheol also took their cue from Zhang Yanyuan and Mi Fu and divided art collectors into two groups, corresponding roughly to connoisseurs and dilettanti. All of these scholars prioritized the capacity to properly appreciate art over the actual practice of collecting and owning art, thus illustrating what Joseon art collectors ultimately hoped to achieve. Rather than seeking to collect as many artworks as possible, they aspired to cultivate expertise and professionalism in art. Published opinions about the characteristics of an ideal art collector were virtually unknown in Korea prior to the late Joseon Dynasty, so the very existence of these critiques is strong evidence of the changing attitudes of the time. The influx of books also included important titles from late Ming writers such as Dong Qichang (董其昌, 1555-1636), Chen Jiru (陳繼儒, 1558-1639), and Mo Shilong (莫是龍, 1537-1587). The books by these late Ming literati had a major impact on Joseon literary theory, but they also proposed theories about the practice of collecting art that broke from the idea of wanmul sangji. Particularly, in Gudong shisan shuo (骨董十三說, Thirteen Comments on Antiquities), Dong Qichang emphasized the historical and aesthetic benefits of collecting art. Dong Qichang’s works were read by late Joseon literati Bak Jiwon, Seo Sangsu, Nam Gongcheol and Yi Deokmu (李德懋, 1741-1793), and they all promoted a similar positive attitude towards art collecting. Another cultural idea that was imported from China during the late Joseon Dynasty was the practice of living as a recluse. Many late Joseon literati, particularly those living in Seoul, extolled the virtues of a solitary life, and this led to increasing support for collecting art and antiquities. The idea that artworks and antiquities could be crucial components for a recluse hoping to withdraw from the world was put forward by Heo Gyun (許筠, 1569-1618) in the 17th century, and the concept was popularized in the 18th century by later scholars such as Yi Yunyeong (李胤永, 1714-1759), Yun Dongseom (尹東暹, 1722-1789), and Yi Huicheon (李羲天, 1738-1771). In particular, Yun Dongseom expressed his appreciation of art objects by commissioning a unique portrait of himself displaying some of his purchases from his 1771 trip to Beijing, including an incense burner, inkstone, brush holder and a book (Fig. 1). Several Joseon scholars utilized art and antiquities to escape the world, as a key part of their reclusive lifestyle. For example, Nam Gongcheol justified his collection of bronze and jade pieces by citing Dong Qichang, who had declared that such items were among the types of antiquities worthy of aesthetic appreciation. Bak Jiwon also left a detailed description of the bronzewares he purchased at antique stores in Beijing. Furthermore, Bak’s essay “Pilseseol” quotes Seo Sangsu’s argument that antiquities could be very useful for imparting lessons of Confucian tradition and history: “Studying and appreciating art is the equivalent of a lesson from the Shi jing (詩經, The Classic of Poetry).” Furthermore, beginning in the 18th century, the list of objects worthy of a scholar’s attention began to grow, expanding from books and paintings to antiquities, and later to stationery items. Fig. 1. Portrait of Yun Dongseom (尹東暹, 1722-1789). 18th century. Color on silk, 91.1 x 57.4 cm. (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art). But it is important to note that the association between art appreciation and a person’s inner mind already existed in the early Joseon Dynasty. During the 15th century, scholars at Jiphyeonjeon (集賢殿, Royal Institute of Research and Academic Affairs), such as Seong Yeon (成俔, 1439-1504), Shin Sukju (申叔舟, 1417-1475), and Yi Seungso (李承召, 1422-1484), promoted Neo-Confucian thought regarding the significance of the inner mind. In fact, they believed that the inner psyche was the foundation of the entire universe, and that the psyche was associated with art appreciation. In Jinsan sego (晋山世稿, Collected Works by the Jinju Kang Family), Kang Huimaeng (姜希孟, 1424-1483) wrote that his father, the renowned scholar Kang Seokdeok (姜碩德, 1395-1459), was “fascinated by antique objects. When he is at home, he surrounds himself with books and paintings, and burns incense.” So there were definitely antiquarians and art enthusiasts in Joseon prior to the 18th century, when such tastes became widely accepted and popularized due to the influx of Chinese books. Thus, the discourses on collecting art that emerged in Joseon in the 18th and 19th centuries were the result of both foreign and domestic influences, which led to art’s rising popularity as a social phenomenon. Inherited Art Collections The majority of art collections in the Joseon Dynasty began with works made by ancestors that were handed down within a family, and were later augmented and expanded with purchased items. Thus, there was some urgency to differentiate family collections from collections accumulated through purchase. Accordingly, there were numerous discussions about the proper reasons for such differentiation. Collectors were free to choose which artifacts they wanted to purchase or sell, but they had no such choice regarding the heirlooms created by their ancestors. Once inherited, objects usually remained in the family collection, and thus were handed down from one descendant to the next. Family collections tended to increase in worth over time, especially once the objects became old enough to start accumulating historical value. Artifacts from family collections were recognized as special entities that were afforded greater significance than other art objects, as demonstrated by this quote by Yi Manbu (李萬敷, 1664-1732): Beginning with my respected ancestor Yi Ju (李澍, 1437-1490), my family has accumulated numerous great writings. However, the works were scattered, and were not gathered into a family collection….My uncle wanted to collect [them], but he did not succeed. Finally, I created this album [of writings by my ancestors], which I keep with the utmost care....The reason why it is proper to venerate our ancestors and commemorate them with such honor is so we can feel close to them, eternally and faithfully. It is said that sages of previous generations would be reduced to tears and would commemorate their ancestors even when holding something as simple as their ancestors’ inkstone. But the books and other written works of our ancestors are even more sacred, since they still bear the traces of their hands! (Yi Manbu, Siksanjip [息山集, Collected Works of Yi Manbu], Chapter 18: “Yeonan semukbal” [延安世墨跋, Calligraphy Works by the Yeonan Yi Family]) Yi Manbu’s words illustrate the two primary reasons why literati were especially attentive to collecting family artifacts: to enhance the honor accorded to their ancestors, and to commemorate them by taking special care of their heirlooms. There was considerable discussion regarding these goals, which marked the difference between family art collections and general art collections, which were based primarily on artistic and aesthetic value. Both of these goals could be associated with the broader Joseon practice of honoring the deceased, which was derived from the strong Confucian emphasis on filial duty, as well as the literati’s overall determination to maintain the aristocratic status, power, and privilege of their families. For instance, Yi Manbu collected writings by his grandfather, Yi Gwanjing (李觀徵, 1618-1695), who was a very famous calligrapher (Fig. 2). Furthermore, in his preface, Yi detailed the process of how he organized the writings and made the albums, thereby emphasizing the strong tradition of writing in his family. Fig. 2. Gyeongsucheop (敬守帖, Album of Paying Reverence), Yi Gwanjing’s works organized by Yi Manbu. 1683. Ink on paper, 34 x 23.5 cm. (Private collection). Documentation of family collections, like that of Yi Manbu, were not unusual among the late Joseon literati. Yi Yonghyu (李用休, 1708-1782) wrote a postscript on the calligraphy album of his uncle, Yi Seo (李漵, 1662-1723), a renowned 18th-century calligrapher. Yi Yonghyu emphasized that masterpieces by ancestors should be shared by everyone, but that it was the responsibility of the descendants of the person to protect and care for such works. He wrote that family collections should not be kept exclusively within the family, but should instead be available to the world. Thus, Yi Yonghyu was among the first to assert that family collections were significant not merely as heirlooms for honoring ancestors, but for their artistic and aesthetic value. For the scions of a family, the handwritten works of an ancestor served as a medium for communion with the ancestor. However, over time, the work gradually aquired more significance as an art and historical object, and could thus transcend the context of a single family, especially when one’s ancestor happened to be a famous calligrapher. Another scholar associated with an illustrious family collection was Hong Yangho (洪良浩, 1724-1802), whose family collected and preserved the works of five generations, from his grandfather Hong Jungseong (洪重聖, 1668-1735) to his grandson Hong Gyeongmo (洪敬謨, 1774-1851). Hong Gyeongmo commented on family works in Unseok oesa (耘石外史, Essays by Hong Gyeongmo) saying, “These works are all authentic originals, and they still bear traces of the past, so they cannot be compared to ordinary books. I believe that future generations should know how my grandfather diligently collected these works, and that he had a great love for them… My grandfather’s calligraphy was a revelation that transformed the hackneyed conventions of the Joseon period. He revered Wang Xizhi (王羲之, 303–361) and Wang Xianzhi (王獻之, 344–386). He always did his best, whether he was writing privately, publicly, or for some official purpose, such as making an inscription for a tombstone… His works are not only important to his descendants; they are rare and precious treasures for the entire world.” Thus, Hong Gyeongmo clearly felt that the value of his grandfather’s calligraphy went beyond that of a family heirloom. The reports by Yi Manbu, Yi Yonghyu, and Hong Geyongmo clearly indicate not only that family collections were crucial for respecting and commemorating one’s ancestors, but also that they were meant to be appreciated as artifacts, the same as masterpieces by other renowned calligraphers and painters. Importance of Managing and Preserving Art Joseon collectors of artworks and documents considered security and preservation to be crucial aspects of collecting. They carefully compiled works into albums or mounted them on folding screens in order to keep them from being scattered. As part of their keen preservation efforts, they also experimented with ways to prevent damage from insects, light and general wear and tear. For example, in Jasan munjip (紫山文集, Collected Works of Geum Uyeol) Geum Uyeol (琴佑烈, 1824-1904), a 19th-century Joseon literatus, reported that he diligently repaired damaged texts or artworks by re-binding them or by pasting extra layers of paper or silk. Beginning around the 17th century, the influx of art-related books from China played a key role in the increase in awareness about preservation and management issues, by providing Joseon collectors with abundant technical details about mounting, binding, and airing documents, as well as information about different types of paper, silk, ink, and inkstones. Some of the most frequently referenced Chinese books for collectors in late Joseon included: Tuhua jianwen zhi (圖畫見聞誌, Overview of Painting) by Guo Ruoxu (郭若虛, c.960-c.1127); Dongtian qinglu ji (洞天淸祿集, Collection of Pure Happiness in a Daoist Heaven) by Zhao Xigu (趙希鵠, 1180-1240); Qinghe shuhua fang (淸河書畫舫, Clear River Boat of Painting and Calligraphy) by Zhang Chou (張丑, 1577-1643); Zunsheng bajian (遵生八牋, Eight Treatises on the Nurturing of Life) by Gao Lian (高廉, 16th century); and Zhangwuzhi (長物志, On Superfluous Things) by Wen Zhenheng (文震亨, 1586-1644). In the 18th century, art collection expanded from the literati to the jungin (中人), the class just below the literati. For example, the jungin Kim Gwangguk (金光國, 1727-1797) had an album of calligraphy by Han Ho (韓濩, 1543-1605) in his collection (Fig. 3), on which he wrote a colophon, quoting a list of instructions originally provided by Zhao Mengfu (趙孟頫, 1254-1322): “Don’t roll it, don’t dog-ear it, don’t harm it with your nails, don’t moisten your finger when you turn the pages, don’t use it as a pillow, don’t carry it under your arm. If it gets damaged, it must be repaired. Once it is open, it should be closed” (Fig. 3a). Zhao’s original quotation, which was widely known in both Joseon and China, was published in two Ming Dynasty documents: Meigong miji (眉公 秘笈, Meigong’s Secret Satchel) by Chen Jiru (陳繼儒, 1558-1639) and Kaopan yushi (考槃餘事, Desultory Remarks on Furnishing the Abode of the Retired Scholar) by Tu Long (屠隆, 1543-1605). Kim Gwangguk’s colophon serves as an example of the proliferation of Chinese art books in the 18th century. Fig. 3. Han Ho’s calligraphy from Han Gyeonghong jinjeok (韓景洪眞蹟, Calligraphy Album of Han Ho). Fig. 3a. Kim Gwangguk’s postscript on Han Gyeonghong jinjeok (韓景洪眞蹟, Calligraphy Album of Han Ho). 18th century. 26.2 x 16.5 cm. (National Museum of Korea). Art collection continued to expand its base in the 19th century and beyond. Accordingly, collectors inevitably pursued superior and more specific methods of securely and efficiently storing and managing their artworks and documents. Seo Yugu (徐有榘, 1764-1845) extracted relevant passages from Chinese sources and systematically compiled them into a book entitled Imwon gyeongje ji (林園經濟志, On a Farm Life). Yu Jungim (柳重臨, 18th century) in his Jeungbo sallim gyeongje (增補山林經濟, On a Farm Life: Expanded Edition), cited an essay called “Calendar for Hanging Paintings” (顯畫月令) from Wen Zhenheng’s Zhangwuzhi. Such writings reflect the burgeoning demand for reference books on art authentication, preservation, and appreciation as art collecting became more popular. Chinese reference books certainly contributed to making discourses on collecting art in the late Joseon Dynasty more complicated and elaborate. More investigation is still required to examine exactly how this knowledge was circulated or put into practice within Joseon society. Nonetheless, the above examples demonstrate that encyclopaedic art reference books from China were being read by scholars of the late Joseon period, and were also important sources of knowledge for individual art collectors. Changes Resulting from the Spread of Art-Collecting Theories The rising interest and acceptance of the practice of collecting material objects had many diverse social effects during the late Joseon Dynasty. One important new development was the increased need for storage space and greater attention to facilities for keeping and displaying artifacts and artworks. The example of the 18th-century literatus Yu Manju (兪晩柱, 1755-1788), which will be examined at the end of this section, demonstrates how theories and discourses on art collection were materialized in the real life of a collector. Emergence of “Art Space” and the Sujangcheo I use the term “art space” broadly to refer to any place where people shared and appreciated antiquities or works of art, whether a storage unit or a space where artworks were sold or circulated. The concept of “art space” changed dramatically from the early to the late Joseon period. In the early Joseon, people were generally able to look at artifacts from another person’s collection only by borrowing them or receiving them as a gift. On the other hand, in the late Joseon Dynasty, art dealers became much more involved in the circulation of artworks, and more information about sharing artworks became available in various books. Of course, these phenomena did not simply appear out of nowhere, as there are a few confirmed cases of books and artworks being purchased through a dealer in the 16th century. For example, Yu Huichun (柳希春, 1513-1577), a famous book collector, who worked at Gyoseogwan (校書館, Office of Publications), was closely involved with several booksellers who frequented the office. As such, he enjoyed the privilege of having them bring in books and albums that interested him for his own personal viewing. Nonetheless, despite this unique access to materials, Yu Huichun and other 16th century collectors did not usually have a close network of other experts with whom they could knowledgably discuss and assess the artistic value of the materials. This was the main difference between the 16th and 17th century collectors. In the 17th century, as more people became interested in collecting art and antiquities, greater attention was paid to determining the value of artworks, as a network of artists and connoisseurs developed, helping to expand the understanding, appreciation, and experience of art. For example, in the hopes of developing a discerning eye, Prince Inheung (仁興君, 1604-1651) surrounded himself with famous calligraphers, painters, connoisseurs, and collectors, including Prince Uichang (義昌君, 1589-1645), Jo Sok (趙涑, 1595-1668), Yun Sinji (尹新之, 1582-1657), Shin Ikseong (申翊聖, 1588-1644), and Yi Jing (李澄, b. 1581). Such associates were also valuable resources for finding out the latest news about where artifacts were collected, changes in ownership, or updates on the market for Chinese antiquities. Hoping to enhance his understanding of art from China and Japan, Prince Inheung acquired forty works by the 17th-century Chinese painter Meng Yongguang (孟永光) and multiple paintings and folding screens by the Japanese master Sesshu Toyo (雪舟 等楊, 1420-1506). The Joseon painters Jo Sok and Yi Jing viewed these works and gave them a very high appraisal, thus increasing the value of the prince’s collection. In return, the two artists benefited from the rare opportunity to examine foreign works, which enabled them to expand the realm of their own art appreciation. In the 17th century, artistic excellence was the main criteria. Beginning in the late 18th century, however, art started being evaluated in different terms, in conjunction with the development of commercial space. The biggest change was that artworks began to be assessed according to their monetary value, apart from their artistic quality. For example, according to some reports, works by the famous painter Yu Deokjang (柳德章, 1694-1774) were selling for as little as 12 nyang (ounces [of silver]), while a painting by Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a representative literati painter, sold at the much higher price of 500 nyang. So the standard by which the prices were determined remains obscure. The increasing concern over price led to the appearance of art dealers who were responsible for authenticating and appraising artifacts. And in many cases, the role of the art dealer was filled by those with the widest knowledge and experience of art: the calligraphers, painters, and collectors themselves. It is known that some Confucian scholars of the late Joseon period, such as Jeong Yakyong (丁若鏞, 1762-1836), also served as art dealers, reflecting the notion that artworks were increasingly becoming known as commodities, rather than just objects of appreciation. The increased circulation of art in the late Joseon period resulted in a sudden demand for previously unknown or unheralded artistic styles. For example, according to Yu Manju, the influx of Chinese books printed from woodblocks led to a surge in demand for the ancient Chinese calligraphy styles known as seal script (篆書) and clerical script (隸書). This comment shows how the circulation of various new materials and references related to calligraphy made a great impact on late Joseon calligraphy, effectively shifting the entire development of the field. About one hundred years prior to Yu’s assessment, the calligrapher Kim Sujeung (金壽增, 1624-1702) had described a much different situation in Gogunjip (谷雲集, Collected Works of Kim Sujeung), when he complained about having to go all the way to China to purchase albums of calligraphy for learning clerical script, since he could not find any in Joseon. Yu Manju’s comment shows how much the art environment had changed by the 18th century. The growth of art appreciation and collection led to the emergence of more commercial spaces that aimed to stimulate collectors, and the construction of physical facilities for storing and displaying artifacts. One resultant trend that appeared among wealthy people with a substantial collection was the sujangcheo (收藏處), a separate building that served as a personal library or museum where books, paintings, and other precious artifacts were gathered and displayed for viewing and learning. There are various mentions of sujangcheo in the literature from the late 17th century onwards, when the discourses justifying art collection were becoming more prevalent. Some of the most famous sujangcheo, known for both the quantity and quality of their contents, included Jang Yu’s Munhoedang (文會堂); Yi Hagon’s Wanwigak (宛委閣) and Mangwollu (萬卷樓); Nam Gongcheol’s Godong seohwagak (古董書畫閣); Hong Gilju’s Pyoronggak (縹礱閣); Sim Sanggyu’s Gaseonggak (嘉聲閣); Kim Gwangguk’s Pojoldang (抱拙堂); O Gyeongseok’s Cheonjukjae (天竹齋); and King Heonjong’s Seunghwaru (承華樓). In particular, Yi Hagon’s Mangwollu was praised by Kang Junheum (姜浚欽, 1768-1833) as one of the four greatest libraries in Joseon, while Seunghwaru, which still exists today inside Changdeokgung Palace, once held around 900 books and paintings that were cherished by King Heonjong (Figs. 4 and 5). Fig. 4. Seunghwaru at Changdeokgung Palace. (Cultural Heritage Administration Korea). Fig. 5. Seunghwaru seomok (承華樓書目, Catalogue of Books and Artifacts of Seunghwaru Collection). 19th century. 30.9 x 27.4 cm. (Academy of Korean Studies, Jangseogak). For fear of objects being lost, damaged, or stolen, most collectors did not open their sujangcheo to the public. However, most collectors occasionally invited friends and colleagues to visit, and several of those who were privileged enough to be invited felt compelled to write about the size and grandeur of the collections they saw. Yi Yuwon described his experience visiting the collection in Sim Sanggyu’s Gaseonggak: Gaseonggak is the best library in our country. There are some other grand and fabulous libraries, but they cannot match Gaseonggak in terms of tranquillity and elaborateness. Sim Sanggyu spent his life working hard to collect the best books and paintings, as well as uniquely shaped stones and antiquities of all ages, and then building this library to house his collection. (Yi Yuwon, Rimha pilgi [林下筆記], Chapter 34: “Hwadong oksampyeon: Gaseonggak” [華東玉穇編: 嘉聲閣, On Gaseonggak]) In addition to being used for private viewing by collectors and their select invitees, sujangcheo also served as places where art transactions were conducted and forums where scholars gathered to discuss issues about the authenticity, quality, and historical value of art. Scholars often showed their reverence for a work of calligraphy or painting by writing a colophon that they attached to the main work. Thus, when a scholar was invited to view a work at a sujangcheo, he sometimes honored the host and the work itself by adding a colophon, either as a preface or a postscript. Numerous colophons have survived, and many of them attest to the importance of the sujangcheo as the setting for activities related to art appreciation. All this evidence indicates that art collecting had evolved into more than just a private, refined hobby, taking on social meanings that were stimulated through the sujangcheo, a physical “art space” for the display of collections, where preservation, appreciation, exchanges, loans, and commercial sales also took place. The sujangcheo is truly one of the most important and iconic structures in the art history of the late Joseon Dynasty. Professional Collectors During the 17th and 18th centuries, collectors with financial means benefited from the increased circulation of artworks and new information about them, and they expanded their family collections by purchasing books and paintings to add to those they had inherited. Some major collectors began to amass huge collections, distancing themselves from the average aficionado. This new breed of collector usually came from powerful families with strong academic reputations and political connections, which gave them easier access to rare objects and the latest information. They included Kim Gwangsu (金光遂, 1696-1770), who enjoyed a direct relationship with Chinese literati, as well as Yi Hagon (李夏坤, 1677-1724), Yi Byeongyeon (李秉淵, 1671-1751), Yi Yeongyu (李英裕, 1734-1804), Yi Yunyeong (李胤永, 1714-1759), Seong Daejung (成大中, 1732-1809), Seo Sangsu (徐常修, 1735-1793), Nam Gongcheol (南公轍, 1760-1840), and the jungin Kim Gwangguk, mentioned above. The way that the changing artistic discourses and practices were reflected in the lives of collectors can be exemplified through the case of Yu Manju (兪晩柱, 1755-1788), who built Heumyeonggak (欽英閣) to house his collection. Yu Manju left behind a thorough description of his daily life in the form of a vast diary called Heumyeong (欽英). According to the diary, there was not a single day between 1775 and 1787 when Yu did not view art objects or antiquities. He avidly studied Ming and Qing books to determine which works to purchase, and then took advantage of the expanding art market of the time. He was so engrossed in collecting and appreciating art that he sometimes viewed as many as 120 works in a single night, forgetting all about sleeping or eating. His artistic activities only ceased in 1788, when he became ill and died at the young age of 34. The diary states that Yu viewed and purchased a variety of artifacts, including calligraphy, paintings, epigraphs, maps, and art books from both Joseon and China. For him, studying, appreciating, and purchasing art was an indispensable everyday activity. Yu’s family status and his prolific network of acquaintances were crucial in helping him establish a solid position as a collector. By constantly engaging in intellectual exchanges, he was able to receive the latest information about new materials and artworks, and even to venture into an entirely new field. For example, on the 11th day of the eighth month, 1779, Yu reported that he viewed a western painting, and on the 7th day of the sixth month, 1785, that his uncle Yu Hannyeong (兪漢寧, 1743-1805) let him borrow a map of the West drawn by a westerner. On the 25th day of the first month, 1786, with the help of Kim Gwangguk, he was able to view a foreign map of Russia’s border area. Kim Gwangguk also allowed Yu to borrow an album entitled Seongnong hwawon (石農畫苑, Painting Garden of Kim Gwangguk), which included a western copper engraving (Fig. 6). Yu’s valuable network of family and acquaintances clearly gave him unique access to western paintings and maps drawn in the western style. Thus Yu, although he was merely a scholar, not a civil official, was able to experience not only the cultural trends of Ming and Qing, which Joseon intellectuals recognized as the most up-to-date information, but also the western visual system, which represented a completely different world. Fig. 6. Western engraving from Kim Gwangguk’s collection. 18th century. Engraving on copper, 21.0 x 25.7 cm. (Private collection). Conclusion In the 17th century, Joseon society, especially the literati class, began looking past the prohibitions of wanmul sangji and engaging in positive discussions of art appreciation. At the time, a person’s fondness for art objects was usually considered a private trait or personal tendency that was unique to the individual, so discussions on the topic centered around the qualities of an ideal collector. In other words, Joseon literati tended to consider any attachment to objects in relation to a person’s inner psychology, which demonstrates the emergence of a new human character, despite the dominance of strict Confucian values and thought. Furthermore, the influx of art-related books from China enabled collectors, in their discussions, to encompass issues related to art appreciation, authentification, and preservation, while also building the social and theoretical foundations for affirming the value of art collecting. The social changes that occurred in conjunction with the scholars’ keen reading of newly-imported texts included a more active circulation of artworks, a sudden boom in the contruction of sujangcheo as places for private collecting and viewing, and the rise of prominent professional collectors such as Yu Manju. The discourses about art collecting that circulated in the 18th century are crucial for understanding the social and aesthetic perception of art at that time. They also provided a broad frame for promoting art appreciation with Joseon, which eventually led to the development of art history and the emergence and reception of new artistic styles. In sum, the discourses on art collecting formed the basis for all the art theory of the late Joseon Dynasty.

In the Joseon Dynasty, the king’s eldest son was called the wonja (元子, Crown Prince), and as the heir apparent, he received a special education from a very early age. In fact, the royal court established a special institution specifically for the education of the wonja, called Boyangcheong (輔養廳, Office of Assistance and Nurture), which was staffed by specially appointed teachers called the Boyanggwan (輔養官, Special Mentors to the Crown Prince). Once the Boyanggwan were appointed, they immediately met with the wonja and performed sanggyeonnye (相見禮), a rite to commemorate the first meeting and greeting between the wonja and his teachers. Sanggyeonnye was the most important event organized by the Boyangcheong. In January 1784, Crown Prince Munhyo (文孝世子, 1782-1286), the eldest son of King Jeongjo (正租, r. 1776-1800), had his sanggyeonnye with his teachers, and details of the event were recorded in the screen painting Munhyo seja boyangcheong gyebyeong (文孝世子輔養廳契屛), which is housed in the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 1). This commemorative folding screen was commissioned by the Boyangcheong officials, and includes a preface describing the nature of the ceremony, a list of participants, and the actual documentary painting itself, showing various scenes from the ceremony. This work is highly significant because it is the only known documentary painting about sanggyeonnye, which was one of the most important rites of the royal court, and it provides precise details about the date of the event and the activities involved. In addition, the painting is noteworthy for its royal subject, Crown Prince Munhyo. The title of the work, as recorded in the preface, can be translated as Screen Painting of Crown Prince Munhyo’s Meeting with the Boyanggwan at Boyangcheong (here after referred to as the Boyangcheong screen). Fig. 1. Screen Painting of Crown Prince Munhyo's Sanggyeonnye with Boyanggwan at Boyangcheong (文孝世子 輔養廳契屛), Joseon Dynasty, 1784, ink and color on silk, 136.7 x 52.4 cm. (National Museum of Korea). This paper provides a detailed examination of the background of the production of this folding screen. In addition, I will closely analyze the aesthetics of the screen (e.g., the expression of the figures, composition, perspective, and painting techniques) by comparing it to other documentary paintings of court events produced in the early 1780s. Finally, I will examine the meaning of the folding screen in terms of the history of Korean painting. Production of the Boyangcheong Screen Prior to the analysis of the screen painting, the nature of Boyangcheong and the role of the Boyanggwan need to be understood. When king’s eldest son (wonja) or eldest grandson (wonson, 元孫) was born, the royal court established the Boyangcheong and appointed the Boyanggwan or Special Mentors. They were responsible for teaching the wonja or wonson until they were four years old, so the position involved both nurturing and education. The Boyangcheong was a significant institution that took charge of the earliest education of the heir apparent. The concept of the Boyanggwan was introduced by King Jungjong (中宗, r. 1488-1544), who appointed them in 1518 to educate his first son, who later became King Injong (仁宗, r. 1515-1545). When the boys reached the age of four, the Boyangcheong was replaced by the Ganghakcheong (講學廳), and the pupils then received a more systematic education using books like the Minor Learning (小學) and the Mencius (孟子). Fortunately, the details of the education, rites, ceremonies, and daily life at Boyangcheong were recorded in documents called the Boyangcheong Journal (Boyangcheong ilgi, 輔養廳日記). Currently, four such journals are kept in the Gyujanggak Archives in Seoul National University. They were written about four different wonja: King Gyeongjong (景宗, 1688-1724, r. 1720-1724); Crown Prince Sado (思悼世子, 1735-1762), posthumously endowed with the titles of Crown Prince Jangheon (莊獻世子) and King Jangjo (莊祖); Crown Prince Munhyo; and Crown Prince Hyomyeong (孝明, 1809-1930) posthumously endowed with the title of King Ikjong (翼宗). The Boyangcheong Journal of Crown Prince Munhyo, which is directly related with the screen painting in question, records what happened at the Boyangcheong every day from the eleventh month of 1783 to the seventh month of 1784, until the investiture of the Crown Prince. Obviously, this journal, with its detailed description of the sanggyeonnye in 1784, deserves special attention in the analysis of the Boyangcheong screen. The sanggyeonnye ritual was intended to teach the wonja, who was only two or three years old, about courtesy and respect. Through this ceremony, wonja learned the basic principles of courtesy between teacher and pupil. Crown Prince Munhyo, whose mother was Lady Seong (宜嬪成氏, 1753-1786), was the first wonja of King Jeongjo. In 1783, he was selected as wonja at the age of two, at an earlier age than on previous occasions where the Crown Prince was selected at the age of three. This shows that King Jeongjo, who had no son before the birth of Crown Prince Munhyo, prepared his son’s succession to the throne shortly after his birth. King Jeongjo appointed two officials as the Boyanggwan: Yi Bokwon (李福源, 1719-1792), the Third State Councilor (右議政), and Kim Ik (金熤, 1723-1790), the Secretary of the Office of Royal Pedigree (領敦寧府事). The record of the 18th day of the 11th month of 1783 (lunar calendar) in The Annals of King Jeongjo (Jeongjo sillok) presents a discussion between King Jeongjo and his officials about the appropriate number of Boyanggwan, wherein the state councilors cited two precedents. The first precedent came from the treatise on the posts and ranks of government officials in Reference Compilation of Documents on Korea (Dongguk munheon bigo, 東國文獻備考), which stated that, in the case of a wonja, three Boyanggwan should be selected from officials with posts ranging from first-grade senior to first-grade junior, after consultation with state councilors. The second cited precedent, from Journal of Boyangcheong for the Gapsul Year (Gapsulnyeon boyangcheong ilgi, 甲戌年輔養廳日記), was for King Jeongjo’s own sanggyeonnye in 1754, when two Boyanggwan were selected after discussion between the king and the state councilors. Notably, however, King Jeongjo was a wonson, not a wonja. Since Crown Prince Munhyo was a wonja, the historical records and previous cases indicate that three Boyanggwan should have been selected. However, according to Jeongjo sillok, King Jeongjo decided to follow his own experience by appointing only two Boyanggwan. Meanwhile, the date of the sanggyeonnye was carefully selected from a list of auspicious days. Crown Prince Munhyo’s sanggyeonnye was originally scheduled for the beginning of the twelfth month, but it was postponed until the first month of the following year. Among the auspicious days of that month—the 15th, 25th, and 28th day of the month—King Jeongjo selected the 15th. Thus, the sanggyeonnye took place in the Daeeunwon (戴恩院) of Changdeokgung Palace in the 15th day of the first month of 1784. The process of the rite was recorded in detail in the Seungjeongwon Journal (Seungjeongwon ilgi), and the Boyangcheong Journal of Crown Prince Munhyo. Jeongjo sillok records the following: The wonja and Boyanggwan performed the sanggyeonnye ceremony. The king appeared in Daeeunwon. The wonja stood in the east and the two Boyanggwan, Yi Bokwon and Kim Ik, stood in the west. When the Boyanggwan bowed to the wonja, the wonja bowed in return. The former and present state councilors, the officials of Gyujanggak, the third-grade senior officials of Seungjeongwon, and the annalists were presented to the king. At the end of the rite, King Jeongjo offered food to the officials and ordered that one of the children of the Boyanggwan enter the government (Jeongjo sillok, 1784, eighth year of the reign of King Jeongjo).1 After the ceremony, officials of Boyangcheong commissioned the production of a gyebyeong (契屛), a commemorative folding screen. The education of wonja, first at Boyangcheong and later at Ganghakcheong, was the most important event in the education of children in the royal court, and has thus been the subject of abundant historical research. However, this screen is the only known example of a screen to commemorate a sanggyeonnye. In order to understand the reasons behind the unprecedented production of this screen, it is necessary to closely examine the preface written on the first panel (Fig. 2), which corresponds with the “Preface to the Boyangcheong screen” (輔養廳契屛序) from Ssanggyeyugo (雙溪遺稿), the collection of works by Yi Bokwon. Of particular interest is the following passage: Fig. 2. First panel of the Boyangcheong screen, with preface written by Boyanggwan Yi Bokwon. “…We made a seven-character quatrain (七言四韻詩), and each person composed another quatrain using rhymes from the first one. We also ordered painters to depict the scenes of the event and produce eight folding screens. We gave seven of the folding screens to seven people, and kept one at Boyangcheong. At the request of all the officials, Yi Bokwon wrote the preface. As a poem was not sufficient, we ordered a painting, and as a painting was also not sufficient, we wrote the preface in order to record these three happy events and let them be treasures remembered by every generation.”2 This preface confirms that the sanggyeonnye between Crown Prince Munhyo and his teachers was a national event to be celebrated, and that the officials of Boyangcheong wanted to commemorate this event with poems, paintings, and a preface. The performance of sangyeonnye was the first step toward the Crown Prince’s eventual succession to the throne. For King Jeongjo, Crown Prince Munhyo was the heir apparent through whom he could consolidate his royal power. King Jeongjo’s reign had always been somewhat unstable, due in large part to political circumstances surrounding the death of his father. The instability was heightened by the fact that King Jeongjo did not produce a son until he was 30 years old. Since the birth of Crown Prince Munhyo was of the utmost significance for King Jeongjo, the participants in the prince’s sanggyeonnye wanted to enhance the meaning of the rite, which had previously been performed according to convention. Thus, they produced the visual representation of the event so that the event would be remembered forever. It is reported that 25 officials participated in the event, so which of them were the seven who received the folding screens? The answer can likely be found on the first panel, after the preface, where seven verses were written by seven different officials. In addition to the two Boyanggwan, Yi Bokwon and Kim Ik, the other five people mentioned are Kim Chiin (金致仁, 1716-1790), whose post was Bongjoha (奉朝賀, honorary post given to retired high-ranking officials); Kim Sangcheol (金尙喆, 1712-1791), whose post was Yeongbusa (領府事, first-grade senior post of the Privy Council); Seo Myeongseon (徐命善, 1728-1791), whose post was Panbusa (判府事, first-grade junior post of the Privy Council); Jeong Hongsun (鄭弘淳, 1720-1784); and Yi Hwiji (李徽之, 1715-1785). It seems very probable that these seven officials were the recipients of the seven folding screens. Aesthetics and Artistic Significance of the Boyangcheong Screen The Boyangcheong screen (ink and color on silk) consists of eight panels each of the same size (136.5 x 57.0 cm). The first panel contains the preface by Yi Bokwon, a seven-character quatrain composed by seven officials, and the seven other related quatrains written by the seven officials mentioned above. Panels 7 and 8 contain the order of the 25 officials present at the ceremony. Scenes of the event are painted on the remaining five panels, 2 to 6. Specifically, the scene of the sanggyeonnye is depicted in panel 4, and the other panels feature depictions of the surrounding buildings and people. As mentioned, the sanggyeonnye was held at Daeeunwon (戴恩院) of Changdeokgung Palace, which was an annex building situated southeast of Seonjeongjeon (善政殿), the main bureau of state affairs. Daeeunwon originally served as the bureau in charge of selecting civil and military officials. The building no longer exists, but it can be seen in Donggwoldo (東闕圖, Painting of the Eastern Palace) (Fig. 3), which reveals Daeeunwon as a rather small building that was longer east-to-west than north-to-south, not one of the main buildings of Changdeokgung Palace. Interestingly, the sanggyeonnye between Crown Prince Munhyo and the Boyanggwan is the only court ceremony known to have taken place in Daeeunwon. During the Joseon Dynasty, most court ceremonies were performed in major halls in the palace (e.g., Injeongjeon [仁政殿] of Changdeokgung Palace), usually in a spacious area that encompassed the interior and the courtyard of the hall. But Crown Prince Munhyo’s sanggyeonnye, with about 50 participants, was held in the interior of Daeeunwon, on a relatively small scale for a court ceremony. Fig. 3. Painting of the Eastern Palace (東闕圖), Early 19th century, ink and color on silk, 584 x 273 cm. (Korea University Museum). In most cases, the halls where the ceremonies were to take place underwent some temporary alterations in anticipation of the event. For example, temporary wooden floors (補階) might be added to connect the front stairs of the hall to the courtyard. Also, wooden partitions with large awnings might be erected to divide the space. However, since this ceremony was held indoors, apparently none of these alterations were made. Instead, as shown in the fourth panel, the east end of the hall was blocked by a folding screen, and the west end was blocked by a wall. Panels 2 to 6 combine to show a depiction of the entire hall complex in bird’s eye view, looking down on the roofs and into the courtyards, in combination with a lower frontal view of the façades, with slanting perspectives into the entrances (Fig. 4). Even more strikingly, the upper part of panel 4 depicts the actual scene of the ceremony taking place in the interior of the hall, bringing this scene forward and enlarging it to fill the whole space of the rear courtyard in this panel. Since this arrangement leaves no room to depict the main south-facing façade and roof of the building, the west gable is glimpsed instead through the clouds above, while the side walls of the interior are shown in a converging perspective, from the same lower frontal point of view as the courtyard façades. Both the left and right walls are interrupted by a red column towards the back, dividing the interior into front and back spaces. In front of the column, the left wall has two large lattice panels, with green panels below them (Fig. 4). Behind the column, there is a single lattice panel, edged in green but without a green panel below it. The panels on the right wall, two in front of and one behind the column, are a plain buff color. The people in the interior and in the inner courtyards are depicted larger than those in the outer courtyard and garden, to emphasize their importance (Fig. 5). Fig. 4. Detail of the fourth panel. Fig. 5. Detail of fifth and sixth panel, showing the difference in scale between the figures in the inner and outer courtyards. Fig. 5a. Detail of the sixth panel. In the fourth panel, the mat where the wonja would be seated is in the east, facing west. In accordance with the convention of not depicting the royal image, the wonja himself is not shown but is deemed to be present. There are two mats, the smaller one (a thick cushion covered with leopard skin) for sitting and the larger one (a flat mat woven with a design of flowers) for bowing (Fig. 4). Officials stand to either side and behind the mats, and behind them is a folding screen decorated with the ten traditional symbols of longevity. There are also eight attendants standing, four on each side, close to the wonja’s two mats. The left side of the folding screen shows two cranes, one standing and one flying, as well as a small lingzhi mushroom, and the right side shows two pine trees and two white deer. This folding screen featuring the ten traditional symbols of longevity may have been placed in the hall to express wishes for the health and longevity of the wonja. Meanwhile, the two Boyanggwan are shown in the west, facing the wonja in the east. Another notable aspect of the work is the expression of the people. In the Joseon Dynasty, the rendering of people in documentary paintings of court ceremonies tended to be rather figurative, and not highly detailed or realistic. The ceremonies depicted in those paintings were large-scale national events that were performed repeatedly, so they often included hundreds of participants and onlookers. Since the painters had to draw so many people in each painting, they tended to represent the people figuratively, instead of trying to depict each person carefully and individually. Therefore, it is interesting to note that the officials in this painting, although standing in a straight row, all have different poses. Furthermore, they are wearing different types of belts, with the officials on the left wearing belts decorated with buffalo horn (犀帶), and those on the right wearing belts decorated with silver or gold (鈒銀帶 or 鶴頂金帶). Each man also has unique facial features, with variations in the beard and the shape of the head. The distinction and detail of the figures contrasts with the simplified expression of people in other court paintings, including Screen Painting to Commemorate the Installation of Crown Prince Munhyo (文孝世子冊禮契屛), produced seven months later in the eighth month of 1784, and Screen Painting to Commemorate the Direct Practice of Politics of King Jeongjo in the Eulsa Year (正祖乙巳親政契屛), produced in the twelfth month of 1785 (Fig. 6). Fig. 6. Detail of Screen Painting to Commemorate the Direct Practice of Politics of King Jeongjo in the Eulsa Year (正祖乙巳親政契屛), Joseon Dynasty, 1785, ink and color on silk, 136.7 x 52.4 cm. (National Museum of Korea). The size of the figures is also noteworthy, in that they are larger than figures in other documentary paintings of court ceremonies. This can probably be explained by the fact that the sanggyeonnye rite was smaller and involved fewer people than other official ceremonies, such as jinchan (進饌, banquet) or jinha (陳賀, celebration of joyful state events). The larger size of the figures allowed for a more vivid and diverse expression of clothes, facial features, and gestures. All of the officials in the fourth panel of the painting, whether they are standing or sitting, are performing different actions. The people outside the hall are expressed in the manner that was conventional for genre paintings of the time, and they are expressed so vividly that viewers can almost hear the buzz of their conversation (Fig. 5a). This style of rendering figures appeared in documentary paintings of court ceremonies of the 18th century, but had disappeared by the 19th century. The literati outside the building are wearing woolen hats beneath their gat (traditional hats), indicating that the ceremony was held in winter, in the first month of the year (Fig. 5a). Some aspects of the buildings are also depicted in surprisingly meticulous detail. For example, the furrows between the roof tiles are drawn with elaborately dotted lines, and the ends of the tiles on both sides of the roofs were carefully rounded to represent the circular tile ends, even though these would not in fact be visible from a bird’s eye point of view (Fig. 7). Also, the ends of the tiles nearest the eaves were shaded in a darker tone of ink wash in order to emphasize the downward slope. Fig. 7. Detail of the fifth panel. A final compelling aspect of this work is the use of the baechae technique (背彩技法), wherein colors are applied to the reverse side of the painting. In most of the panels, the baechae technique was employed together with the jeonchae technique (前彩技法), which involved adding extra colors to the front of the painting to soften the overall color. The photographs of the front and back sides of the work (Figs. 8 and 8a) show that white pigment was applied to the reverse side of all the figures, probably to soften and brighten the blue-grey and rose-colored robes on the front. In the case of the figure in a red robe, red pigment has been applied on both front and back. The use of these two techniques in a documentary court painting is particularly interesting, since they were more often combined in portraiture, wherein the overall faces were painted with the baechae technique, while the facial features and details of official attire were painted with the jeonchae technique. Figures 8 and 8a also show how blue pigment was applied on the reverse of the whole of the area of grey rooftiles, pale green on the back of the plaster wall area, and a brighter green on the back of the window and door frames, which appear a darker green on the front. White pigment was apparently applied to the back of the columns and horizontal beam behind the eaves, while the red color on the front shows through as a very pale pink (note the difference between the red of the columns and that of the single figure wearing a red robe). White pigment was also applied on the back of the painting to the floors of the Daeeunwon, in order to differentiate them from the ground in the courtyards outside the building. Fig. 8. Front side of the sixth panel. Fig. 8a. Reverse side of the sixth panel, showing the use of the baechae technique for figures and buildings. The baechae technique was frequently employed in various types of painting (e.g., Buddhist painting, portraits, and documentary court paintings). In particular, documentary paintings of court ceremonies show diverse examples of the baechae technique. In 2010, special conservation techniques were used to analyze Screen Painting of a Banquet in the Gichuk Year (Gichuk jinchando, 己丑進饌圖屛, 1829, in the collection of the National Museum of Korea), and the researchers found that the baechae technique was only sparingly employed for that painting. Then in 2011, the painting technique of the Boyangcheong screen was analyzed for comparison. The research revealed that the baechae technique was used extensively in this painting, particularly for the expression of official attire and buildings. This study laid the foundation for multifaceted research into the various uses of the baechae technique in documentary paintings of the Joseon Dynasty. Conclusion In 1784, King Jeongjo designated his first son, who was less than two years old, as wonja, and then appointed the Boyanggwan and ordered the performance of sanggyeonnye between the wonja and the Boyanggwan. The Boyangcheong officials produced eight folding screens to commemorate this special event, one to be kept in the building and seven for the principal participants. The birth of the heir apparent, Crown Prince Munhyo, was clearly a momentous occasion. In addition to the performance of sanggyeonnye in the first month and the installation of Crown Prince Munhyo in the eighth month in 1784, a residence building Junghuidang (重熙堂) was constructed especially for Crown Prince Munhyo in 1782. Furthermore, in 1785, King Jeongjo used Junghuidang to handle his political affairs (chinjeong, 親政). This series of events were visually represented in three screen paintings: the Boyangcheong screen (National Museum of Korea), Screen Painting to Commemorate the Installation of Crown Prince Munhyo (Seoul National University Museum), and Screen Painting to Commemorate the Direct Practice of Politics of King Jeongjo in the Eulsa Year (National Museum of Korea). The significance of these events is attested by the mere existence of these screen paintings, which were made to commemorate these joyous royal ceremonies for generations to come. Although Crown Prince Munhyo never succeeded to the throne due to his early death, he participated in many important rituals as the heir apparent, including his sanggyeonnye and the installation rite. Among these events, the sanggyeonnye was especially important, because it was the first ceremony. Thus, the officials who had participated in this event produced this commemorative folding screen to demonstrate King Jeongjo’s special affection for Crown Prince Munhyo and the King’s wish that his first son would succeed him to the throne. The Boyangcheong screen is the only known example of a documentary court painting depicting sanggyeonnye between a wonja and his Boyanggwan. But besides this status, there are several additional reasons why it deserves special attention in the research of the history of Korean painting. The composition of the building and the expression of the individual people are distinct from other documentary paintings of court ceremonies. Since the size of the people is quite large in proportion to the surrounding buildings, they could be depicted with an unusual amount of detail, and performing various gestures. Also, the figures were depicted as wearing winter clothes, reflecting the season, and the baechae technique was employed throughout the painting.