The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

Ripples from the upheaval in the north fueled moves toward political union inside the Jinhan confederacy, with Saroguk emerging the final winner. Having long been the predominant state in Jinhan, Saroguk successfully pursued and achieved the goal of political dominion. The states confederated with Saroguk now lost their names and became subordinate regions. Meanwhile, Saroguk emerged as a totally new state in form and character and spanned a vast territory. Upon establishing a system of rule better suited to its new form, one of the first steps it took was to change the name of the confederacy from Jinhan to Silla. Moreover, the title of the supreme leader was switched from Isageum, meaning "one who has lived a long time," to Maripgan, which translates as "the highest among all chiefs." The territory occupied by the former Saroguk state naturally transitioned into the royal capital of Silla. The newly emerging ruling class began to build large tombs with high mounds to physically manifest their power and authority. Although the emergence of Silla demanded fundamental changes in the ruling system, the existing order was not totally transformed. Community factors remained strong at the bottom of society. Despite the proclamation of the new name of "Silla,” the former name "Saroguk" continued to be used as well. The centralization of power was tenuous and direct rule through the royal dispatch of officers to the different regions now incorporated into Silla was not achieved. Consequently, Silla had no choice but to practice a more indirect form of rule through powerful regional figures tied to the central authority. Such local leaders were not fully under the control of the central government, but held themselves in a semi-autonomous state. Although the clearly highest ruler in the country, the Maripgan had not yet risen to the status of a transcendental figure of absolute authority. Under these conditions, there were limitations on establishing a ruling order based on a centralized government with the king at the peak of the power structure. The complete erasure of the existing community-based ruling order would inevitably require a lengthy process. The period of more than one hundred years between the first half of the sixth century and the foundation of the Silla Kingdom in the fourth century is considered a time when the internal foundations were being faithfully laid to prepare for centralized rule. This is clearly confirmed in both written records and archaeological evidence, and can be surmised from the fact that the size of tumuli in Gyeongju increased and the grave goods buried with the deceased became more luxurious and diverse. The clear expansion of the quality and quantity of relics indicates that the economic foundations of the country were strengthening and centralizing. The gradual reorganization of this system seems inevitable. The intention was to focus political power on the king, the Maripgan. Around 530, the title of Maripgan was abandoned in favor of Daewang, meaning "great king," a reflection of the heightened status of the ruler. As the basis for the stable succession of the system of rule, the class system was revised and various government offices and positions were instituted, including a 17-level ranking system for government officials to ensure the establishment of the new class and bureaucratic systems. To provide an institutional framework for these measures, a national code of administration (the Yulyeong) was proclaimed and Buddhism was adopted as the national religion and ruling ideology. Throughout this process, the remnants of the previous order were gradually erased. It should be noted here that this was the point at which Silla's distinctive social ranking system, the Golpumje, or Bone Rank System, was instituted. This system not only enabled the ruling class to maintain their privileges, but also functioned as a mechanism for the political, social, and economic control of society as a whole. Silla society has hence been described as a "Golpumje society" or "Golpumje system society." As Buddhism took root in Silla, it provided ideological reinforcement for the ruling order established through the Bone Rank System. Of course, the basic structure and function of the Bone Rank System did not go completely unchanged, but with adjustments to accommodate political and social evolution the system was maintained until the fall of Silla. The third period is known as Unified Silla. Of course, "Unified Silla" is not a name that was applied or used at the time. As one of the ancient Three Kingdoms of Korea, Silla struggled constantly with Goguryeo and Baekje (18 BCE–660CE) over survival and political integration. With assistance from Tang dynasty Chinese forces, it eventually succeeded in overcoming both rival kingdoms in the mid-seventh century and launching a unified nation spanning the Korean Peninsula. This integration of the Three Kingdoms is seen as a milestone event in that it laid the foundations for a nation of people within the same region and of a single culture. In this sense, some take Silla's creation of a unified state as the dividing line in Korean history between ancient and medieval societies. The widely used term "Unified Silla" was created by modern historians out of a need to systematize the process of Silla's development based on its political unification of the Three Kingdoms. Hence Unified Silla fundamentally differs in nature to the terms Saroguk or Silla. Some opposed the name Unified Silla on the grounds that it does not reflect the actual circumstances. This view comes from a negative evaluation of Silla that it did not in fact unify the Three Kingdoms and that considers its entire development process to be improper. There are two main reasons underlying such a viewpoint. First, the Balhae Kingdom, based in territory formerly occupied by Goguryeo and claiming to be its successor, was founded in 698 and continued into the early tenth century. This means that applying "Unified" to Silla's name can be considered problematic. The second reason is that Silla allied with Tang China to conquer the nations within its own region. The unification process can thus be deemed tainted and the use of the word "Unified" in the name likewise inappropriate. Underlying these negative perceptions is remorse over the lost Goguryeo territory, since Silla failed to absorb the full extent of its rival's lands. Those who refuse to accept Silla's actions as unification or disparage it as an incomplete unification oppose the use of any related terminology in the name. Alternatives such as Daesilla (or "Great Silla") have been suggested. The views discussed above must respond to certain questions, however. Although Balhae claims to have succeeded Goguryeo, it did not come into being until thirty years after the latter’s fall. In addition, in those days the Three Kingdoms did not consider themselves to be nations with the same roots, and hence it is difficult to judge the validity of the unification based on the aid of foreign forces or other elements. Therefore, until some inventive alternative appears, it seems harmless to apply the name Unified Silla, considering that it was a clearly new and unique nation in terms of the scale of its territory and population and the level of its culture. At the time, Silla emphasized the unification aspect as well, using terms such as iltong samhan (lit. one unification, three Han states) or iltong samguk (lit. one unification, three kingdoms). Based on this perception, they divided the nation into nine provinces. While the conception that Silla unified the Three Kingdoms might have detractors, there is no doubting that this was a period of tumultuous change. With the fall of the two nations that had engaged Silla in long-standing confrontations and rivalry, circumstances inside and outside Silla were transformed. Externally, a new East Asian order was forming with the Tang dynasty as its axis. At the time, Tang China would have been less of an ally than a competitor looking to dominate Silla as well. Although Silla succeeded in driving them from the peninsula, people lived under a sense of threat since no one knew when Tang might resume its aggression. Furthermore, refugees from Baekje who had crossed to Japan were constantly seeking an opportune moment to attack Silla and restore their nation. To assuage this crisis, Silla engaged in active diplomacy with Japan. While pursuing peaceful coexistence with other nations, Silla sought to ensure a stable internal foundation. For Silla, unification presented a great opportunity to advance. Its dramatic increase in both area and population necessitated an equivalent change to its governing system. Embracing the people of Goguryeo and Baekje, Silla also assimilated the advanced cultural elements that they brought. Upon this foundation, Silla introduced further elements from Tang China, which enabled it to grow and develop further as a nation. Consequently, the eighth century is considered Silla’s golden age. Even Tang China, the world’s most advanced nation at the time, called Silla "the land of the noble man [junxi]," acknowledging the cultural heights it had attained. Although Silla had failed to absorb the full extent of Goguryeo territory, unification served as a launchpad for new development. However, as soon as Silla reached its peak, it started on a path of decline. Though the country’s internal and external environment and circumstances had changed, it clung to its former system and failed to make needed adaptations. It was particularly committed to sustaining the Bone Rank System, which had long provided the frame for the nation's politics and society. Despite some political accommodations, the Bone Rank System ensured the reproduction of a privileged class. This concentration of political power and wealth in the hands of the elite exacerbated the inconsistencies in Silla's social structure. With turmoil sweeping East Asia during the second half of the ninth century, regional forces with new objectives began to rise up against the central government. In the end, Silla surrendered in 935 to a new dynasty, Goryeo (918–1392), which had risen up at its farthest periphery. It then vanished into history. Meaning of the Way this Article is Presented As mentioned above, Silla lasted for over one thousand years, passing through three major stages, or periods, before its final collapse. At each stage, the national state of affairs was reflected in politics, history, and diverse aspects of its culture. Through a few selected examples, it is possible to gain a broad picture of the circumstances and flow of Silla's history and culture. The following explores several points that highlight the realities involved. The first point is the way Silla, based in the Gyeongju basin, started out as the weakest of the Three Kingdoms but managed to become the leading force and achieve unification. Without considering the other factors underlying Silla's original weakness, the focus in the past has solely been on its unfavorable geographical position. However, to achieve a more refined understanding it is necessary to make certain distinctions. During the early Saroguk period its location was actually highly favorable compared to that of neighboring rivals. Not only was Saroguk situated at the meeting point of various inland routes, it was also close to the east coast and hence served as a gateway to areas further inland. Indeed, its location can be seen in this light as the major factor behind the successful rise of Saroguk. However, once Saroguk had absorbed its surrounding states and emerged as Silla, its location placed it at a great disadvantage compared to Goguryeo and Baekje in terms of contact and exchange with more advanced civilizations. In this regard, Silla could not help being the least developed of the Three Kingdoms. However, these limitations in fact served as motivation for development, and Silla made serious efforts to overcome them. To rise above its given situation, Silla actively pursued diplomacy, making use of one or another of its stronger neighbors as needed. It first turned to Goguryeo as an ally, then Baekje, and finally with the help of Tang forces it could conquer its two rivals and unify the Three Kingdoms. In short, Silla's success was a victory for diplomacy, an outcome owing much to the skills of the ruling forces who planned and implemented these policies. The second point is the structure of the Silla capital. In the process of Saroguk's evolution into Silla, the state's original territory encompassing the Gyeongju basin and the surrounding areas was naturally named the capital. People and goods collected there as the political center of the nation and the residence of the king. Inevitably, the capital grew to be the key region for the country. As a rule in East Asia, when a nation grew in scale and economic power became concentrated in a certain place, or when a new dynasty emerged, the capital was transferred to a new location to suit these circumstances. Silla is highly unusual in that its capital was never once relocated. Efforts were indeed made after unification to found a new capital, but they never came to fruition. Even though it ended in failure, the fact that such a move was attempted means the original capital was too small to fully function as the capital of Silla after the unification of the Three Kingdoms and placed limits on systematic management. Consequently, by remaining in the same location for over a thousand years the capital developed a highly unusual structure. As it is difficult under these circumstances to trace all the changes individually, an attempt will be made here to recreate the appearance of the capital when Silla was in its prime. Fundamentally, the space occupied by the capital did not completely change, but as it expanded into the surrounding areas the city developed a well-ordered road network and carefully considered its demarcations. The newly developed areas were planned to stand alongside the original organically formed city center. The coexistence of these two types of urban areas was a distinctive feature of Gyeongju. During the process of growth, the ruling ideology was strongly projected onto the city. A defense network was created to protect the capital and a transportation web linked the city with rural areas and the external world. It can be presumed that a huge investment of labor was required for this transformation of a naturally formed unplanned city into a planned urban center accommodating a large number of people and goods. Attesting to this is the fact that Silla established a government office in charge of the management of the capital and urban planning. The third point is the changes in the tombs of the ruling class found around the Gyeongju basin. Since people have continued to reside in the area after the fall of Silla all the way to the present, remains of Silla settlements or housing sites are not easily identified. Moreover, most of the actual objects that could illuminate aspects of everyday life have been lost. Fortunately, the tombs remaining here and there about the Gyeongju basin provide us a glimpse into the lives of the Silla people. The people of the time believed that life did not end at death but continued into an afterlife. They would try and replicate the former life of the deceased as closely as possible inside the tomb. The structure of tombs and the grave goods buried inside them naturally reflected the political, social, and cultural changes taking place outside. In particular, the size of tombs and the quantity and quality of the grave goods reflected the political standing of members of the ruling class and general social customs. Overall, the tombs started out underground but gradually rose above ground, growing much larger in the process, while grave goods became very high quality and vast in quantity. These developments are closely connected with the political situation at the time and with people's conception of the afterlife. With Silla's adoption of Buddhism as the state ideology in the sixth century, the notion of life after death changed sharply. The soul and body were considered separate, and it was believed that when a corpse was buried in the ground the soul moved on to the Western Paradise. This led to a dramatic reduction in the size of tombs and the amount of grave goods. This was accompanied by other major changes since the riches that had previously been buried away in the ground were handed over to the temples to support their operation. In return, Buddhism provided the elite with support for their ruling authority. In this sense, studying tombs is an important means for learning about the history and culture of Silla. The fourth point is Silla's metalcraft. Items made from metal can be divided into various categories according to their function and the materials used. In large part, they range from everyday goods such as dishes and household implements to accessories made of precious metals that reflect rank, power, or wealth; shamanistic implements and weapons; and ritual items for religious ceremonies. The materials applied varied, including gold and silver, bronze, jade with metal, iron, glass with metal, metal alloys, and gilt items. It is an interesting field since metalwork aptly reflects the aesthetics of the people of the time and their level of technical accomplishment. Major Silla metal items include those designed and produced by its own artisans, finished items imported from other countries, and replicas of these foreign goods. All of these objects are considered important in that they provide grounds for a more thorough understanding of Silla's cultural contacts and exchanges with other countries. They reflect trends in the tastes of Silla’s people as well as changes connected to international relations. The civilizations of the nomadic peoples of the plains, Central Asia, and even Rome were introduced to Silla via Goguryeo. Through Baekje, major impacts came about through the import of culture from China's southern dynasties, Sui, and Tang. Silla compounded these influences to create a new culture of its own. As Buddhism took root in the country, related culture and technologies were adopted as well, further enriching and diversifying Silla. In the mid-eighth century Silla reached what is considered its golden age. The fifth point comprises the stone Buddhist images on Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju. Namsan Mountain is a hill about 500 meters high located directly south from the center of the Gyeongju basin. Boasting numerous valleys, it covers an area stretching four kilometers east to west and six kilometers north to south. Countless Buddhist temples once dotted every vale: the sites of some 150 large and small temples have been confirmed, as well as dozens of pagodas and stone lanterns that once belonged to these temples. The Buddhist images on the mountain number in the hundreds and range from free-standing granite sculptures to relief images carved into as many rock faces as possible. Silla was the last of the Three Kingdoms to accept Buddhism, and only following the martyrdom of a pioneering figure named Ichadon did it become officially sanctioned by the state. From that point it spread throughout the country and rapidly took root. Buddhism became integrated into politics, and the Silla king would sometimes proclaim himself to be Cackravartin, the ideal universal ruler found in Buddhist sutras, announce that Buddhism existed in Silla before the appearance of Sakyamuni in India, or claim to be a direct relation of Sakyamuni. Silla kings sought to recreate the Buddha Land, or the Buddhist Pure Land, in their territory. Temples were first built in the central part of the Gyeongju basin, but when a fortress was erected on Namsan Mountain to shelter the king in times of crisis, the mountain came to be considered a sacred space and temples began to be erected there. From this time until the fall of Silla, temples were continuously being built at the foot of Namsan Mountain. Over the course of centuries, diverse Buddhist sculptures were produced, all showing differences according to the evolution of beliefs, which accounts for their great diversity. The city of Gyeongju is thus a unique repository of Buddhist culture and faith and was recognized as such upon its addition to the UNESCO World Heritage List. While it may be difficult to cover the totality of the historic city of Gyeongju drawing upon these excerpts from Silla history and culture, it is possible to gain an idea of the general outline. A more detailed examination of Gyeongju as a city that served as a capital for a thousand years must be reserved for another occasion.

Gyeongju served as the capital city of Silla, an ancient Korean kingdom that endured for a nearly a millennium (c. first century to 935 CE). During its tenure as the Silla capital, the city was known by a variety of names, including Seorabeol (徐羅伐), Geumseong (金城), and Geumgyeong (金京). Silla developed out of Saroguk (斯盧國), a small-scale early state based primarily in the Gyeongju Basin that emerged around the late second century BCE. Saroguk engaged in a fierce competition with its neighbors—early states that were similar to it in size and nature—before successfully consolidating the region and accordingly modifying its system of control. This ultimately led to Saroguk’s development into an ancient kingdom in the mid-fourth century CE. With the founding of the Silla dynasty, the former Gyeongju Basin territory of Saroguk became firmly embedded as the site of its capital and was never once relocated. In the seventh century, Silla and Tang Chinese forces managed to conquer Goguryeo (37 BCE–668 CE) and Baekje (18BCE–660CE), two ancient Korean kingdoms with which Silla had contested since the fourth century, and successfully established the first unified kingdom on the Korean Peninsula. Following this multifold expansion of Silla’s territory and population, plans were made to abandon the narrow confines of the Gyeongju Basin and transfer the government to a more suitable area for a capital city. Dalgubeol (達句伐), an inland location 70 kilometers to the west of Gyeongju, was the candidate site for this new center. However, this plan was soon abandoned and no other relocation was ever attempted. It can be presumed that the Silla ruling establishment, conservative in nature and with deep ties in the Gyeongju region, had been strongly opposed to this effort. However, another factor that may have influenced the decision to maintain the capital on its existing site could have been the practical observation that a location closer to the coastline, as opposed to a deeply inland area, would provide better prospects for the kingdom. This belief may be manifested in the way in which Silla’s history subsequently unfolded, with the significance of maritime endeavors increasing dramatically following unification. As such, it appears that the decision concerning the location of the Unified Silla capital may have paradoxically resulted from an openness towards change on the part of the Silla elite who had emerged victorious in the war of unification rather than stemming from an attachment to their traditional power base. Fig. 1. Daereungwon Tomb Complex It is rare for the capital city of a kingdom to be maintained in the same location for a thousand years, as was the case with Gyeongju. A similar example could be the capital of the Roman Empire, which remained the same from its beginnings as a small city-state, through its unification of the Italian Peninsula, its regional expansion, and its emergence as a grand and prosperous empire spanning the Mediterranean world and beyond. The cradle of this empire, the city of Rome, remained its capital for many centuries. Although Silla did not similarly become an empire with hegemony over much of a continent, simply the fact that Gyeongju functioned as a capital city for such a long period of time is in itself of great significance and a phenomenon worthy of study. It is interesting to note that, as did its capital city, Silla’s royal palace remained rooted in a single site. The royal palace was established on a long, narrow platform-like area formed naturally alongside the Namcheon River (南川) as it flowed through the southern part of the Gyeongju Basin. With the addition of earthen walls in the fourth century, the fortified site came to be known as Wolseong Fortress (月城). Around the late fifth century, the seat of government was temporarily transferred to Myeonghwalsanseong Fortress (明活山城) above the eastern reaches of the city in anticipation of an attack by a formidable Goguryeo army. This provided an opportunity to repair and embellish the area within and outside Wolseong Fortress. After a 13-year absence, the Silla royal court was reestablished within Wolseong and remained there for the rest of the kingdom’s existence. There was a brief attempt to build another royal palace complex in the mid-sixth century at a site not far from Wolseong Fortress, perhaps because it had become too cramped to house all of the buildings and institutions that Silla had come to require with its rapid development. The spot earmarked for the new royal palace was a marshy location close to both the center of the capital city and Wolseong Fortress. At the time, the area was known as Yonggung (龍宮, meaning ‘dragon palace’) since it was fed by a spring and waterlogged throughout the year, conditions traditionally associated with dragons. However, after the completion of foundation work at the site, which involved the infilling of the boggy land, the plan was suddenly abandoned and a decision was made to erect a Buddhist temple on the site. According to written records, this was due to the appearance of a yellow dragon (‘hwangryong’ in Korean). It is likely, however, that there is another reason for this change and the story of the dragon was invented to justify the shift in policy. The temple that arose on the site after many years of construction was named Hwangryongsa Temple (皇龍寺) and came to take on a central role in Silla Buddhism. The temple complex grew into the largest of any in the kingdom. Although the details of why the site came to house a temple instead of a royal palace remain unclear, the fact that plans to build a new palace had been initiated in the first place could be taken as an indication that problems concerning the availability of space had arisen due to the constraints on the site of Wolseong Fortress. An examination of the layout of East Asian cities that share ideological roots in Chinese practices reveals that there were two different conventions for siting a royal palace: it could be located either at the center of the capital city or at its northernmost point looking southwards over the city’s well-ordered districts. Ancient cities generally adopted the former pattern, but starting in the late fifth century this gradually came to be replaced by the latter system. Drawing upon this, it can be suggested that the plan to relocate the royal palace to a more central location might have resulted from a desire to adjust the layout of the capital city, given that Wolseong Fortress was located too far to the south within the Gyeongju Basin. However, any plan to amend the layout of the city would have had to be fundamentally rethought with the abandonment of the palace relocation plans. The unique solution to this was to build several secondary compounds throughout the capital city in order to supplement the main palace at Wolseong Fortress. Due to the constraints of the natural platform-like area upon which Wolseong Fortress had been built, it was difficult to expand the perimeters of the royal grounds with the emergence of new needs. Wolseong Fortress was narrow along its north-south axis and spanned wide on its east-west axis. It was flanked by the Namcheon River (南川, also 蚊川) to the south, and to the north was a burial ground that had been in use for approximately 150 years and featured large earthen mounds. These constraints on the site also influenced the unique and unprecedented appearance of the Silla royal palace. Both the Silla capital city and royal palace were, in this way, ingrained within the same place. In this sense, Gyeongju provides an unprecedented opportunity to observe the accumulation of one thousand years of Silla history and trace its development. Recent findings from active archaeological investigations have contributed to improving the understanding of this ancient site. The Silla dynasty came to an end in 935 with its surrender to the Goryeo dynasty (918–1392), which had been established in the Songak region (around present-day Kaesong in North Korea) at the furthermost periphery of the Silla Kingdom. It had proclaimed itself the historical successor to the Goguryeo Kingdom. Goryeo adopted a policy of absorbing the Silla elite, and the final Silla king, Gyeongsun, was granted the position of Sasimgwan (事審官), reserving for him administrative control over his former capital of Geumseong. It was at this point that Geumseong was renamed Gyeongju (慶州), meaning ‘district (州) of happiness (慶)’, indicating how Silla’s surrender represented for Goryeo the opening of the unification of the Later Three Kingdoms. The cultural standards of Silla during its period of florescence in the eighth century were held in high esteem by the Tang dynasty of China, which referred to it as a ‘Kingdom of Gentlemen’ (君子國). The deep pride and self-esteem of the Silla ruling class is displayed in their deliberate referrals to their capital city of Geumseong as ‘Donggyeong’ (東京 or 東都, meaning ‘Eastern Capital’), a reference to ‘Xijing’ (西京 or 西都, meaning ‘the Western Capital) as a term for Changan (長安), the capital of Tang China. In the early Goryeo period, Donggyeong was granted the official administrative name of Gyeongju in an effort to enhance the city’s status. During the Goryeo period, the former early Silla territory came to be known as ‘Gyeongsang-do Province’ (慶尙道), a name created by combining the ‘gyeong’ (慶) from Gyeongju with the ‘sang’ (尙) in Sangju, Silla’s main provincial city. During the Joseon dynasty (1392–1910), Gyeongju at one point functioned as the political and administrative center of Gyeongsang-do Province. In later times, the Gyeongju-based scholar Choi Jaewoo (崔濟愚, 1824-1864), who felt threatened by the influx of western civilization collectively referred to as ‘Seohak’ (西學, meaning ‘western learning’), founded a new religion in a conscious attempt at resistance. This new creed was called Donghak (東學敎), and its canonical text was Donggyeong Daejeon (東經大全). The fact that this attempt to resist Western influences emerged in Gyeongju illustrates how the historical legacy of this ancient capital city had been maintained. Samguk sagi, the official historical record of the Three Kingdoms focused on Silla, and Samguk yusa, an unofficial historical record of the Three Kingdoms, were both written during the Goryeo dynasty. These two texts were reprinted upon the founding of the Joseon dynasty and once again in 1512. In both cases, the reprinting took place in Gyeongju. This can also be seen as a reflection of the city maintaining its historical and cultural traditions. Gyeongju's Geopolitical Location As outlined above, the Gyeongju Basin early state Saroguk developed into the Silla Kingdom by successfully consolidating its surrounding competitors. Afterwards, it conquered Goguryeo and Baekje to establish the first unified kingdom on the Korean Peninsula. From its beginnings to its demise, Silla lasted for approximately one thousand years. However, due to Gyeongju’s location in the its southeastern corner of the peninsula, the city was somewhat of a cultural backwater. Silla’s degree of political development was also stunted compared to the other kingdoms of the region. Nevertheless, Saroguk managed to emerge victorious from its struggle with competing polities of a similar nature, and Silla was also the ultimate winner of the struggle for hegemony over the Korean Peninsula. What made this possible? This is a riddle that has yet to be fully solved. Likely, a number of factors led to this result, but it is difficult to identify the details involved. Nevertheless, there are two significant factors that can be noted, while taking into consideration the conditions in the other competing areas. One is the natural and geographical environment, and the other is leadership that proved capable of maximizing the potential of this environment. We will begin by focusing on the former. In the context of the Korean Peninsula, Silla and its forerunner Saroguk were located in the southeastern reaches and therefore unfavorably situated for contact with and adoption of elements from more developed cultures. Looking at Saroguk alone, however, it should not simply be assumed that this situation was purely negative. In some respects, Saroguk’s location was more favorable than that of its neighbors, and in fact this may have played an important role in allowing Saroguk to outpace them and ultimately dominate the region. Mountainous terrain covers more than 70% of the Korean Peninsula, and it features more significantly in the Korean landscape than does flatlands. The Taebaek Mountain Range (太白山脈 or 白頭大幹), which forms the spine of the peninsula, is situated close to the East Sea but branches off at several points in a westward direction as it extends from north to south. Located in the valleys formed by mountain ridges descending from the Taebaek Mountain Range are the headwaters of rivers that flow in a generally westward direction into the Yellow Sea. At a key point near the center of the Taebaek Range, a large subsidiary range splits off and trends southwest in a bow-shaped trajectory before reaching the southern coastline. This is the Sobaek Mountain Range which cuts across the southern portion of the peninsula to form a clear natural boundary. A clearly distinct cultural sphere developed in the region to the east of this barrier. It is in this eastern region—commonly referred to as the ‘Yeongnam’ (嶺南) region since the Goryeo dynasty—that Saroguk, and later Silla, developed. This region’s partition from the rest of the peninsula by its mountainous border led to the formation of a unique language, customs, and other cultural elements. Fed by numerous streams draining the Sobaek Mountain Range to the north, the Nakdonggang River flows across the Yeongnam region and forms alluvial plains before emptying into the Korea Straight in the Gimhae area. The banks on either side of the Nakdonggang River provide favorable living conditions and were consequently home to a considerable portion of the region’s population. This river has been called the lifeline of the Yeongnam area since it functioned as the main artery for transportation and connected inland and coastal areas. Gyeongju is located away from the Nakdonggang River region and therefore has long been regarded as suffering from unfavorable geographic conditions. This may be true in terms of the Nakdonggang River. However, a shift in viewpoint and a closer examination of the evidence indicates ways in which Gyeongju’s location was in fact quite fortuitous. Firstly, Gyeongju was a strategic hub for regional land transportation. In order to enter the Yeongnam region from the far side of the Sobaek Mountain Range, a mountain gap such as the Jungnyeong (竹嶺) or Joryeong (鳥嶺) Pass must be traversed. Transportation routes naturally formed along the passageways provided by these passes, and the structure of the land was such that the southwards routes naturally converged at Gyeongju. For this, the Gyeongju Basin can be regarded as a node where various routes merge. In ancient times, the northern reaches of the peninsula were home to more developed cultural elements. In times of political upheaval, the populations of these northern regions would flee to the south, bringing with them the products of more advanced civilizations. These migrating groups were highly likely to pass through Gyeongju. The area may have provided an ideal spot for these migrating groups to gather and for the cultural elements that they carried to accumulate. It seems evident that its geographic background played an important role in establishing the foundations for Saroguk’s growth. One other factor that should be taken into consideration is proximity to the East Sea. Gyeongju is located in the southeastern corner of the Yeongnam region, which means that it was not far from the coast. Gyeongju had to be traversed to reach the inland areas of the Yeongnam region from the East Sea coast. Its geological structure includes a number of fault systems, including the Ulsan Fault and the Yangsan Fault. Several of the tectonic lines formed by these fault systems meet in the Gyeongju Basin. The Yangsan Fault passes through Gyeongju and extends through Angang and Shingwang towards Yeongdeok. The Ulsan Fault extends from the Ulsan Bay area and passes through Gyeongju and Geoncheoon on its way towards Yeongcheon. It can be expected that the site where these tectonic lines meet would prove to be a strategic transportation hub. Indeed, Gyeongju is connected to a northern inland transportation route which extends beyond the Sobaek Mountain Range, as well as to eastern and southern routes that reach respectively to the East Sea coast and the mouth of the Nakdonggang River. Although Gyeongju is located at a distance from the Nakdonggang River watershed, it served as a gateway through which the various products of maritime culture had to pass in order to reach the region’s inland areas. In this sense within the context of the Yeongnam region, Gyeongju’s location can actually be considered quite propitious. This awareness comes with a change in perspective from considering the Korean Peninsula as a whole to the Yeongnam region in particular. It is this foundation that provided Saroguk, which originated in the Gyeongju Basin, with a critical advantage that helped it to grow into a much larger political entity and successfully gain dominion over competing political groups of a similar nature. This geographic edge also played an important role in Silla’s efforts to become the ultimate victor in the struggle for unification that began with the political crises that sprung up in the northern regions of the peninsula in the early fourth century. This perspective is supported in both the archaeological record and written sources. In terms of the overall Korean Peninsula, the southward migration of the people and products of a more advanced civilization had been a general trend up until the early fourth century when the Han Commanderies of Lelang and Daifang fell to attacks from Goguryeo forces. It is around this time that Saroguk actively utilized its advantageous location as a transportation node and gateway between the inland and eastern coastal areas to consolidate its neighboring polities, thereby developing into Silla. This represented a qualitative leap in terms of its nature as a political entity. Although details of this process have yet to be fully revealed, the extraordinary capabilities of the elite in organizing and manipulating human, military, and economic resources would certainly have played a major role. This aspect became clearer as Silla’s fierce competition with Goguryeo and Baekje intensified. Driving Force behind Silla’s Development and Unification of the Three Kingdoms As described above, the fortuitous geographical conditions in the Gyeongju Basin played a key role in the Saroguk phase, but these conditions did undergo some changes in the next phase of Silla’s evolution. Each of the early states that had been developing independently throughout the peninsula came to be involved in regional struggles for political consolidation, which ultimately led to the emergence of ancient states. By around the mid-fourth century, three main kingdoms had appeared: Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. Gaya, unable to overcome the divisions within its polities, remained a confederacy. In other words, the ‘Three Kingdoms’ had been established. From this point onwards, the geographic location of Silla in the southeastern part of the Yeongnam region, cut off from the rest of the peninsula by the Sobaek Range, came to take on a different meaning compared to in the earlier Saroguk phase. Silla’s capacity for development was choked off by difficulties in communication and exchange with the world beyond the Sobaek Mountains. The most advanced civilization of the time was the North and South dynasties of China. The Three Kingdoms of the Korean Peninsula contended in adopting the products of this advanced civilization through their contacts with China. The unfortunate geographic situation of Silla meant that they fell behind in this regard and immense efforts had to be made to overcome this limitation. In response, Silla chose a strategy of cultivating its human resources and increasing their competency in foreign relations. A pool of skilled individuals and a national diplomatic capacity cannot be nurtured overnight—a steady accumulation of experience and the human resources to apply it is required. It appears that while working to overcome the handicap of its geographic position over a long period of time, Silla naturally came to understand the importance of strengthening its diplomatic service. A tripod firmly supported by its three legs is extremely stable and cannot be easily tipped over. The situation in the Three Kingdoms was similar. Whenever one of the kingdoms grew more powerful, the other two would ally to sustain the balance of power and keep the more powerful kingdom in check. When two kingdoms were equally strong and a third weak, each of the powerful kingdoms would attempt to woo the weaker player over to their side. This was the status quo throughout the Three Kingdoms Period from the fourth to the seventh century. Faced with two powerful rivals, Silla generally took the initiative in proposing cooperation with either of the other two in order to secure its survival. Goguryeo and Baekje, whose elite shared a belief in their common ancestral roots, competed fiercely and ultimately became involved in a war of mutual annihilation. In order to dominate the other, each of these kingdoms actively pursued alliance with Silla. Silla’s position became increasingly advantageous as the struggle between Goguryeo and Baekje intensified since they enjoyed the option of choosing a side. In the mid-fourth to fifth century, Silla maintained close ties with Goguryeo – the more powerful of the other two kingdoms at the time – and used it as a protective shield. Under Goguryeo’s umbrella, Silla actively adopted products from this more advanced civilization to create a springboard for political development. Via Goguryeo, Silla was able to adopt advanced cultural elements from a wide range of regions, including Central Asia and the Northern Steppe regions, and even from as far as Rome to the distant west. With Goguryeo’s guidance, Silla was also able to dispatch, at least for a time, envoys to Earlier Qin in northern China, thus making its presence known on the international stage for the first time. However, the above arrangement eventually became an obstacle for Silla. Goguryeo’s role as a protector led to excessive political interference, as well as posing a difficult economic burden. In response, Silla attempted to improve its relationship with Baekje, with whom it had continuously maintained a hostile status, in an attempt to counter Goguryeo’s interference. Silla subsequently managed to maintain a friendly stance with Baekje for more than a century, notwithstanding the occasional crisis. During this period, Silla applied Baekje’s assistance to forge a formal diplomatic relationship with Liang, one of China’s Southern dynasties, and was introduced to their developed culture. Through this medium, Silla was able to make great strides both politically and culturally. Over time, however, this amicable relationship between Silla and Baekje also began to experience internal conflicts as well. Silla must have made the determination that it would not emerge the winner if its arrangement with Baekje remained static. Accordingly, as soon as its improved internal foundations were stabilized, Silla set out to conquer the Hangang River region, an area disputed by all three kingdoms. This manifested Silla’s drive to self-reliance and to free itself from the influence of the other kingdoms. The Hangang River region had been the cradle of Baekje and was of strategic geopolitical importance as the site of exchanges in all sorts of products and people. As can be expected, Silla’s conquest of the Hangang River region made enemies of both Goguryeo and Baekje and was therefore an extremely risky enterprise. However, this great gamble would ultimately advance its fate. At first it would have been difficult to foresee Silla’s future success since it had acquired two powerful enemies in a single stroke. Its actions may have initially seemed reckless and the results of an impulsive greed. However, given the events that followed, Silla’s decision appears to have been quite strategic and based on a calculation of the favorable odds involved. Silla’s long experience with the other two kingdoms made it confident that Goguryeo and Baekje would not form a coalition and attack. Given this, Silla appears to have decided that it could defeat each of the kingdoms on an individual basis. Silla’s actions appear to have been based on a precise analysis of internal conditions in Goguryeo and Baekje, as well as of broader international dynamics. Silla had gambled its fate on control over the Hangang River region because it judged that a great advantage would follow. In this regard, we must note that it was control over this region that allowed Silla to establish direct diplomatic relations with both the Northern and the Southern dynasties of China. The ability to independently maintain exchanges and diplomatic relations meant that it could actively adopt the new products of developed civilizations to its heart’s content. In doing so, Silla overcame its geographical disadvantages and achieved a longstanding goal. It can be expected that when Silla, the relatively weaker side, made adversaries of both Goguryeo and Baekje, it had already been making plans to establish friendly relations with China across the sea in order to keep these two foes in check. The manner in which Silla actively approached the North and South dynasties and the unified dynasties of Sui and Tang can be taken as evidence. An era in which Silla played an important diplomatic role in the greater East Asian arena had begun. This new international dynamic well suited Silla, which was accustomed to surmounting its geographical limitations by making strategic use of Goguryeo and Baekje as needed. Silla could now apply its foreign connections not only as a channel for importing advanced cultural elements, but also to exercise its diplomatic capacity to the fullest. Silla established close relations first with the Sui dynasty and then with the succeeding Tang dynasty, eventually forging a military alliance. This served to lay a foundation for Silla’s ultimate victory in the struggles between the Three Kingdoms. Unlike Goguryeo and Baekje, which had maintained a rigid diplomatic policy grounded in tradition, Silla did not passively accept the limitations of its geopolitical status and worked actively to overcome it. This proved the decisive factor that allowed Silla, the weakest of the Three Kingdoms, to emerge as the eventual hegemon. An institution responsible solely for international relations was founded, and great efforts were put into cultivating the personnel needed to fulfill these diplomatic duties. Consisting exclusively of young men, the hwarang organization (花郞徒) was founded in an effort to foster the human resources required in this new era. As the overall situation evolved, the gukhak (國學) was established as a central institution of higher learning for educating a new generation of Silla youth in the principles of Confucianism. This was part of the wider endeavor to overcome the limitations of Silla’s position. In this sense, it can be said that Silla’s geographic handicaps actually stimulated its will to overcome adversity, thereby contributing to the basis that made the unification of the Three Kingdoms possible. Of course, this could not have been possible without leadership at the grassroots level and beyond. The Geographic Environment and Silla Culture As noted previously, Silla’s geopolitical situation did not remain static, but was in fact fluid and responded according to the context of the times. It would therefore be a mistake to approach Silla’s geographic position from a fixed determination—to assess it as being either fortunate or disadvantageous—without considering the process of conditions changing over time. From the perspective of the Yeongnam region alone, the placement of Saroguk was quite advantageous. It was able to apply local conditions toward its eventual development into the Silla state. On the other hand, Silla’s placement in the southeast corner of the Korean Peninsula was a burden on this greater political entity and its expanded territory. It led to a lag in adopting the advancements of other civilizations and to difficulties in shedding the more retrograde elements of Silla culture. The Silla elite took great pains to overcome this limitation, and the result was the skilled manipulation of its more advanced neighboring powers. Silla had no choice but to constantly observe and remain knowledgeable of the internal conditions in these nations and the state of international affairs. In so doing, Silla managed to naturally and steadily cultivate its diplomatic aptitude. When the time finally came to compete directly with Goguryeo and Baekje, it was able to use its accumulated capacity to great effect. Migrants that arrived later in the basin brought with them elements of advanced foreign civilizations and played a key role in guiding Silla’s growth and development. These newcomers rapidly infiltrated the Gyeongju Basin up until the early fourth century and won over the existing groups to gain hegemony in the region. The ethnic backgrounds of these earlier and later groups did not differ fundamentally. The Korean Peninsula and greater Manchuria at the time were populated by members of a wide range of ethnicities, consisting of the Joseon (朝鮮), Han (韓), Ye (濊), Maek (貊), Yemaek (濊貊), Mohe (靺鞨), and more. These groups all emerged from a common ethic base but came to be called by different names according to their area of residence. Mainly, it was the various branches of the Han (韓) people, such as the Joseon tribe, that arrived in the Gyeongju Basin in successive waves and merged into the existing population. This was facilitated by the area’s location at the crossroads of various transportation routes. The Gyeongju Basin is where two tectonic valleys running different directions met. One valley from Ulsan to Gigye merged with the other from Yangsan to Angang. A large stream originates in the southern part of the basin and flows north. Fed by numerous small waterways draining the mountain valleys, it forms a river that arrives at Pohang where it empties into the East Sea. The common name of this waterway is the Hyeongsangang River, but it is referred to as Seocheon (西川, West Stream) while passing through the Gyeongju Basin. Bukcheon (閼川, North Stream) and Namcheon (蚊川, South Stream), which respectively originate in the eastern and southeastern valleys of the Gyeongju Basin, flow west to feed the Seocheon. The area defined by these three streams served as the main urban center for the Silla capital. This area was not originally ideal for human settlement. The transportation routes radiating out from the Gyeongju Basin made the area difficult to defend. In addition, wetlands formed by natural springs were scattered throughout this area, and the Bukcheon was prone to flooding. This meant that habitation outside the hilly zones of the area would have been difficult in the absence of adaptation efforts. As such, the population of Saroguk and of Silla in its early phase did not concentrate in the central portion of the basin. Their settlements were commonly established along the piedmonts or the hills and afforded a view of the lowlands below. Only a few burial mounds were constructed in the central area, which was devoid of residences. As the Gyeongju Basin developed as the Silla capital from the fourth century onwards and Wolseong emerged as the royal residence, people began to congregate in the central flatlands. However, the residents of the capital at the time were not politically united. There were six local administrative units, which would later become the bu (部) districts, and each maintained its own semi-independent base. The important issues facing the Silla state were collectively debated and acted upon by a council consisting of representatives of each of the six bu districts. The sovereign, known as the ‘Maripgan’ (麻立干) presided over this council and acted as its chair in his or her capacity as the head of the takbu (喙部), the strongest of the bu districts. However, the role of the Maripgan was simply that of a political leader. The ruler had yet to wield absolute power. All members of the six bu districts participated in common ancestral rites for the progenitor of Saroguk. Accordingly, all of their tombs were established within a common burial ground. The large but compact cluster of tombs located to the north of the palace (Wolseong) represents this shared facility for members of five of the bu districts (members of one of the six bu traditionally buried their dead elsewhere). Most of the tombs constructed within this burial ground demonstrate a distinctive internal structure that has led them to be called ‘wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds’ (積石木槨墳). Since this burial ground had been established in the central area of the capital city, its eventual growth posed a considerable obstacle to urban planning. A fundamental shift took place in the early sixth century with the development of a new government structure with the king at its apex. A subsequent reorganization of the urban layout became inevitable. Tombs now came to be sited in the western peripheries of the city and in other surrounding districts. The plan to relocate the palace to a more central position and the eventual construction of Hwangryongsa Temple in its stead, as described, were all part of this attempt to restructure the urban design. The wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds constructed within a particular district in the Gyeongju Basin have long been a subject of great interest for their distinctive structures and grave goods that shed light on the origins of Silla culture. These tombs consisted of three main components: an inner core featuring a wooden coffin placed within wooden chamber; a stone cairn over the wooden structure; and a layer of earth that covered the stone structure. The distinctive nature of these tombs, which have no identified counterparts in the broader region, has led to the opinion that they must have originated elsewhere. This viewpoint has been hotly contested by those who argue for their indigenous development within the region. The artifacts recovered from these tombs are highly distinctive. In addition to large volumes of pottery, weapons, and horse tack, the richly furnished tombs have yielded numerous decorative ornaments made with precious metals. These include gold and gilt-bronze crowns, as well as golden earrings, belts, and shoes, all of which were prestige objects reflecting the authority of the deceased occupants of the tombs. Such metal artifacts do not appear in archaeological contexts predating the fourth century, which suggests that they were introduced to the region with the foundation of the Silla Kingdom around this time. Of particular interest are the recovered examples of Roman glassware in various forms and colors that originated in different workshops throughout the Roman Empire. The majority of all the glassware found was not created indigenously and appears to have been imported. Some of it seems to have come from Goguryeo, but it is more likely that it was actually obtained through Goguryeo. In this sense, they can be regarded as material evidence of Silla’s relationship with Goguryeo as noted in written sources. In addition, they shed light on the nature of Silla’s adoption of advanced cultural products during the fifth century. Silla’s great interest in importing development through contacts and interaction with the outside world can be observed through these grave goods and the architectural structure of the tombs. While maintaining friendly relations with Goguryeo, the opening of routes along the Eurasian steppes allowed for the adoption of cultural elements from a vast area, including the Northern Steppes and even the Roman Empire. Such cultural elements played an important role in fueling Silla’s development. By cutting relations with Goguryeo and establishing friendly connections with Baekje instead, the importance of the sea increased for Silla. Their gamble of seizing the Hangang River region was part of an effort to break free from existing geographic constraints. It also allowed Silla to gain a better knowledge of international dynamics and expand its perspective on the wider world, thus boosting its diplomatic capacity. Concluding Remarks By overcoming its geographic constraints, Silla was able to emerge as the eventual victor in the struggle among the Three Kingdoms. Throughout this process, it achieved an understanding of the measures that it could pursue and further develop in order to actively surmount future obstacles. Of particular interest is the way in which Silla, as the weaker player, adroitly made use of its stronger neighbors. Through this experience, Silla was able to enhance its diplomatic capabilities and emerge triumphant. In this sense, the unification of the Three Kingdoms can be appreciated as a diplomatic victory. It may be expected that Silla’s geographic constraints in the southeastern periphery of the Korean Peninsula would have led the kingdom to lag behind its neighbors and become traditionalist. However, this did not prove to be the case, and it fails to explain Silla’s eventual achievement of hegemony. Its backwater status actually encouraged Silla to more actively engage with the outside world and adopt elements from advanced foreign cultures. This provided the background for the open but ambitious nature of the Silla people and their pioneering spirit. This can also be witnessed in the way in which Silla dispatched numerous students and monks to study outside the region, although in later times their destinations were narrowed to Tang China. The fact that quite a few Silla monks overcame the extensive obstacles to successfully journey to India for the purpose of study, or the presence of the great Silla seafarer Jang Bogo in the maritime canon of the ninth century can also be better understood within this context.

According to archaeological evidence, human settlement in the Gyeongju area began in the Neolithic Age. However, no indications of tombs have been found among the archaeological sites and materials from that time. The major tomb type from the subsequent Bronze Age (c. 1000 BCE–400 BCE) is dolmens, a form of megalithic stones with a capstone placed above ground to mark the presence of graves, many of which have been discovered across the Korean Peninsula. Next, in the Early Iron Age (c. 400 BCE–100 BCE), the major tomb type is the stone-covered wooden coffin tomb (jeokseok mokgwanmyo). None of these have been unearthed in the Gyeongju area, however. The small number of known tombs from this period date to the latter reaches of the Early Iron Age and are wooden coffin tombs (mokgwanmyo) not accompanied by stones, demonstrating features indicative of the transition to the next period. During the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (c. 100 BCE–300 CE), the Manhan, Jinhan, and Byeonhan confederacies (collectively known as Samhan) shared the southern portion of the Korean Peninsula. This is indicated in “Records of the Dongyi” (“eastern barbarians”) from the “Book of Wei” in Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguozhi). At this time the Gyeongju area was the base of Saroguk, one of the statelets comprising Jinhan. Clusters of wooden coffin tombs for the ruling class and of the subsequent type, wooden chamber tombs (mokgwakmyo), formed throughout the region. The mounds accompanying the tombs of this period have all been lost and no traces remain above the surface of the ground. The Silla Kingdom covered a vast territory east of the Nakdonggang River in the center of the Yeongnam region beginning from around the mid-fourth century. Clusters of tombs topped with large-scale mounds were built on the flats east of the area that today forms downtown Gyeongju, corresponding to the central part of the Gyeongju basin. These are the tombs of the city’s ruling class from after its establishment as the capital of the Silla Kingdom. From the mid-sixth century until the fall of Silla in 935, the tombs of the ruling class were constructed as stone chamber tombs (seoksilbun) and their preferred sites shifted from the plains to the surrounding hillsides. The tomb types described for the periods mentioned above are all classified as gobun, or ancient tomb (Kim Won-yong 1974). But nowadays in Korea, ancient tombs generally point to those built after the first century BCE, a time when peer polities began to be established in various areas in the southern Korean Peninsula, including Gyeongju. These polities were not necessarily “states” although Records of the Three Kingdoms refers to them guk, conventionally meaning “state.” Anyway, the earliest ancient tombs in Silla history are those dating to the Saroguk period. This article provides an overview of the tombs of the Gyeongju area over the course of three archaeologically divided periods in Silla’s one-thousand-year history: the Saroguk period, the Maripgan period, and the Junggogi (sixth–seventh century) and Unified Silla period. Fig. 1. Map of archaeological sites around Gyeongju dating to the Saroguk period Saroguk Period Wooden Coffin Tombs of the Early Saroguk Period Saroguk, out of which the kingdom of Silla later emerged, was a local polity covering some 1,300 square kilometers, presumably including the present-day Gyeongju area. It is believed to have been established at the turn of the first century BCE. This is inferred from the archaeological phenomenon that tomb clusters began to appear around parts of the Gyeongju basin at that time and such groups of tombs continued to be formed until the Maripgan period. The distribution of these tomb clusters is seen as an indication that a network of human settlement at a statelet level spanning the Gyeongju basin was formed at this point and was sustained into the future. The Saroguk era can be generally divided into two periods. During the initial phase, from the early first century BCE to the early second century CE, the major tomb type was the wooden coffin tomb. These were created by digging a pit, placing a wooden coffin inside, and covering the coffin with a low mound of earth, similar to what is practiced in Korea today. Although the tombs from this period are conventionally called wooden coffin tombs, no wooden coffin from the time has actually been discovered in the Gyeongju area. However, a wooden coffin excavated from Daho-ri Tomb No. 1 in Changwon in 1988 and other archaeological evidence from the soil layers indicate that two types of wooden coffins were indeed used throughout the Yeongnam region. One is the so-called “log coffin” made by vertically splitting a log slightly longer than the height of an average adult, hollowing it out, and rejoining the two halves. The other type is a wooden plank casket. Joyang-dong Tomb No. 38, a representative tomb of the Saroguk period, is dated to the latter half of the first century BCE based on a mirror found within it from the Western Han Dynasty (206 BCE–09 CE). The grave pit measures roughly 258 centimeter long, 128 centimeter wide, and 150 centimeter deep, while the wooden coffin is approximately 190 centimeter long, 65 centimeter wide, and 30–40 centimeter deep. The considerable depth of the pit reflects a desire to completely seal off the space in which the body was placed, but there is a clear trend toward a gradual shallowing of the pits over time. Fig. 2. Joyang-dong Tomb No. 38 Such tombs were generally oriented east to west, and the placement of the neck ornaments within them indicates that the head of the deceased was generally placed at the eastern end. This was a typical pattern that continued at least until the Maripgan period. It is not clearly known what beliefs or ideas might have underlain this eastern orientation in Silla tombs. However, if we consider that the sun, the fundamental source of all life, rises in the east, this custom may be connected to hopes for rebirth or eternal life. A classic example of a wooden coffin tomb from the later part of the early Saroguk period is Sara-ri Tomb No. 130, discovered in the western Gyeongju basin. Dating to the latter half of the first century CE, the grave pit is in the shape of a rectangle with rounded corners and measures 332 centimeter long, 230 centimeter wide, and 100 centimeter deep. The wooden coffin inside is inferred to have been approximately 205 centimeter long and 80 centimeter wide. Traces left in the soil layers and at the bottom of the pit suggest that the coffin was made of wooden planks, with the two short planks inserted between around the ends of the vertical planks (as in the Hangeul letter ‘ㅍ’). Fig. 3. Sara-ri Tomb No. 130 Although Sara-ri Tomb No. 130 is well-known for the discovery of 70 flat iron axes and other relics laid inside the coffin, a wider range and greater quantity of grave goods was in fact excavated from the space between the coffin and the pit walls. This indicates that the rites performed during the process of burying the most exalted members of the ruling class had by this time become highly elaborate and well organized. Supporting evidence is found in a wooden coffin tomb from the same period discovered in Tap-dong, on the northern slope of Namsan Mountain far apart within the same Saroguk territory. It yielded almost identical relics, with only the exception of the flattened iron axes. None of the mounds erected over the wooden coffin tombs remain today. Indirect evidence of mounds is found in traces of ditches encircling the pits of large wooden coffin tombs at the Deokcheon-ri site in the southwestern part of the Gyeongju basin. Based on these ditches, it is possible to suppose that the mounds would have been in a long oval or rectangular shape around 800–900 centimeter long and 600–700 centimeter wide. There are no known clues as to their height, but it is surmised that they would have been rather low and flat on top. Fig. 4. Layout of wooden coffin tombs at the Deokcheon-ri site During the first half of the Saroguk period, tombs with pottery jar coffins were often annexed to wooden coffin tombs. Used to inter babies and young children, jar coffins were never a predominant type and therefore will be discussed here in conjunction with the wooden coffin tomb stage. Although single-jar coffins existed, such as from Gangbyeon-ro Tomb No. 1 in Hwangseong-dong, most were of the double-jar coffin type created by joining two similar vessels. Later in the period, triple-jar coffins appear in which a steamer-like vessel is added in the middle. The pottery-jar coffins of the Saroguk period were mainly around one meter in length with the long axis running east-west. The grave pit was dug to a size only slightly exceeding that of the coffin. Fig. 5. Jar coffin tomb consisting of two joined jars Fig. 6. Wooden coffin tomb in Tap-dong Wooden Chamber Tombs of the Later Saroguk Period In the wooden chamber tomb type, which appeared in the mid-second century CE, the space between the wooden chamber in the grave pit and the wooden coffin inside the chamber was filled prior to the internment with a large quantity of earthenware and iron objects. The shape of early examples of wooden chamber tombs is rectangular, but nearly square. In this respect, and in terms of the size and amount of grave goods as well, wooden chamber tombs are clearly distinct from the wooden coffin tombs of the preceding period. For example, there is a large difference in the size of the aforementioned Joyang-dong Tomb No. 38, the definitive wooden coffin tomb of the early part of the Saroguk period, and Gangbyeon-ro Tomb No. 1 in Hwangseong-dong, the classic wooden chamber tomb from early in the second half of the Saroguk period. (The latter features a pit 414 centimeter long, 338 centimeter wide, and 39 centimeter deep, and a wooden coffin that is estimated to have been around 275 centimeter long and 206 centimeter wide.) The later Gueo-ri Tomb No. 1, also a wooden chamber tomb, shows an even greater relative difference in size. Consisting of two wooden chambers (one main and one secondary), the pit reaches a full 10 meters in length. Fig. 7. Hwangseong-dong Gangbyeon-ro Tomb No. 1, a wooden chamber tomb The development of wooden chamber tombs with this structure stemmed from a desire to expand the burial space to accommodate more elaborate rites and practices reflecting the increased power of political leaders (Lee Seong-ju 1997, 31). The rather sudden appearance of this type of tomb in the mid-second century can only be explained as a reflection of dramatic social changes. The fact that the pit for wooden chamber tombs became much shallower, particularly in the Gyeongju area, strongly suggests that the wooden chamber had been elevated above ground by this time in order to emphasize the volume of the mound. The nearly-square plan of early wooden chamber tombs gradually transitioned to a more rectangular shape, and then to a long, thin, rectangular form. This eventually evolved into a double-chambered arrangement composed of a main chamber where the body of the deceased was interred and a secondary chamber where the grave goods were placed. Such tombs can be further divided into those with the secondary chamber within the same pit (Deokcheon-ri Tomb No. 120) and those where it is placed within a separate pit (Gueo-ri Tomb No. 1). The former type dominates in the Gyeongju area. The secondary chamber was appended as an exclusive space to store grave goods for use by the deceased in the afterlife. As such, it can be presumed that a belief in a next life as a continuation of the previous life (Byeon Tae-seop 1958; 1959) was becoming firmly established among the ruling class of the region. Fig. 8. Deokcheon-ri Tomb No. 120, a wooden chamber tomb with a secondary chamber inside the same pit (where the pottery grave goods were located) Although almost no clues remain regarding the size and shape of the mounds that would have topped the wooden chamber tombs, Jungsan-ri Tomb IA-No. 26 in Ulsan, a wooden chamber tomb surrounded by stones (wiseok mokgwakmyo), provides an example of a mound encircled by retaining slabs similar to those featured on tombs of the Maripgan period. The mound forms a long rectangle with rounded corners measuring around 1480 centimeters in length and 760 centimeters in width. The presence of these stone retaining slabs from an early period suggests that this wooden chamber tombs were meant to include a high mound from the very beginning. Fig. 9. Jungsan-ri Tomb IA-No. 26 in Ulsan, a long rectangular double-chamber wooden chamber tomb surrounded by stones similar to later stone retaining slabs From Wooden Chamber Tomb to Stone-covered Wooden Chamber Tomb Following the Saroguk period, the prevailing tomb type in the Maripgan period became the stone-covered wooden chamber tomb (jeokseok mokgwakmyo). From the beginning of the study of these highly original structures, much attention has been focused on their origins. It has been strongly suggested that this type of tomb originated outside of Korea. Linking it to cairns in southern Siberia dating to the fourth and fifth centuries BCE, it has been argued that the form was transmitted to Korea by horse-mounted immigrants who constituted the ruling class of Gyeongju during the Maripgan period (Choi Byunghyun 1992, 381–415). Others have contended that Goguryeo tombs, which were made entirely of stone, provided the ultimate inspiration (Shin Gyeong-cheol, 1985). However, archaeological evidence demonstrates that the stone-covered wooden chamber tomb progressively evolved out of the wooden chamber tomb form from the preceding period in the Gyeongju area (Lee Jaehong 1997). Fig. 10. Gueo-ri Tomb No. 1, a wooden chamber tomb If stone-covered wooden chamber tombs did indeed develop endogenously, their salient feature of stones piled around a wooden chamber inside and on top of a pit would not have appeared overnight. It is generally acknowledged that in the first stage of the transition, stones were piled around the wooden chamber and in the next they were placed on top of the chamber. This type was followed by an above-ground wooden chamber with stones mounded on top (Lee Heejoon 1996). Tombs of the earliest of these three types were constructed at least during the late Saroguk period. The stone-covered wooden chamber tomb in Masan-ri, Heunghae-eup, Pohang, provides an example of this earliest type. Surrounded by stones on all four sides, it is located just three meters to the north of a previously built double-wooden chamber tomb running east to west on top of a small hill, causing the two to appear to form a double mound. These circumstances indicate that this tomb was built in the early fourth century at the latest. This was a point of accelerated transition from the wooden chamber tomb, a form which had been steadily maintained for some time, to the stone-covered wooden chamber tomb. The main chamber of the Masan-ri tomb is placed at the center of the grave pit and flanked by a secondary chamber on one side and a chest for grave goods on the other. The grave pit is 800 centimeter long, 320 centimeter wide, and 50 centimeter deep. It is surmised that the gap of around 60 centimeters between the walls of the grave pit and the main chamber and secondary chamber was filled with stone slabs and crushed stone 15–30 centimeters in width. A small degree of sinking observed in the soil layers inside the main and secondary chambers suggests that no stones were piled on top of the wooden chambers. The location of the gold earrings discovered inside the tomb indicates that the body was placed with its head toward the east. Fig. 11. Stone-covered wooden chamber tomb in Masan-ri in Pohang, surrounded by stones on all four sides Political Status of the Occupants of Wooden Coffin Tombs and Wooden Chamber Tombs During the Proto-Three Kingdoms period, the political system for each area, including Saroguk, was fundamentally a chiefdom comprised of several towns and villages (eumnak). Each of these chiefdoms demonstrated a settlement pattern based on a three-tiered hierarchy featuring a central community and lower-level secondary communities within set geographical boundaries. The tomb clusters of the Saroguk period that have been excavated so far consist essentially of the graves of the heads of lineage groups who ruled communities within the top two tiers. Sara-ri Tomb No. 130 and the Tap-dong tomb are wooden coffin tombs with almost no parallels in the Yeongnam region in terms of size or the burial practices involved. Interred within these tombs are the leaders of a number of Saroguk-period communities from the first century CE. No other tomb meeting the same standard can be found within the respective clusters to which each belongs, indicating that no dominant group had yet appeared. It is inferred that the occupants of the two tombs were buried with grave goods of such exceptional quality and quantity due to superior individual leadership capabilities. No wooden chamber tomb of an outstanding size or standard that would indicate the burial place of a local political leader has yet been found in the Gyeongju area among the Saroguk tombs dating from after the mid-second century. However, according to an analysis of the changes in the tombs of leaders over time from the Bronze Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms period (Lee Heejoon 2011), leaders from the wooden chamber tomb stage had obtained military power as well. This is in contrast to the leaders of the wooden coffin phase who had yet to achieve military backing among the three types of power bases: economic, ideological, and military (Earle 1997). They would certainly have engaged in a fierce competition that triggered a considerable reshuffling of the ruling class, at least at the chieftain level. The wooden chamber tomb clusters include a number of tombs of a superior standard, suggesting that a dominant group had appeared by that time. Tombs of the Maripgan Period Stone-covered Wooden Chamber Tomb Exclusive to the Ruling Class of Gyeongju A survey of the changes in the tombs of the Yeongnam region reveals that those of the Maripgan period, which began around the mid-fourth century, are distinguished by large mounds that have since been maintained in nearly their original condition. This type of tomb with a mound of earth on top of a grave is known as a tumulus (gochong). Such imposing mounds were created to reflect the power and authority of both the deceased and of the family members and kin group who erected them. Entering the Maripgan period, small tombs continued to be built in each alluvial area on the fringes of the Gyeongju basin where the tombs of the preceding Saroguk period had been sited. However, a large cluster of tumuli of various sizes was formed in the area north of Wolseong at the center of the capital. Another group of tumuli was established in Geumcheon-ri, some 10 kilometers to the west. These are the only two places in Gyeongju where tumuli clusters are found. Excavations over the years have revealed these tumuli to be stone-covered wooden chamber tombs, and it was in this type of tomb that the renowned golden ornaments of Silla were discovered. The unique structure of stone-covered wooden chamber tombs demonstrates a clear contrast when compared to tombs in areas east of the Nakdonggang River, which fell under Silla control at the time. There, tombs were mostly stone-lined pit tombs (suhyeolsik seokgwakmyo) or stone-lined tombs with a horizontal entrance (hoenggusik seokgwakmyo). Hence, it can be understood that stone-covered wooden chamber tombs were preferred by the ruling class of Silla as a symbol of their identity. In a typical example of a stone-covered wooden chamber tomb, not only the space between the grave pit walls and the wooden chamber, but also the top of the burial chamber, are piled with stones approximately the size of a human head. But as examined above, the three types of tombs with stones added to a conventional wooden chamber tomb appeared sequentially over time. For a period during the Maripgan era, all three types were being built simultaneously. Of course, all these tombs have both a mound with a nearly-circular oval plan and a surrounding ring of retaining slabs, one of the conditions of tumuli, which sets them apart from earlier tombs. The mammoth tumuli in the center of Gyeongju, the royal capital of Silla, are all stone-covered wooden chamber tombs above ground and a complex structure of triple or more burial chambers. During the Japanese colonial period (1910–1945), some 155 tumuli were tallied, including these large examples, but many smaller versions whose mounds had been leveled over the years remained obscured underground. Stone-covered wooden chamber tombs came to be concentrated onto two localities at the start of the Maripgan period as Saroguk gave way to Silla and members of the ruling class from the alluvial areas around the Gyeongju basin moved into the capital. They formed a new and powerful social element and constructed tombs that could reflect their status and identity. In other words, with the formation of the six bu (部, divisions) of Silla, the ruling classes of these divisions continued to erect stone-covered wooden chamber tombs. Not only resources from the Gyeongju area went into their construction, but also human and material resources requisitioned from regions east of the Nakdonggang River that they ruled indirectly through a tributary system. Scattered among the large tumuli in today’s downtown Gyeongju are some small stone-covered wooden chamber tombs and small stone-lined pit tombs. In terms of scale and of the relics found within, these stone-lined pit tombs are inferior and have consequently been judged to be the graves of people from a lower social rank than those buried in the stone-covered wooden chamber tombs. There are some wooden chamber tombs from an early stage of the Maripgan period that succeed intact the traditions of the preceding period, and these are considered graves of people of lower rank as well. For example, Tomb No. C10 in the Jjoksaem district of the old royal capital is a relatively large wooden chamber tomb with a main and a secondary chamber, but none of the golden ornaments that are commonly found in tombs of that type and scale were discovered within. All that it yielded was a horse bard and a set of armor suggesting that the individual interred belonged to the warrior class. Stone-covered wooden chamber tombs can be roughly classified into single-mound tombs (danjang), double-mound tombs (pyohyeong), and multi-mound tombs (dahyeong) consisting of three or more mounds. The presence of double-mound and multi-mound tombs is a distinguishing feature of the stone-covered wooden chamber tombs of the Gyeongju area. These tombs were generally joined by removing part of the retaining slabs around an existing mound and installing the new tomb within the space. Royal Tombs of the Maripgan Period When comparing the tumuli clusters of the Maripgan period with wooden chamber tombs from the preceding era, an important point of distinction is the pluralization of tombs in different categories of size and quality and quantity of grave goods. Documentary evidence has shown that the ruling class was divided horizontally into six bu competing units. However, the existence of multiple types of tombs with unique standards attests to a well-developed vertical organization as well. Fig. 12. Northern tumuli cluster to Wolseong-dong Fig. 13. Tumuli cluster in Geumcheok-ri Fig. 14. Excavation of Yeonsan-dong Tomb M3 in Busan (a stone-lined pit tomb with secondary stone chamber) Royal tombs from the Maripgan period are likely to be found among the tumuli in the center of the city of Gyeongju, especially the large tumuli in Daenuengwon or Nodong-dong and Noseo-dong to its north. The separate tumuli group in Geumcheok-ri to the west are considered to be the graves of members of Jamtak-bu, one of the weaker of the six bu. There is little likelihood of royal tombs being found among them since all the reigning king, the Maripgan, was also the leader of Tak-bu and Satak-bu, the two most powerful divisions at the time. Meanwhile, there has been a tendency to consider tombs yielding gold crowns with stylized tree-shaped uprights to be the burial places of royalty, but the discovery of such a crown cannot be considered definitive proof. Among the large tombs yet to be excavated, many are much larger than the tombs where gold crowns have been found. For example, there are nine tombs larger than Cheonmachong (Tomb of the Heavenly Horse), which is capped with a mound 49.6 meters in diameter and within which a gold crown was discovered. Fig. 15. Cheonmachong, an above-ground stone-covered wooden chamber tomb Fig. 16. Relics showing the inside of the wooden coffin found within Cheonmachong Tomb Fig. 17. Stones revealed after removing the earthen mound from the southern mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb Fig. 18. Tomb No. C10 in the Jjoksaem district Fig. 19. Overall view of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, a double-mound tomb First, if size is taken as the primary standard for a royal tomb, Tomb No. 98, named Hwangnamdaechong (Great Tomb of Hwangnam), a twin tomb with north and south mounds each measuring 76 meters in diameter, must be posited to belong to a king and queen. This could give rise to a hypothesis that all large twin tumuli constitute the tombs of royalty. In this light, other large twin tumuli, such as Tombs No. 90 and No. 134, are strong contenders as royal tombs. In the same line, the largest of the single tombs, Tomb No. 125 (82.3 meters in diameter) and No. 130 (74.6 meters in diameter), must also be put forward as potential royal tombs. Another likely candidate is Tomb No. 106 (51.6 meters in diameter) (Yun Sangdeok 2014). If this theory does hold, then potential royal tombs of the Maripgan period are found in the vicinity of other tombs of a smaller size. That is, members of royalty who belonged to the same bu shared grave sites with other powerful members of society, suggesting that the king had not yet achieved transcendental status during this period. It also clearly attests to a situation in which the king was both the reigning monarch and the head of the bu to which he belonged. Tombs of the Junggogi Period and Unified Silla Period Shift in Location and Introduction of Stone Chamber Tombs During Silla’s Junggogi period (literally “middle ancient” period) (514–654) many reforms were attempted, including a reorganization of the system of governance with the aim of strengthening centralized government. In ruling class tombs, an overall shift took place from stone-covered wooden chamber tombs to stone chamber tombs (seoksilmyo), but not immediately at the start of the period. First, their location shifted from flat areas within the city center to the surrounding hillocks, as evidenced by the stone-covered wooden chamber tombs found there. The tomb known as Bubuchong (Husband and Wife Tomb) dating to around the mid-sixth century was excavated during the Japanese colonial period. It was found on a hillside in Bomun-dong, east of the present city center. One of the tombs was a stone-covered wooden chamber tomb, but the other was a stone chamber tomb supposedly sharing a double-mound with the former. Fig. 20. Tombs yielding gold crowns located in Daeneungwon, Noseo-dong, and Nodong-dong Fig. 21. Plans and sections of stone chamber tombs with horizontal entrances in the Gyeongju area This change in location is generally thought to be the result of Silla’s territorial expansion in the mid-sixth century, which led to an influx of population into the capital and a subsequent need for additional flat land for housing. However, considering that the slightly elevated flat land with a mountain-soil bed where the stone-covered wooden chamber tombs are located is completely occupied by tombs, it could be more accurate to suppose that Gyeongju was running out of space for additional burials even prior to the introduction of stone chamber tombs. New tombs had to be sited in the surrounding hills, and that is where stone chamber tombs began to be built in earnest. Underlying the introduction of stone chamber tombs in the mid-sixth century was the transformation in the view of the afterlife that arrived with the adoption of Buddhism as the national religion. Not only did tombs experience a complete change in structure, the practice of placing the head toward the east and performing lavish burial rites disappeared. Unified Silla Tombs after the Mid-Sixth Century The dominant forms for tombs of the Unified Silla period built after the mid-sixth century were stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance (hoenghyeolsik seoksilbun) and cremation tombs (hwajangmyo). A number of small stone-lined pit tombs were also constructed. The chamber was built above ground for most of the stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance, rendering them large and high like the tumuli of the Maripgan period. The stone chamber was first surrounded by a structure somewhat like an inner circle of retaining slabs, and then the whole external mound was banded with another circle of stone slabs. Construction of such tombs on the hillsides around Gyeongju began to gain momentum from the mid-sixth century. Stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance were designed on the basic premise that additional burials would be included later. Therefore, they consisted of four main elements: a stone chamber where bodies were buried; a roofed passageway allowing access to the burial chamber (yeondo) from the outside; a passageway leading from the outside of the chamber to the outside of the tomb (myodo); and a mound. Naturally, the passageway leading to the outside of the tomb was sealed and covered after internment. In these stone chamber tombs, the body was generally not placed in a coffin. Instead, the internal space features various platforms upon which a body could be laid (sidae). These can be counted as a further important compositional element of the tombs. If the stone chambers take on a high rectangular cuboid shape, that will make a ceiling difficult to install. To address this, the side walls were tapered inwards before the ceiling stones were placed on top. In most cases, the walls began to narrow from the top of the vertically closing gate (hyeonmun) of the yeondo corridor. The ceiling of the corridor is naturally lower than that of the stone chamber. Stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance are generally divided into types according to the shape of the plan and the location of the corridor. The corridor can be placed in the center or to the left or right, and the chamber can be either rectangular or square in plan. The earliest of these tombs were likely to feature a rectangular stone chamber, while later ones took the form of a square. The later type has higher ceilings. One distinguishing feature of Silla stone chamber tombs with a horizontal entrance is the variation in corpse platforms. Over time, low platforms gave way to higher versions. Many of them were lined with large stones and filled on the inside with smaller stones. However, as in Touchong (Tomb of the Clay Figurines) on Jangsan Mountain, some of the platforms consist of a single bed-like slab. Some have separate rests or supports for the head, upper body, and feet, while others, such as Ssangsangchong (Double Platform Tomb), have a single large support for the entire body. In the latter case, the full-body support is made of tuff that has been shaped and finished. Fig. 22. Stone platform for the body inside Touchong Tomb in Jangsan Fig. 23. Outer stone funerary urn for burial in a cremation tomb Cremation tombs can be classified into those consisting of a pit in which a funerary urn containing the ashes remaining from a cremation is simply buried and those where the urn was covered with a protective facility or another vessel prior to its burial. In the provinces outside the capital, the former type is more common. The latter type is most frequently found in the Silla capital area. The protective facilities or vessels include stone coffins, stone caskets, stone niches, or earthenware vessels. The funerary urn was generally an earthenware vessel with an intricate stamped design or a porcelain vessel imported from China. Particularly from the eighth century on, urns made specifically for funerary purposes and equipped with rings or hooks to connect the lid with the body were generally used. Fig. 24. Diverse funerary urns unearthed in the Gyeongju area Royal Tombs of the Junggogi Period and Unified Silla At the start of the Junggogi period, the king ascended beyond the status of head of his bu to become the leader of all six and gained the title of “great king” (daewang). Accordingly, the burial sites of kings began to be recorded, as evidenced in Samguk sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms), which specifically mentions “north of Yeonggyeongsa Temple.” In addition, tombs for royalty and the aristocracy were no longer built on the flats in the center of urban Gyeongju, but in the hills on the surrounding mountains instead. Primary examples include the tombs that lie in a row behind the tomb of King Taejong Muyeol, the first monarch of the Middle period (654–780). Of these four large tumuli, the one closest to the Tomb of King Muyeol is estimated at 62.9 meters in diameter. The plan of its mound is not round, as would be the case for a stone chamber tomb with a horizontal entrance. Instead, it takes on an oval form resembling the tumuli of the Maripgan period. Hence, the interior structure is likely to be a stone-covered wooden chamber tomb. The other three tombs behind it are round in plan, with diameters ranging from 46 to 50 meters. Their scale and circumstances clearly indicate them to be the tombs of royalty. The lowest tomb is the oldest, and presumably the tomb of King Beopheung (r. 514–540) of the Junggogi period. The tombs of King Jinheung (r. 540–576) and King Jinji (r. 576–579) are believed to be among the remaining three (Yun Sangdeok, 2014). Fig. 25. Tumuli in the area around the Tomb of King Muyeol (surrounded by trees in the lower part of the photo) in Seoak-dong As for the tombs of King Jinpyeong (r. 579–623) and Queen Jindeok (r. 647–654), records state that they were sited in Hanji-bu and Saryang-bu, respectively, suggesting that they were built on flat land. The tomb of Queen Seondeok (r. 632–647) is thought to be a single tomb on the southern slope of Nangsan Mountain, north of Sacheonwangsa Temple (Temple of the Four Heavenly Kings). As seen above, the royal tombs of the Junggogi period formed clusters in an area removed from the tombs of the aristocracy in order to suit the elevated status of the king as a transcendental being. They gradually came to be built each in a separate location rather than in groups, symbolizing the expansion of royal authority. The tomb of King Muyeol (r. 654–661), who ruled at the start of the Middle period, is a rare example of a tomb for which the interred can be clearly identified. The dragon-head capstone (isu) on the stele in front of the tomb carries an inscription that unambiguously states “Tomb of King Taejong Muyeol.” This stele is noted for its sculptural brilliance and is Korea’s earliest example of this type of funerary monument introduced from Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE) in China. Fig. 26. Base and capstone of the Stele of the Tomb of King Muyeol Royal tombs originating in the Middle and Later periods (which fall within the Unified Silla period) are scattered around the fringes of the Gyeongju basin some distance from the city center. Since most were simply declared royal tombs by the Gyeongju clans during the first half of the eighteenth century, the credibility of their status is unconfirmed. Aside from the Tomb of King Muyeol, the only other tombs certain to belong to royalty are the Tomb of King Heungdeok (r. 826–836), which is likewise named on a memorial stele, and the Tomb of King Wonseong (r. 785–795), which is identified on a stele inscription at Sungboksa Temple. Fig. 27. Capstone of the Stele of the Tomb of King Muyeol Notably, these tombs are all found at separate locations in low hills far from the center of Gyeongju. They are encircled by balusters and have retaining slabs around the mound that bear carvings of the twelve zodiac animals. Stone sculptures of humans and lions stand in front. These are the most complete of the surviving Silla royal tombs. The circle of retaining slabs has its origin in layers of smaller stone circle with supporting big stones at regular intervals the Tomb of King Muyeol. This developed into the form found in the Tomb of King Sinmun, where trimmed rectangular stones are stacked in multiple layers with large supporting slabs placed around them. This later evolved into a form in which the entire circumference is encircled by large stone slabs interspersed at regular intervals by slabs carved with the twelve zodiac animals. Fig. 28. Tomb of King Sinmun Images of the twelve zodiac animals originated in China. The practice of placing small clay figures of human bodies with the heads of animals inside the tomb to represent the twelve directions (including the ox for the north, the rabbit for the east, the horse for the south, and the rooster for the west) began in Su China and was succeeded in Tang China. Silla adopted this custom and advanced it by carving the images into the retaining slabs around tombs. The funerary urn from the cremation tomb at Hwagok-ri has relief clay figures of the twelve zodiac animals encircling its body. These figures were also applied to a range of other objects in diverse manners. For example, they were carved into the lids of funerary urns and cast in metal for use as scale weights. The wide application of these images indicates the faith in the twelve zodiacal animals that existed in Silla society at the time. Fig. 29. Stone figures in front of the Tomb of King Wonseong Fig. 30. One of the twelve zodiac animals (a horse) on the retaining slabs surrounding the Tomb of King Heungdeok The arrangement of zodiac animals bearing weapons on the retaining slabs surrounding Silla royal tombs is the result of combining the guardian role of the divine generals of Buddhism with these zodiac animals that originally represented prayers for the permanence of time. The other sculptures found at royal tombs, such as stone lions, are basically tomb guardians. These twelve zodiac animals on the retaining stones are an important sculptural feature of the royal tombs and attest to the creativity of the people of Silla as they assimilated foreign cultural elements and made them their own. Fig. 31. A funerary urn lid bearing twelve zodiac names, unearthed in the Gyeongju

The great mounds of the tumuli that dot the landscape of Gyeongju, the ancient capital of Silla, demonstrate the enormous power wielded by the individuals for whom they were constructed. However, that power was anything but simplistic, and for a more detailed understanding of its nature, we must venture inside the tumuli to examine the grave goods buried within them. For example, the amazing quality and quantity of the grave goods excavated from Hwangnamdaechong Tomb—a royal tomb of the fifth century beneath a mound that measures approximately 120 meters in length and 24 meters in height—clearly demonstrates the economic and military power wielded by the Silla kings, who were called maripgan at the time. The substantial political power of the maripgan was not something that emerged suddenly, but was the end-product of an ongoing process of state formation that can be traced back to the Bronze Age. One way of investigating this process, which culminated with the Silla Kingdom, may be to consider how the power base of the chiefs within the region changed over time. This may be done by analyzing the grave goods from the burials of chiefs, and particularly by examining how the nature of the grave goods changed over time as the social role of the chief shifted from being a leader with authority to being a ruler with power (Lee Heejoon 2002). Therefore, this article analyzes and compares the grave goods from representative burials of chiefs in the region from the Bronze Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (which preceded the establishment of the Silla Kingdom). Such an analysis should enhance our understanding of the changing nature of the power of chiefs, and particularly how control based on authority came to be replaced by control through power. So how can grave goods shed light on the formation and intensification of authority or power? One possible approach may be to consider the grave goods in terms of their relationship with the economic, physical, and ideological components of society, which Haas (1982) and Earle (1997) have identified, respectively, as providing the “base” or “source” of the elite’s controlling power. An examination of how these three components were established over time, ultimately contributing to the institutionalization of the power of the chiefs, may allow us to judge the degree to which the societies of each period were politically integrated. Research Approach Before the mid-1990s, research on the formation of ancient states in the Korean Peninsula tended to take a social evolutionary approach. Central to this approach was the notion of a “chiefdom society,” which was believed to have been established in the Bronze Age. However, the concept of a “Korean chiefdom society” is highly problematic, in that it attempts to categorize the social characteristics of the Korean Bronze Age according to a scheme of social development previously established by western scholars. Since the mid-1990s, a number of studies have appeared that address the issue of state formation through a diachronic analysis of the evolution of political power. This new research trend began with Kwon Oyoung’s (1996) study on the formation of the guk polities of Samhan. This was soon followed by studies that successively: analyzed the grave goods (i.e., bronze artifacts) of elite burials in the southern regions of the Korean Peninsula in order to consider how the social position of the deceased changed from the Early Iron Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (Lee Cheonggyu 1998); examined archaeological material from the Yeongnam region in order to trace the area’s social development from the Bronze Age through the development of the Jinhan and Byeonhan polities (Lee Jaehyun 2003); addressed the religious role of Early Iron Age chiefs (supplementing previous discussion of their political, economic, and military power), including contemplating how that role may have changed over time (Yi Hyunhae 2003); and showed how the changing nature of political power gradually brought about the integration of regional political units from the Bronze Age (Lee Sungjoo 2007). Thus, since the mid-1990s, studies on state formation in the Korean Peninsula have focused, either implicitly or explicitly, on the development of political or social power. They have also recognized that the most appropriate method for investigating this topic may be an analysis of artifacts from burial contexts, and have thus acknowledged the need for a more systematic and comprehensive analysis of these artifacts. To date, however, no study of state formation with the clear goal of charting the development of power has provided a detailed consideration of the interpretative methodology required to undertake such an endeavor. As mentioned, Jonathan Haas (1982), whose research was translated into Korean in the late 1980s, approached the process of state formation and development by looking at how leaders come to exercise power over their dependent population. His method of analyzing this power in terms of the three constituent aspects—economic, physical, and ideological—that form its “base” can serve as the blueprint for constructing a valid interpretative approach. With this in mind, this paper carries out a systematic analysis of the grave goods from representative chieftain burials, in the belief that such artifacts may reflect the changing nature of the above-mentioned aspects of the power base of chiefs. Analysis and interpretation will particularly focus on identifying how the grave goods represent various aspects of the chiefs’ power base, in order to elucidate how those aspects shifted in significance over time. The time period under consideration in this paper comprises the Korean Bronze Age, Early Iron Age, and Proto-Three Kingdoms Period.1 For the purpose of the current research, each of these periods can be further divided into a number of phases. The Bronze Age can be subdivided into the Early and Late Bronze Age. The Early Iron Age can be subdivided utilizing the chronological framework established by Takesue Shunichi (2004), which is based on diachronic changes observable in the assemblages of pottery and bronze artifacts from the southern region of the Korean Peninsula (see the map, p. 75), and supplemented by cross-dating the Korean artifacts with material from the Northern Kyushu region of Japan. This division includes the following four phases: Phase I (representative site: Namseong-ri, Asan), dated to around the fourth century BCE, and represented by Korean-type bronze daggers, bronze mirrors, and bronze ritual implements of unknown function found in association with attached-rim pottery with rims that are round in cross section; Phase II (representative site: Chopo-ri, Hampyeong), dated to the early third century BCE, and represented by bronze dagger-axes, bronze spearheads, and bronze bells found in association with attached-rim pottery with rims that are round in cross section; Phase III (representative site: Namyang-ri, Jangsu), dated to the late third century BCE, and represented by iron objects found in association with attached-rim pottery with rims that are round in cross section; and Phase IV, dated to around the second century BCE, and represented by attached-rim pottery with rims that are triangular in cross section. The Proto-Three Kingdoms Period can be roughly divided into the wooden coffin burial phase (first century BCE - second century CE), and the wooden chamber burial phase (second - third century CE). The wooden coffin burial phase can be further subdivided into Phase I (up to first century CE) and Phase II (first century CE and beyond); the wooden chamber burial phase is referred to as Phase III.2 Map of important sites mentioned in the text: ① Soso-ri in Dangjin ② Dongseo-ri in Yesan ③ Namseong-ri in Asan ④ Gubong-ri in Buyeo ⑤ Hapsong-ri in Buyeo ⑥ Songguk-ri in Buyeo ⑦ Wonbuk-ri in Nonsan ⑧ Goejeong-dong in Daejeon ⑨ Gal-dong in Wanju ⑩ Namnyang-ri in Jangsu ⑪ Chopo-ri in Hampyeong ⑫ Daegok-ri in Hwasun ⑬ Jeongnyang-dong in Yeosu ⑭ Paldal-dong in Daegu ⑮ Yongjeon-ri in Yeongcheon ⑯ Okseong-ri in Pohang ⑰ Sara-ri in Gyeongju ⑱ Tap-dong in Gyeongju ⑲ Joyang-dong in Gyeongju ⑳ Gujeong-dong in Gyeongju ㉑ Ipsil-ri in Gyeongju ㉒ Jungsan-ri in Ulsan ㉓ Hadae in Ulsan ㉔ Daho-ri in Changwon ㉕ Yangdong-ri in Gimhae Artifacts from Representative Chieftain Burials 1. Bronze Age (Fig. 1) Fig. 1. Bronze dagger (left) and stone dagger (right) from Songguk-ri site in Buyeo. Bronze Age. Height (left)- 33.4 cm, (right)- 34.1 cm. (National Museum of Korea). The burials of the Bronze Age consist of dolmens and stone cist burials. In the case of dolmens, the quantity and quality of grave goods are not directly proportionate to the scale of the burial structure, since the grave goods generally consist of either a single Liaoning-type bronze dagger or a set comprising a single stone dagger and several stone arrowheads, with little variation in quality and quantity. It is therefore difficult to determine, based on the grave goods alone, which of the dolmens may be regarded as representative chieftain burials of the Early Bronze Age. As for the Late Bronze Age, the stone cist burials of the Songguk-ri site in Buyeo can be regarded as the representative chieftain burials. In contrast to the Early Bronze Age, the burials of this phase contain either two stone daggers, or bronze daggers along with either stone daggers or other bronze objects; notably, a few burials contain all three types of these artifacts. However, it cannot be said that bronze daggers became more widely used as grave goods in the Late Bronze Age. In Early Bronze Age burials, a total of two bronze daggers and 11 stone daggers have been excavated; in Late Bronze Age burials, 13 bronze daggers and 191 stone daggers have been excavated, and just four of the burials contained both bronze and stone daggers (Bae Jinseong 2006). 2. Early Iron Age (Table 1 and Figs. 2 and 3) Table 1. Representative burials and grave goods of each phase of the Early Iron Age. Phase Site Korean-type bronze dagger Excavated number Bronze mirror Bronze ritual implement of unknown function Bronze bell Bronze spearhead Bronze dagger-axe Bronze tool Other bronze object Iron tool Ⅰ Dongseo-ri, Yesan 8 5 Split-bamboo-shaped 3Trumpet-shaped 2Disk-shaped 1 Ⅱ Chopo-ri, Hampyeong 4 3 Instrument with end bells 2Composite instrument with end bells 2Poll-top bell 2Other type 1 2 3 Axe 1Chisel 2Engraver 1 Chinese-type mirror Ⅲ Burial 4, Namyang-ri, Jangsu 1 1 2 Chisel 1 Axe 2Chisel 2Engraver 2 Ⅲ Burial Na-1, Wonbuk-ri, Nonsan 1 Axe 1 Ⅳ Burial 4, Gal-dong, Wanju Cast axe 2 Ⅳ Burial 90, Paldal-dong, Daegu 1 1 Flat axe 1,Spearhead 1,Sword 1 Fig. 2. Grave goods from the burials of Phase I to IV of the Early Iron Age (Scale: 1/8, except for pottery and Artifact 18 [1/10], and beads [1/4]) Fig. 3. Shield-shaped bronze implement from Namseong-ri site. Early Iron Age. Length- 17.6 cm. (National Museum of Korea) – Phase I The representative chieftain burials of this phase come from the sites of Goejeong-dong in Daejeon, Dongseo-ri in Yesan, and Namseong-ri in Asan. Various bronze objects including daggers and mirrors were commonly used as grave goods, and the only types of pottery deposited in the burials were attached-rim pottery and burnished black jars with long necks. The burials of Dongseo-ri and Namseong-ri yielded many Korean-type bronze daggers, but in the Goejeong-dong burial, only one Korean-type bronze dagger was found, in association with bronze horse bells. In addition, bronze axes and chisels were also deposited as grave goods at the chieftain burial of Namseong-ri. – Phase II The representative chieftain burials of this phase come from the sites of Gubong-ri in Buyeo, Daegok-ri in Hwasun, and Chopo-ri in Hampyeong. Bronze axes and chisels were used as grave goods; notably, bronze engraving tools are commonly found in the burials of this phase. In addition, bronze bells seem to have replaced the bronze ritual implements of unknown function from the previous phase. A relatively large number of Korean-type bronze daggers were found, and interestingly enough, one Chinese bronze dagger was deposited at one of the Chopo-ri burials. – Phase III The representative chieftain burials of this phase come from the sites of Hapsong-ri in Buyeo, Soso-ri in Dangjin, and Namyang-ri in Jangsu. Bronze bells were no longer used as grave goods, and the deposition of iron tools (e.g., axes, chisels, engravers) began. Korean-type bronze daggers and bronze mirrors continued to be deposited, but no longer in multiple numbers. Bronze dagger-axes and spearheads were still used as grave goods, but were never deposited together in the same tomb. Fragments of bronze mirrors and daggers were also used as grave goods (e.g., the earth-cut burial from the site of Wonbuk-ri in Nonsan). The standard set of grave goods, consisting of a single Korean-type bronze dagger with the addition of another type of bronze object (such as a bronze mirror), was no longer maintained in this period, as can be seen in the cases of Burial Na-1 in Wonbuk-ri and the burials of Gal-dong, Wanju. – Phase IV In this phase, Korean-type bronze daggers and bronze mirrors no longer appear to have been used as grave goods in the chieftain burials of the south-western region of the peninsula. However, in the southeastern region, Korean-type bronze daggers and bronze mirrors with multiple knobs continued to be used as grave goods, in association with bronze engravers, spearheads, and bells. This can be observed at the burials of Ipsil-ri and Gujeong-dong, both located in Gyeongju. Notably, in Phase IV, bronze spearheads and dagger-axes were still used as grave goods in the southeastern region (for example, in Burial 90 at Paldal-dong in Daegu), whereas in the southwestern region, their use was already experiencing a decline in Phase III. This fact may reflect a difference in the degree of cultural development between the eastern and western parts of the southern region of the peninsula, which has previously been posited. 3. Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (Table 2 and Figs. 4, 5, and 6) Table 2. Representative burials and their grave goods of each phase of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period. Phase Site Korean-type bronze dagger Bronze mirror Other bronze objects Bead ornament Iron sword Iron spearhead Iron arrowhead Cast iron axe Flat iron axe Wrought iron axe Other iron objects I Burial 38, Joyang-dong, Gyeongju Early Han mirror 4 Ring-shaped object Glass beads, Agate beads Dagger 1 2 8 3 Hand knife 3 Engraver, Scythe, Chise II Burial 130, Sara-ri, Gyeongju 2 Korean imitation mirror 4 Tiger-shaped buckle 2, Horse gear Glass and crystal earring 1 Dagger 1 2 24 70 4 Small knife 4 Caldron, Scythe, Horse bit III Burial 162, Yangdong-ri, Gimhae Late Han mirror 2, Korean imitation mirror 8 Glass and crystal earring 1 6 (Including a sword) 18 60 40 8 Plow Caldron, Scythe III Burial 78, Okseong-ri, Pohang Crystal beads Sword 3 105 64 2 9 Shovel, Object of unknown function with scale-shaped protrusions, Hand knife, Scythe Fig. 4. Grave goods from the burials of Phases I - III of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (Scale: 1/8, except for pottery [1/10], beads [1/4], Artifact 47 [1/20], and Artifact 48 [1/15]). Fig. 5. Animal-shaped buckles from Eoeun-dong site in Yeongcheon. Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (1st century). Length (above)- 19.4 cm, (below) 22.4 cm. (Gyeongju National Museum). Fig. 6. Necklace from Sara-ri site in Gyeongju. Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (1st century). Diameter of each bead - 0.3-0.4 cm. (Gyeongju National Museum). – Phase I (Wooden coffin burials of the first century BCE) The representative chieftain burials of this phase are Burials 5 and 38 of Joyang-dong in Gyeongju, Burial 1 of Daho-ri in Changwon, and the wooden coffin burial of Yongjeon-ri in Yeongcheon. In this phase, the Korean-type bronze dagger was replaced by the iron dagger. Flat iron axes were commonly used as grave goods (but usually no more than two or four in a single grave), and iron sickles and iron knives with a ring-shaped hilt began to be deposited together as a set. Joyang-dong Burial 5, which is a relatively early burial, contains a bronze mirror with multiple knobs, but in the later burials of this phase, that type of mirror was replaced by Han bronze mirrors, thus bringing an end to the use of the former as a grave good. Notably, bronze horse bells were found in the majority of these burials. Also of interest is the deposition of weapons (e.g., iron spearheads) and farming and construction tools (e.g., iron axes) as grave goods in the wooden coffin burial of Yongjeon-ri. – Phase II (Wooden coffin burials of the late first century CE) Burial 130 of Sara-ri in Gyeongju is the representative chieftain burial of this phase. Notably, this burial represents the last known instance of the Korean-type bronze dagger being used as a grave good. Also deposited in the burial were iron arrowheads, which became a popular grave good from this period; many iron axes; various bronze objects; four Korean imitations of Han mirrors, effectively replacing the Han mirrors of the later stage of Phase I; and crystal beads, which indicate the existence of a long-distance exchange network. The last three types of artifact are of particular note for this study, since they seem to have been used to emphasize the social and political status of the deceased. – Phase III (Wooden chamber burials of the mid-second to early third century CE) A representative chieftain burial of this phase is Burial 162 of Yangdong-ri in Gimhae. A greater number of iron arrowheads were used as grave goods, and the presence of many iron spearheads is also of interest. The deposition of a large number of flat iron axes and Korean imitations of Han mirrors (in addition to some authentic Han mirrors) continued as well. Another representative site is Burial 78 of Okseong-ri in Pohang, which dates to the later stage of this phase, and is most interesting for the presence of a large number of iron spearheads and arrowheads. Overall, weapons, rather than farming implements and other tools, were more widely used as grave goods. Flat iron axes were no longer deposited, except in the earliest stage of this phase, and the importance of general farming tools (such as iron sickles) appears to have diminished, being largely replaced by shovels. In the other representative chieftain burials of this phase, such as Burial 43 of Hadae in Ulsan, pitchforks and small plows were deposited along with shovels. It should be noted that these three types of farming tools (which are all plowing tools) only appear with any frequency in the large-scale burials of this phase, often in association with swords with ring-shaped pommel end decorations and quartz beads. Diachronic Change in the Power Base of Chiefs from the Bronze Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period 1. Power Base of Bronze Age Chiefs There has been much debate regarding the nature of the society of the Korean Bronze Age. It is considered by some scholars to have been a stratified society, as exemplified by those participating in the 2006 conference “Stratified Society and the Emergence of Leaders.” However, in the English archaeological and anthropological literature, “stratified society” generally refers to highly complex societies, and therefore must be used with care. For example, Morton Fried (1967) regards “stratified society” as a social stage that follows egalitarian and ranked society, and precedes the state. In addition, Kristian Kristiansen (1991) has used “stratified society” to refer to a social stage in between chiefdom and state. Thus, in the archaeological record, stratified societies may not easily be distinguished from state-level societies. In the Korean Bronze Age, members of society no longer maintained an egalitarian relationship, but the precise nature of that social inequality requires much consideration. The issue becomes even more complicated if we accept that social differentiation may be observed even within egalitarian societies. Brian Hayden (1995), for example, has proposed the concept of “transegalitarian communities,” which are additional social categories lower than chiefdoms, and characterized by a degree of social inequality. Therefore, while the Bronze Age in Korea clearly witnessed the emergence of social inequality, the precise nature and meaning of that inequality has yet to be fully explored. Significantly, the grave goods of the chieftain burials of both the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age generally consisted of a single dagger—a stone dagger for the Bronze Age, and a bronze dagger for the Early Iron Age (along with other bronze objects). This concurrence indicates that the dagger likely symbolized the political authority, rather than the military power, of the leader. In addition, the fact that only a single dagger was deposited makes it unlikely to be a concrete expression of economic power or individual wealth. Thus, of the aforementioned three aspects of the power base of chiefs, the dagger would seem to represent the ideological component. While the labor involved in the construction of dolmens may also be regarded as a strong indicator of the authoritative nature of chieftain power, labor expenditure also represents, to a degree, the economic component of that power base. However, this economic aspect does not appear to have been controlled by the deceased individual alone. The presence of Liaoning-type bronze daggers in Bronze Age burials is widely considered to be a strong indicator that the deceased were part of a local elite group. For example, Takesue Shunichi (2002) attempted to attribute Stone Cist Burial 1 from Section 52 of the Songguk-ri site to a local elite group, based on the presence of a Liaoning-type bronze dagger and a stone dagger, along with the fact that the graves form a cluster with other neighboring burials. This understanding of dagger burials is based in part on the interpretation of the Sangjeok dolmen cluster from the Jeoknyang-dong site in Yeosu, which yielded many bronze artifacts, including seven Liaoning-type bronze daggers and one Liaoning-type bronze spearhead. Takesue divided these dolmens into seven groups, with each group containing a dolmen with a bronze dagger (Fig. 7), and it was suggested that the seven dolmen groups represented seven social groups of equal social standing. Fig. 7. Distribution of Liaoning-type bronze daggers from the dolmens of the Sangjeok group of the Jeokryang-dong site in Yeosu (Takesue Shunichi, 2004, p. 31). Woo Jeongyeon (2010) has suggested that the bronze dagger dolmens may be the graves of the founding ancestors of local groups, and that the dolmens later constructed nearby may have also been imbued with the symbolic meaning of the bronze daggers by virtue of their close proximity to the dolmens containing them, which might explain why there were no grave goods in many of those later burials. Given this interpretation, then it is possible to argue that burials with bronze daggers were not necessarily superior to those without. Notably, the bronze objects that were deposited as grave goods in Early Bronze Age burials most likely came from outside the Korean Peninsula and, as they have mostly been found at coastal sites, they may have been acquired through long-distance sea routes. Therefore, the individuals buried with these bronze daggers may have been involved in long-distance trade, which contributed to the accumulation of economic wealth by the community. The grave goods found in the Late Bronze Age stone cist burial from Songguk-ri are particularly fine, including a Liaoning-type bronze dagger, a stone dagger, 11 stone arrowheads, and many jade beads. It has been suggested that the individual in this burial and the occupants of other burials in the Songguk-ri cemetery were members of the local elite (Choi Jonggyu 2004). One way to explain the disproportionate amount of labor involved in the construction of Bronze Age burials vis-à-vis the relatively modest grave goods deposited within, as well as the fact that the burials of the ensuing Early Iron Age consisted of single interments accompanied by a rich array of grave goods, may be to adopt Colin Renfrew’s (1974) distinction between group-orientated chiefdoms and particularizing chiefdoms. In applying this distinction to the Korean data, however, it must be noted that Renfrew’s model was based on European prehistoric societies, which were similar to Korean societies in terms of the degree of social complexity, but drastically different in terms of their mode of organization (Feinman 2001). The preceding evidence indicates that, during the Bronze Age, the ideological component seems to have been the predominant factor of the power base of chiefs on the Korean Peninsula, rather than the economic or physical component. 2. Power Base of Early Iron Age Chiefs In Phases I and II of the Early Iron Age, the grave goods assemblage came to consist of Korean-type bronze daggers accompanied by a variety of other bronze objects. As noted above for the Bronze Age, these daggers can be seen to symbolize the political authority of the deceased (Yoon Taeyeong 2010), and thus may also be regarded as representing the ideological component of chieftain power. As for the other types of bronze objects deposited in Early Iron Age burials, Yoon has interpreted the bronze ritual implements of unknown function and bronze bells as ritual symbols; bronze spearheads and daggeraxes as symbols of military power; and bronze axes, chisels, and engraving tools as economic symbols. The latter were attributed with an economic meaning because they were regarded as tools involved in the production of mokgan (wooden strips for writing), which were seen to reflect the deceased’s control of the long-distance exchange networks that may have provided the economic base of chieftain power. The imported Chinese-type bronze dagger found at the Chopo-ri burial may also serve as an indicator of such a network. Bronze mirrors, as sacred objects that symbolized interaction with the sun and the gods, have been interpreted as the highest class of ritual object owned by the high priest. Since the high priest was also a chief, such mirrors can be regarded as the representative ritual objects of a theocratic society. Ethnographic studies have shown that mirrors are seen to imbue their owners with absolute spiritual power, so it has also been suggested that those buried with bronze mirrors were believed to possess such power (Yi Hyunhae 2003). These interpretations demonstrate that bronze mirrors may also be regarded as symbols of the deceased’s ideological and political status. The bronze ritual implements of unknown function deposited in the burials of Phase I of this period may have represented the common wishes of the entire community. For example, the shield-shaped bronze implement from Namseong-ri site (Fig. 3) featured an image of a grain god, who may have ensured agricultural bounty, while the bronze implement in the form of a split bamboo is thought to have been involved in rituals of worship. The practice of depositing these implements, which had a strong communal element, may have provided an ideological focal point for the community, helping to unify them into a single political unit (Yi Hyunhae 2003). Thus the bronze ritual implements of unknown function may have provided political leaders with an additional priestly role, and consequently, an ideological power base. The use of these bronze ritual implements of unknown function as grave goods came to an end in Phase II, possibly because such symbols were no longer needed to assert the priestly role of the chief. Indeed, this may also explain the subsequent deposition of bronze bells, which were ritual implements used to call upon the gods (Lee Cheonggyu 1998). One of the most distinctive features of the Phase I burials of the Early Iron Age is the use of multiple daggers as grave goods. Given that different styles of daggers have been found in a single burial, they do not appear to have been deposited as weapons. As mentioned, the daggers likely functioned as symbols of the political authority of the deceased, but they may also have symbolized the deceased’s role in controlling long-distance exchange networks, and thereby represented the economic aspect of chieftain power. It should also be mentioned that the bronze spearheads and dagger-axes from Phase II and III burials may also be understood this way: although they are often associated with the physical element of chieftain power, they were not generally used as actual weapons, at least in the southwestern region of the Korean Peninsula. Given that such objects were probably obtained through long-distance exchange networks, they may have symbolized the deceased’s control of those networks. The fact that these objects—including the bronze engraving tool, as discussed above—were deposited in Early Iron Age burials from the earliest phase onwards may suggest that the economic component of chieftain power began to emerge from the beginning of this period. Then how can we understand the increased ideological component of the power base of chiefs, as represented by the deposition of bronze ritual implements of unknown function from the beginning of the Early Iron Age? One possibility is to consider Stephen Shennan’s (1982) distinction between the group-oriented ideology of European Neolithic societies and the particularizing ideology of the early chiefdom societies of the Bronze Age, assuming that the latter might also be applied to the Korean Early Iron Age. Of course, the grave goods of the European Early Bronze Age and the Korean Early Iron Age are different in nature; the former consist mainly of individual prestige items, while the latter include bronze ritual implements of unknown function, which were strongly communal in nature. This indicates that some of the communal elements of the funerary practices of the previous period were retained into the Early Iron Age. The most distinctive feature of Phase III is the clustering of burials, which was accompanied by the use of iron objects as grave goods. The burial clusters of the southern regions of the peninsula seem to have been established around the same time that iron objects first appeared in the area. However, it is difficult at present to pinpoint the precise date that these changes occurred or to identify the nature of the causal relationship—which clearly existed—between the two. The early iron artifacts found in the burials of the southwestern region are cast iron products that came from Warring States China, and they consist solely of a limited range of farming tools (Lee Sungjoo 2007). Therefore, in interpreting these artifacts, their practical function would seem to be subsidiary to their signification of economic power, representing the deceased’s ability to acquire such implements through long-distance exchange. This interpretation is supported by the fact that these iron farming tools replaced the bronze counterparts of the previous period. Thus, the early iron artifacts can be regarded as indicators of a significant increase in the economic basis of chieftain power, which was generated by long-distance exchange. Given this possible scenario, the clustering of burials may be understood as the result of economic stratification in society, which led chiefs and associated individuals to come together according to lineage. It should be mentioned that, while the brush and engraving tool from Burial 1 at Daho-ri are generally regarded as the earliest evidence for writing in the southern regions of the Korean Peninsula, the engraving tools deposited in Early Iron Age burials might have been used to make wooden strips for writing (Yoon Taeyeong 2010). If so, that could mean that long-distance exchange was actively taking place as early as Phase II of the Early Iron Age, contributing greatly to the increase in the economic basis of chieftain power. The evidence from the Phase IV burials is of poor resolution, making it difficult to interpret the archaeological data. However, one clearly noticeable feature of the grave goods assemblage is the presence of a wider range of ceramic vessels. This diversity of ceramic vessels may suggest the development and sophistication of libation ceremonies and ritual offerings, which in turn may indirectly reflect the close relationship between the deceased and the mourners. The ritual confirmation of that close relationship through libations and offerings may have been a means by which the living inherited the social position of the dead. Thus, the variety of ceramic vessels may also be regarded as an indicator of the strengthening ideological component of chieftain power. Thus, the ideological component of chieftain power seems to have been further strengthened in the Early Iron Age, and the economic component was established. By Phase III, the ideological component was so firmly cemented that, for the most part, it no longer needed to be expressed through grave goods. In addition, lineage groups with strong economic foundations came to form separate status groups within society. However, the physical component of chieftain power had yet to emerge. 3. Power Base of Proto-Three Kingdoms Period Chiefs The wooden coffin burials of the southeastern region of the peninsula first came to form clusters around the late second century BCE, and by around 100 BCE, such burial clusters were firmly established. The earliest of the burial clusters are represented by the sites of Ipsil-ri and Gujeong-dong in Gyeongju. Artifacts recovered from these sites (which were not formally excavated) include bronze objects that date to Early Iron Age Phase IV, and cast iron axes. The bronze bells and horse bells from Ipsil-ri can be seen to represent the last traces of the use of ritual objects as grave goods, along with the bronze mirror with multiple knobs from Joyang-dong Burial 5 (one of the earliest burials securely dated to Phase I of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period). It therefore appears that the priestly role of the chief had all but ended by this time. In this period, the Han mirror came to replace the bronze mirror with multiple knobs (e.g., Burial 1, Daho-ri). Considering Takakura Hiroaki’s (1993) interpretation of their use as grave goods in Northern Kyushu, the Han mirrors can be understood as prestige items that symbolized the ideological component of chieftain power. The Han mirrors and other prestige items acquired through long-distance exchange networks, which represent the majority of bronze artifacts found among the grave goods in the Phase I burials, can also be seen to reflect the economic component of chieftain power. The fact that, in the southeastern region of the peninsula, cast iron and flat iron axes appeared around the same time that the wooden coffin burials began to be clustered indicates an increase in the economic component of chieftain power. The production of iron and iron objects was closely associated with long-distance exchange—it has even been suggested that demand from the Chinese commandery of Lelang (established in 108 BCE) played a key role in generating iron production (Lee Sungjoo 1998)—and therefore economic power. The marked presence of iron tools and farming implements (e.g., iron sickles, cast iron hoes, flat iron axes), along with wrought iron axes, in the Phase I Proto-Three Kingdoms burials is indicative of the active participation of chiefs in the production and distribution of iron (Yi Hyunhae 1998). This represents a change from the Early Iron Age Phase III and IV burials, in which only one or two iron objects were symbolically deposited. Therefore, the presence of various bronze and iron artifacts in Phase I Proto-Three Kingdoms burials, symbolizing both the control of long-distance exchange networks and the existence of a secular form of political authority, indicates that the ideological base of chieftain power had been firmly established, and that the chief no longer acted as a high priest. In addition, the economic foundations of chieftain power also came to be firmly established through a synergistic relationship between increased production (as represented by iron tools used for farming and other purposes) and the development of long-distance exchange (as represented by foreign prestige items symbolizing connections with far-off lands) (Yi Hyunhae 1998). However, except for a few arrowheads, iron weapons were not yet being deposited as grave goods (with the exception of the site of Yongjeon-ri in Yeongcheon), suggesting that the physical power base of chiefs had yet to be properly established at this time. The representative burial of Phase II of the Proto-Three Kingdoms, Burial 130 Sara-ri, was found to contain 70 flat iron axes, a rare and dramatic reflection of the growth of economic power. The various bronze objects excavated from this burial can be regarded as prestige items that represented the political authority of the chief, as well as the chief’s involvement in networks of long-distance exchange. Also of importance at this site is the presence of a large number of iron arrowheads, although these were not accompanied by other weapons. This feature began to change during Phase III of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period, when weapons were increasingly deposited as grave goods, implying the emergence of chieftain power based on physical force (Lee Jaehyun 2003). This is particularly noticeable in the early burials of this phase, such as Burial 162 in Yangdong-ri and Burial 78 in Okseong-ri. Iron spearheads came to be used as the dominant grave good of the period, along with the iron arrowheads of the previous phase. The presence of 48 spearheads in Burial 2 at Hadae and 120 spearheads in Burial 58 at Okseong-ri indicates that this was a general trend for the large-scale burials of this phase. At Burial 162 in Yangdong-ri, the 40 flat iron axes, as well as mirrors (one Late Han mirror and eight indigenous imitations), can be seen to represent both the economic and ideological components of chieftain power. However, this direct expression of economic wealth soon came to an end, as can be seen in Burial 78 at Okseong-ri, where social status was expressed solely through a sword and crystal beads. Overall, the increasing presence of ceramic vessels in burials of this period likely reflects the standardization of funerary practices, while also being a material expression of notions of social differentiation, which had become more concrete in this phase. It must be noted that the increased deposition of weapons was accompanied by the use of iron pitchforks, small plows, and shovels as grave goods. These farming tools were used to till the earth and are therefore directly associated with the expansion of agricultural lands and increased production. The fact that these farming tools were limited to large-scale wooden chamber burials indicates that their manufacture and use may have been monopolized by the chiefs of this phase, which could possibly have provided the economic foundations needed to maintain the military force that the chiefs controlled. Hence, the above process may explain how the ideological and economic components of the political power base of chiefs, which had developed over a long time in the southern regions of the peninsula, came to be complemented by the physical component that was established with the appearance of wooden chamber burials. Conclusion The process by which the power base of chiefs in the southern regions of the Korean Peninsula emerged and developed, from the Bronze Age to the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period, can be summarized in the following way. The power base of Bronze Age chiefs, whose leadership was based on authority rather than power per se, consisted only of an ideological component. The beginning of the Early Iron Age (around the fourth century BCE) witnessed the strengthening of the ideological basis of chieftain power, as well as the gradual establishment of its economic component. Based on these developments, the chief and associated individuals came to form an elite group in the late third century BCE, as evidenced by the clustering of burials. The economic basis of chieftain power was further strengthened with the beginning of the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period in the first century BCE, and by the second century CE, the military component of the power base of chiefs became firmly established, ultimately resulting in the institutionalization of chieftain power.

During the Three Kingdoms Period, two distinct pottery styles, “Silla ceramic style” and “Gaya ceramic style,” were prevalent in the southeast region of Korea, namely Yeongnam region which includes the present-day provinces of North and South Gyeong-sang. For approximately 150 years, these two styles were geographically exclusive, separated by the Nakdong River. The Gaya ceramic style has been defined according to the stylistic characteristics of pottery found within the territory of the Gaya confederacy, but it must be noted that this style was not homogenous throughout the region. Indeed, significant stylistic differences can be observed between the pottery of Dae Gaya, Ara Gaya, and So Gaya (Park Seunggyu 1998). Such differences can also be observed (albeit to a lesser extent) between the pottery of the different areas that commonly adopted the Silla ceramic style (Lee Sungjoo 1993). “Changnyeong pottery,” “Uiseong pottery,” and “Seongju pottery” are examples of this. In other words, both Silla and Gaya ceramic styles comprised several constituent regional styles. The ceramic assemblages of the primary pottery styles (i.e., Silla and Gaya ceramic styles) are clearly different in nature, not only in terms of the types of vessels, but also in the form of vessels of the same type. However, within the individual regional styles, the types of vessel and the standard form of each vessel type are identical. In fact, the styles can only be distinguished by minute stylistic differences. For example, the Changnyeong and Uiseong styles are distinguished by subtle differences in curvature and other slight variations in form. In addition to geographical division, another interesting topic of study in this area is the change in ceramic style over time. Within the ceramic assemblage of any of the individual styles, small sequential changes can be seen in the vessel types of a specific pottery style, be it one of the two primary styles or a regional style. Hence, examinations of each vessel type according to region have allowed for the identification of regular patterns of change over time, making it possible to establish an extremely detailed chronological framework for both the Silla- and Gaya-style pottery of the Three Kingdoms Period, in which each century is divided into four phases. However, previous studies have rarely undertaken a conceptual analysis of either of the primary ceramic styles, nor have they given thought to the potters responsible for their creation, or to the nature of the pottery production community. Studies have focused, rather, on attempts to associate certain ceramic styles and stylistic changes with political groups and historical events. But we must bear in mind that style emerges from the fingertips of the potter. As such, any discussion of the similarities and differences in ceramic styles must first recognize that style cannot be separated from the ideas, choices, and physical actions of the potter during the production process. This paper aims to identify the stylistic differences between the Silla and Gaya pottery styles of the fifth to early sixth century, and to trace the processes that led to the establishment of each of these ceramic styles. I also examine the reasons for the different degrees of variation in vessel form, both spatially and temporally, as well as the way in which such differences may manifest themselves in both the inclusive and regional ceramic styles. In addition, I explore why changes in ceramic style happened so slowly, in a sequential and regular manner, thereby making it possible to formulate a detailed chronological scheme consisting of 25-year phases for the pottery of a given region. Ultimately, this paper may be regarded as another study on the distribution and transition of the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles. However, its significance lies in the emphasis of two key points: ceramic style should be regarded foremost as the result of human practice and, as such, the technological choices made by the potter must also be examined. Presenting the Problem The history of research on Gaya and Silla pottery can be divided into three distinct phases. Studies from the first phase (1960s to 1970s) aimed to define Silla and Gaya-style pottery and to identify the regional styles associated with each of the two primary styles. In the absence of detailed chronological schemes for the pottery of either region, research focused mainly on roughly summarizing and describing the differences between them. Studies of the second phase, mostly carried out in the 1980s, attempted to construct a systematic chronology for the ceramics of the regional styles. Also in this phase, interpretations that associated sudden changes in ceramic style with political events also began to be presented. A key example of this is the suggestion that the emergence of the Silla ceramic style, and its differentiation from the Gaya ceramic style, in the early fifth century was due to the southern campaigns of Goguryeo’s King Gwanggaeto. In the third phase, beginning in the 1990s, the formation and development of the polities of Silla and Gaya emerged as a key topic of research. Studies of this third phase attempted to use the spatial distribution of ceramic styles to infer the territorial boundaries of these polities. It is indeed highly likely that the spatial distribution of ceramic styles coincided with the territorial boundaries of political units in the Three Kingdoms Period. As noted by Lee Heejoon (1995), in prehistoric times, the area of distribution for any single ceramic style may have been occupied by several different social groups, but the political integration of the ensuing historical periods resulted in the political and economic control of the production of goods within each region. Therefore, it is reasonable to expect that the material culture of each regional group was characterized by a distinctive style. In other words, we may expect the territory of Silla to coincide with the spatial distribution of Silla-style pottery, and the territory of Ara Gaya to coincide with the spatial distribution of Ara Gaya-style pottery. Therefore, the utility of associating the spatial distribution of ceramic styles with the territories of political units must be acknowledged. However, no study has yet addressed the validity of this assertion. I argue that, at present, the field lacks a consideration of ceramic style itself, as well as why it emerges and changes. Ceramic style can be understood as comprising the external characteristics of a ceramic vessel, which inevitably result from the manufacturing practices of the potter. Hence, one way to explain the emergence of any ceramic style is to ask why potters adopted certain actions during the manufacture of ceramics. Indeed, ceramic vessels were “products” manufactured by individuals, which means that their production was structured by the knowledge and techniques of the potters, as well as the available equipment and infrastructure, and the social needs or constraints of the time. In fact, I have proposed that, in the study of ceramics, such factors may be more important than identifying the expansion of political units or the historical events that pottery has been seen to reflect (Lee Sungjoo 2003; 2004). Therefore, we must try to reconstruct the processes by which different styles of pottery were produced, and investigate how those processes were affected by technological choices made by the potter (Lee Sungjoo 2003). Theoretical Premises for the Study of Ceramic Style Technology and Ceramic Style Dojil togi (陶質土器, “stoneware-like pottery”)1 of Silla and Gaya was produced in large numbers using a fast potter’s wheel. It appears that the seven or eight most commonly used types of vessels were funerary or utilitarian vessels. In other words, it cannot be said that each vessel was produced according to a deliberate plan or purpose; rather, once the standard form of a given vessel type was developed and the procedures involved in its production were established, the vessels were repetitively produced by skilled potters who were familiar with those procedures and in particular with the use of the fast potter’s wheel. Of the five related components of techniques proposed by Pierre Lemonnier (Lemonnier 1992: 5), “gesture” may be considered the most significant factor in determining the outer appearance of pottery produced in such numbers. A similar concept would be “motor habit,” as proposed by Arnold (1985: 146-9), which is unconscious, fixed, and automatic. Therefore, if style is to be defined in terms of the outer appearance of ceramic vessels, which derives from the above components of technique, then in the case of production of ceramics in large quantity, style may be understood as unintentional, and resulting from the potential scope of actions that the potter could have adopted during manufacture. In consideration of Sackett’s discussion of style, which emphasized the passive nature of style and distinguished between active and passive style (Sackett 1992), the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles may be regarded as having been highly passive in nature. Since the advent of post-processual archaeology, various discussions have taken place on the social role and meaning of style, and a common theme of these discussions has been the duality of style. More specifically, it is maintained that, if style has a meaning or function, then that meaning or function will be of a dual nature. For example, Wiessner (1983), in studying different types of spearheads in southern Africa, distinguished between “emblemic style” (a symbolic representation of group affiliation) and “assertive style” (which carries information about the individual identity of those who used or produced material culture). Macdonald (1990) later referred to the expression of group identity internalized within a social group as “protocol style” and the exaggerated emphasis of individual identity as “panache style.” As will be later discussed in detail, Costin adopted a similar perspective and distinguished between intentional and mechanical attributes (Costin and Hagstrum 1995). Although originally produced as funerary vessels, most of the Silla- and Gaya-style pottery discussed in this paper are similar in nature to utilitarian vessels as regards their appearance, but some vessels with special decoration have been found in large-scale tombs. For the potter, the use of such decoration not only represented an adherence to the internalized rules of the group regarding the treatment of the deceased, but was also an expression of individual intention and identity. In this sense, Silla- and Gaya-style pottery was imbued with a dual nature. However, given the repetitive nature of the production of these vessels, it is difficult to assert that the styles were meant to express either the intentions of the potter or the symbolic aspect of funerary rituals. Indeed, the minute differences in outer appearance that form the basis of stylistic analyses of Silla- and Gaya-style pottery are the result of varying techniques in forming the vessels. Thus, in ceramics, style is determined in large part by the manufacturing techniques. Lechtman (1997) was the first in the field to argue that artifact style was contingent upon production technology, when she proposed that distinct methods of metallurgy and weaving that developed in the Andes shared a common stylistic mode, and that this technological style was an expression of social ideology or cultural ideas, while at the same time extending beyond simple expression and being involved in the formation and practice of those ideas. Thus, she stressed an understanding of style as being heavily associated with the symbolic and ideological ideas of the society to which the craftsmen belonged. Lechtman’s approach towards technology and style provided a theoretical model for later discussions on the social factors of technological development and the role of technology in a given social context (e.g. Dobres 2000). If ceramic styles are defined according to the external characteristics of pottery, then it may also be said that those styles are contingent upon forming technology. This is especially true of Silla- and Gaya-style pottery, because, as wares produced in great numbers, the outer appearance of these ceramic vessels was determined solely and automatically by forming practices. In this sense, both styles were created by the familiar bodily practices involved in quantity production, and were expressed through the technological developments and refinements that emerged in association with social needs and consensus. Transmission of the Pottery Production System and Technology In order to explain how the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles were formed, we need to consider how the outer appearance and dimensions of the vessels became standardized. As discussed, the style of Silla and Gaya pottery can be seen as a direct expression of production practices that emerged through the repetitive actions of the potters. Both styles can be defined through an examination of common vessel types found in Silla and Gaya burial grounds. For example, the ceramic assemblage of both the Gyeongsan and Uiseong pottery styles are composed of the same types of vessels, so a detailed comparison of the forms of each vessel type is required to establish their respective styles. Actually, it is easier to define regional styles if they become standardized, because such styles show little variation over time. Thus, the ceramic types that were produced in numbers can be more easily associated with a specific ceramic style. In exploring the issue of standardization, Costin and Hagstrum (1995) first distinguished between “intentional” and “mechanical” attributes, just as Sackett had distinguished between passive and assertive style. In this scheme, intentional attributes are those that emerge from the deliberate choices of the potter, whereas mechanical attributes are the result of unconscious production practices, repetitive gestures, efficiency and collective habits. Ceramic archaeologists have long focused on the relationship between production specialization and standardization, as well as the quality of the forming process (van der Leeuw 1977; Rice 1981). However, product specialization need not necessarily coincide with product standardization, such as when a craftsman becomes more specialized by spending a long time producing a limited range of ceramic vessels that require certain intentional techniques. Certainly, standardization in ceramic vessels may be achieved through the unintentional and quasi-mechanical manufacturing practices of producing in large numbers, but standardization and specialization will not always directly correlate. Other factors must be considered, as demonstrated by several studies that have addressed the issue of standardization in terms of social demand and the volume of production, the organization of the production system, and the labor input and work experience of the potter (Hagstrum 1985; Benco 1986; Rice 1981; Costin and Hagstrum 1995). When potters are not required to be inventive or to apply creative forms and decorations in the production of a type of ceramic vessel, then they will typically follow the procedure they have learned and inherited from previous generations. It is such learned habits and motions of production that lead to the formation of technological traditions (Gosselain 1998; Dietler and Herbich 1998; Stark 1999). Even potters who have the opportunity to observe more advanced production techniques will often be reluctant to implement those techniques, opting instead to adhere to the previously learned techniques that they are most comfortable with. Of course, skilled craftsmen may still attempt some innovations, usually when traditional technological elements are selectively merged with new technological elements (Lee Sungjoo 2008). However, so long as there is a demand for products manufactured according to the traditional technological system, that system will be maintained. Evidence from kiln sites recently excavated in the Yeongnam region demonstrates that craft workshops could be maintained for up to a century. Excavations have revealed that pottery, primarily funerary vessels, was manufactured in large quantities at kilns dating to around the fifth century CE. At that time, funerary practices involved depositing ceramic vessels in burials, so the pottery production system and its technology would have been well maintained. The regional pottery production system that supplied the products to any given local area would have been focused around a single pottery workshop or a cluster of workshops. Such workshops would have been maintained by several generations of craftsmen, and production skills would have been transmitted from one generation to the next, resulting in a technological tradition. This process helps to explain how the regional styles of Silla and Gaya pottery would have been established, and why they changed so gradually over time. This phenomenon may be understood to constitute a “regional tradition,” which was established as skills were transmitted within a given production system. Thus, the central workshop or workshop cluster of a region served as the primary mechanism for maintaining and transmitting the pottery technology of the regional styles. Foundations for the Formation of Ceramic Styles Importance of Funerary Vessels The main vessel types of Silla- and Gaya-style pottery were used on a large scale during funerary rituals in the Yeongnam region during the Three Kingdoms Period. These vessel types were established following the formalization of food offering rituals adopted by Jinhan and Byunhan polities in the wooden-chamber tombs of the late second century. The use of ceramic vessels in such ceremonies led to the emergence of various types of funerary vessels, and those funerary vessels form the core of the Silla- and Gaya-style pottery assemblage. Chronological analyses of ceramic artifacts found in the tombs of the Three Kingdoms Period in the Yeongnam region (Lee Sungjoo 1993) indicate that the main Silla-style vessel types emerged around the early fifth century in Gyeongju, which was then the center of Silla. It is generally accepted that the standard forms and manufacturing processes were established in Gyeongju around Wooden Chamber phases 3 and 4, represented by Hwangnam-dong Tomb 109. In the early fifth century, the Silla Kingdom was no longer a minor polity based solely in Gyeongju. By that time, Silla had expanded to encompass the wide area east of the Nakdong River, loosely consolidating the smaller polities of the region into an early state (Lee Heejoon 1996). The areas not included in this “Silla region” are collectively referred to as the “Gaya region,” just as the Gaya pottery style is a subsidiary classification referring to a ceramic style that is not the Silla pottery style. Hence, both Gaya territory and Gaya ceramic style can only be defined vis-à-vis Silla state formation. The process by which Silla vessel types came to be formalized is closely associated with the development of the use of ceramic vessels in Silla funerary rituals. From the late fourth century, ceremonies developed that involved the deposition of a standard selection of vessel types within a wooden chamber in a stone mound tomb. Such ritual ceremonies were important ideological tools for maintaining and legitimizing the power of the central elite of Silla, which was still in the early stages of state formation. The leaders of the regional polities that were consolidated by Silla still maintained their autonomy in some aspects, and they also adopted the Silla method of tomb construction, leading to the construction of large tombs in the central areas of Gyeongsan, Busan, Changnyeong, Uisung, and Seonsan. The Silla funerary rituals involving the deposition of ceramic vessels (Figs 1, 2 and 3) were also transmitted to the various local groups under Silla rule. This diffusion of funerary rituals involving ceramic vessels and the accompanying spread of the vessel types used in those rituals provided the foundations for the establishment of the Silla ceramic style. Fig. 1. Mounted cups as funerary vessels produced in large numbers in the 6th century in Gyeongsan. Messages of Apdokguk Pottery (압독국과의 통신: 토기의 메시지). (Gyeongsan: Yeungnam University Museum, 2006). Fig. 2. Long-necked jars as funerary vessels produced in large numbers in the 6th century in Gyeongsan. Messages of Apdokguk Pottery (압독국과의 통신: 토기의 메시지). (Gyeongsan: Yeungnam University Museum, 2006). Fig. 3. Deposition of ceramic vessels in funerary rituals, Seongsan-dong Tomb 38 in Seongju. Seongsan-dong Tombs in Seongju (성주성산동고분군). (Daegu: Keimyung University Museum, 2006). Technological Foundations for the Formation of Style The production of pottery prior to the early Proto-Three Kingdoms Period was based on the coil-building technique. The earliest evidence of the expert use of the potter’s wheel and regular paddling to form ceramic vessels can be seen in the paddled short-necked jars of the Gimhae area, which date to the late third century CE. At present, the short-necked jars deposited as grave goods at Yangdong-ri Tomb 235 in Gimhae may be regarded as the earliest examples of wheel-thrown pottery produced in large quantity in the Korean peninsula. After this, new techniques appeared, such as the use of a rapid rotary device to finish the vessel surface and shape the vessel rim, and the use of paddling to form a rounded base. Such techniques were applied to approximately 50 short-necked jars from Daeseong-dong Tomb 29 (late third century), and can also be observed in the multiple short-necked jars deposited as grave goods in Daeseong-dong Tomb 47 and Bokcheon-dong Tomb 54 (late fourth century). These can be regarded as the earliest examples of techniques for the production of standard pottery vessels being transmitted over more than a century within a given production system (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Chaîne opératoire of the manufacture of short-necked jars with lattice-shaped paddled patterns over a 100-year period, beginning with (1) Yangdong-ri Tomb 235 (late third century), continuing with (2) Daeseong-dong Tomb 29 (late third century) and (3) Daeseong-dong Tomb 47 (late fourth century), and ending with (4) Bokcheon-dong Tomb 54 (late fourth century). Until now, the adoption of high firing temperatures is considered as the primary factor explaining the emergence of dojil ware. But while high-temperature firing may indeed be regarded as a key technological innovation that enhanced the quality of ceramic vessels, it did little to contribute to the establishment of the large quantity production system needed to fulfill the social demand for pottery. Therefore, among the technological innovations represented by dojil ware, it may be argued that the forming method, rather than high-temperature firing, played a greater role in terms of the social aspect of pottery production (Lee Sungjoo 2008). In considering the establishment of the dojil ware production system, the use of the fast potter’s wheel, the well organized forming procedures, and the mechanical and repetitive use of skillful paddling have not been afforded much significance. Another fact that has been somewhat neglected is that, of all of the advances represented by Dojil ware, only high-temperature firing was implemented in the earliest phase (the late third century through the early fourth century) of its production (Fig. 5); only later did potters become aware of the technological innovation of throwing on a potter’s wheel (Fig. 6). At first, the specialist producers of dojil ware focused only on the production of short-necked jars. However, during the next generation (around the mid fourth century), the dojil ware specialists of the Haman and Gimhae regions began to apply the efficient method of throwing on the wheel to other vessel types (Fig. 7). By the following generation, all vessel types were being produced as dojil ware. The development of dojil ware can therefore be understood to represent the establishment and organization of a system that could cope with the social demand for pottery within a given area, in terms of both the large number of vessels and the number of vessel types. Furthermore, it was through this system that the new production technology was transmitted over succeeding generations. Fig. 5. Dojil ware: high-fired short-necked jar from the early stage, not thrown on the wheel, excavated from Simcheon-ri Wooden-Chamber Tomb 50, Chilgok-gun, North Gyeongsang Province. (Author’s photograph). Fig. 6. Dojil ware: detail of high-fired short-necked jar, showing clear lines from being thrown on the wheel, excavated from Dohang-ri Wooden-Chamber Tomb 33 in Haman. (Author’s photograph). Fig. 7. Dojil ware: high-fired vessel, thrown on the wheel, excavated from Simcheon-ri Wooden-Chamber Tomb 50, Chilgok-gun, North Gyeongsang Province. (Author’s photograph). The ceramic assemblage of the Yeongnam region in the fourth century is generally referred to as “archaic dojil ware.” In this period, it is difficult to definitively distinguish between the regional ceramic styles. However, archaic dojil ware vessels can be categorized into three phases, and these phases help to distinguish the regional ceramic styles. More specifically, the fourth-century distribution of ceramic styles varied according to differences in the geographical boundaries of the production and distribution system, whereas in the fifth century, the distribution of ceramic styles was determined by the geographical scope of political consolidation. In Phase I of archaic dojil ware, large-scale specialized systems for producing pottery were found only in the areas of Haman and Gimhae. In Phase II also, only Haman and Gimhae had noticeably developed systems for producing dojil ware. Those two areas were also the only regions where a variety of vessel types were used as grave goods. In the inland basin areas, such as Gyeongju and Daegu, a very limited range of vessel types—mainly short-necked jars—can be observed. In particular, in Gyeongju, the range of vessel types of dojil ware remained extremely limited until Phase III. In Phase III, however, a production system that used the forming method of dojil ware to manufacture various vessel types was established in the inland areas that link the Geumho River and the middle and lower reaches of the Nakdong River, albeit with a certain time lapse. The system of producing archaic dojil ware gradually and continuously spread from the southeastern coastal areas, where it was first established, to the other areas of the Yeongnam region. This transmission took place from Phase I, but the transition and adoption of the technology and production system of dojil ware that took place in Phase III is the most significant, because it was the technology and production system of this phase that had the greatest influence on the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles. Hence, a mode of manufacture able to satisfy the social demands of a given region was set up within the production system, and it appears that the transmission of technology between generations of specialist potters began to take place. At the time, the Yeongnam region was effectively divided according to the presence or absence of this Phase III dojil ware technology and production system. This notable regional imbalance in the nature of the production system and ceramic technology may be the foundation for the differences in ceramic style that later appeared. In areas with skilled potters who were familiar with the process of making each vessel type, it was easier to copy newly-introduced types of vessels. However, in areas that lacked such skilled potters, the new vessel types could only be awkwardly imitated. Regional Variation and Diachronic Change in Pottery Style Uneven Dissemination of Ceramic Technology and Regional Variations in Style From its earliest phase, the vessel types of Silla-style pottery, such as the mounted cup and long-necked jar, first emerged in Gyeongju and subsequently spread to the surrounding areas. Researchers have long regarded this phenomenon to represent the spread of the Silla pottery style. While this diffusion process was marked by some regional variations, it always originated in Gyeongju. Silla-style pottery made in Gyeongju was first distributed to the surrounding areas sometime around the early fifth century. The questions of why this distribution began in the early fifth century and how it took place require future consideration. One possibility is that the vessel types spread as the subsidiary political units of the kingdom adopted the funerary rituals of central Silla during the early stages of state formation. Around the same time, in the early fifth century, Silla pottery produced in Gyeongju was transmitted to the surrounding areas (i.e., Busan, Gyeongsan, Sangju, Gangneung, etc.). Thus, the spread of the Silla ceramic style in these areas may have been facilitated by the imitation of this newly-introduced pottery—Silla-style mounted cups and long-necked jars, in particular. At the Bokcheon-dong burial ground in Busan, pottery with Silla stylistic attributes cannot be observed in archaeological contexts dated prior to the phase represented by Tombs 21 and 22. Thus, it is from the Tombs 21 and 22 phase that Silla-style pottery appears. Notably, some of these vessels came from Gyeongju, while others were locally-produced copies, so it seems that Silla pottery was being copied from the time it was introduced. In the Busan area, a well-developed system for producing dojil ware and high-quality forming techniques had been in existence since the fourth century CE. Thereafter, using the throwing methods of dojil ware, which utilized the fast potter’s wheel, Busan potters were able to produce a wide range of vessel types, such as the mounted cup, long-necked jar, cylindrical vessel stand, and beaker-shaped vessel stand. Bokcheon-dong Tombs 93 and 95, which date to the period prior to the introduction of Silla-style pottery, illustrate that all types of dojil ware vessels were being skillfully manufactured from an early period, which suggests that potters of the time had the technological ability to produce any type of ceramic vessel. Following the introduction of Silla-style vessel types in the Tombs 21 and 22 phase, the indigenous archaic dojil ware and the newly introduced Silla-style pottery were used in conjunction with pottery that combined the production procedures of both styles. The complexity of this ceramic assemblage indicates that Silla pottery vessels made in Gyeongju were successfully imitated upon their introduction, with the habitual actions of the indigenous production procedures being seamlessly applied to their manufacture. As a result, by the mid-fifth century (Bokcheon-dong Tombs 10 and 11 phase), all of the ceramics deposited in the tombs of the Bokcheon-dong burial ground consisted solely of Silla-style vessels. In the Gyeongsan area, various dojil ware vessel types, demonstrating the skilful application of forming techniques, were found at Tombs 5 and 6 of Section G of the Imdang-dong site, dated to the phase just prior to the introduction of Silla-style pottery. It can be assumed that Silla-style pottery from Gyeongju was introduced and imitated in the following phase, but archaeological evidence of this has yet to be found. Ceramic vessels imitating Silla mounted cups and long-necked jars produced in Gyeongju have been found in contexts dating to as early as the early wooden chamber tombs of the Nobyeon-dong burial ground, which were constructed in the first half of the fifth century. It appears that, as in Busan, Gyeongsan potters were able to manufacture the various vessel types of Silla-style pottery with no technological constraints. Even vessels with complex forms, such as mounted cups and long-necked jars with stands, were manufactured as standardized products by potters who were evidently familiar with the production procedure. In contrast, the potters of the Sangju area do not appear to have been familiar with the forming procedures needed to produce the various types of dojil ware. Although vessel types such as the mounted cup and mug-shaped cup have been found at the Cheong-ri burial ground in Sangju in archaeological contexts dating to the phase just prior to the introduction of Silla-style pottery, it is not clear whether these new vessel types had been indigenously developed in the Sangju area. At the Sinheung-ri burial ground, located in the Haman Basin, it is possible to observe that, prior to the introduction of Silla style pottery, dojil ware vessels used as grave goods consisted of only a limited number of vessel types. Therefore, the dojil ware production system of this area apparently lacked the necessary technology for the mechanical forming of various vessel types, and so pottery production around Sangju focused on the short-necked jar with paddled pattern. Silla-style pottery began to be deposited in the burials of the Sangju area from the early fifth century. The Cheong-ri burial ground included locally made vessels that imitated Silla-style pottery from Gyeongju. At the Sinheung-ri burial ground, however, although the grave goods included Silla-style pottery that had been imported from Gyeongju, no local copies were discovered, which indicates that local groups reacted differently to Silla-style pottery, according to whether or not they had adopted the Silla funerary practices involving ceramic deposition. The Cheong-ri burial ground in Sangju yielded indigenous copies of the Silla-style vessel types that had been introduced in the early fifth century, thereby confirming that such production was occurring from the late fifth century. However, at that time, the procedure for manufacturing each of the vessel types was not well organized, and the habitual forming technique had not been established, so the vessels were not yet standardized in terms of dimensions and detailed form. From a chronological perspective, it is difficult to identify any formal characteristics that were maintained over a period of time, since the production technology for each vessel type was not being passed on through generations of potters. Therefore, a regional style cannot be established for the pottery of this area. Because of the low standard of forming technology used in the area, the Silla-style pottery of Sangju shows notable variations from the pottery of the Silla center, and these variations in form make it difficult to classify a regional style. Interestingly, the grave goods of the Sinheung-ri burial ground in Sangju consist only of short-necked jars, long-necked jars, and beaker-shaped vessels, which demonstrates that the Silla-style vessel types introduced into this area were not necessarily copied. This might be interpreted as a rejection of the Silla ceramic style. Even as the funerary rituals of the fourth century continued strongly into the early sixth century, mounted cups, long-necked jars with band-shaped handles, and mug-shaped cups were neither used nor copied. Therefore, the case of the Sinheung-ri burial ground indicates that the mere introduction of Silla-style vessel types did not necessitate the adoption of the Silla ceramic style, if the Silla funerary rituals had not yet been adopted. Conditions for the Establishment and Continuation of Regional Styles For approximately 150 years, from the early fifth to the mid-sixth century, the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles existed side by side, divided by the Nakdong River, the boundary between the Gaya confederacy and the Silla Kingdom. Each of the regional polities on either side of the river maintained a distinctive ceramic style for a certain amount of time, which I have been referring to as the “regional styles.” Thus, it is possible to construct detailed regional chronologies by examining the pottery assemblage of each regional style. There are, of course, some areas where no regional styles can be identified, even though Silla- or Gaya-style pottery was used. In addition, differences exist in the point of emergence and duration the lesser regional styles. Based on the above, the process by which the Silla ceramic style was adopted in areas where the regional styles were also established and maintained may have taken place in the following way: 1. Vessel types of central Silla pottery were introduced from Gyeongju. 2. Indigenous potters in the regions imitated the style of these vessels. 3. Conventional techniques for producing certain vessel types emerged, allowing for the establishment of the regional style. 4. These conventional techniques were transmitted from one generation to the next, maintaining the regional style. 5. Eventually, new manufacturing procedures emerged, leading to the demise of the regional style. For example, amongst the areas that adopted the Silla ceramic style, regional styles can be identified for Changnyeong, Gimhae/Busan, Uisung, and Gyeongsan. Even in these areas, however, the regional styles can only be observed for a limited number of vessel types, such as the mounted cup, long-necked jar, and long-necked jar with band-shaped handles. In Gimhae and Busan, the regional style appeared at an early date, in the mid-fifth century. In Gyeongsan, the regional style appeared around the late fifth or early sixth century, and existed for less than a century. On the other hand, no regional styles can be identified from the pottery found at the Gaya burial ground at Bonggye-ri in Habcheon or the Silla burial ground at Cheong-ri in Sangju, even though those cemeteries were used for a century or more. For example, although a number of sub-types of the mounted cup were in existence at the same time, none of these sub-types were made according to a shared set of habitual actions. A regional type cannot be established if the number of samples representing a vessel type is too small, nor can it be considered to have been maintained if no habitual techniques for production are transmitted between generations of potters (Lee Sungjoo 2004). One of the places where the establishment and continuation of the regional style can clearly be seen—to the extent that it may be regarded as a representative example—is the Gyeongsan area (Fig. 8). The regional style of Gyeongsan had a unique, though relatively short, existence, being found only in the sixth century. The Gyeongsan-style of pottery can be used to formulate a chronological framework, consisting of four 25-year phases. Interestingly, this regional ceramic style was not established around the time that Silla-style pottery was first introduced into the Gyeongsan area. In Gyeongsan, certain Silla-style vessel types, such as the mounted cup and long-necked jar with band-shaped handles, were imitated by local potters, while pottery from Gyeongju and other areas was also introduced into the region, as can be seen from the Imdang-dong and Siji-dong burial grounds (Fig. 9) (Kim Daehwan 2006). While some locally produced ceramic vessels have been found, they were not produced in large numbers via habitual production techniques, and thus cannot form the basis for a regional style. It was only in the late fifth century that the regional style emerged (in the mounted cup with lid and long-necked jar with band-shaped handles), in coincidence with a sudden increase in the construction of small-scale burials at the sites of Imdang-dong and Nobyeon-Siji-Uksu-dong. Each of these burials included at least 4-5 mounted dishes and 2-3 long-necked jars with band-shaped handles, indicating that the demand for such vessel types had increased dramatically. Indeed, at that time, there was a significant increase in the use of certain vessel types that were produced and distributed from workshops in and around Gyeongsan. The regional style can be said to have emerged when certain vessel types were produced in large numbers via habitual forming procedures, such that certain attributes of form were clearly distinctive to the workshop(s) which produced the pottery. Indeed, these distinctive formal attributes provided the basis for the regional styles. Fig. 8. Chronological scheme for the regional ceramic style of the Gyeongsang area, based on the pottery assemblage from the Siji-dong burial ground in Daegu. The mass production of certain vessel types in the late fifth century brought about the emergence of a clearly distinct regional style. Fig. 9. Plan of the Siji-dong burial ground (excavated by Yongnam Cultural Heritage Research Institute) and the chronological distribution of small-scale burials, illustrating the sudden increase in the construction of these small-scale burials from the late fifth to the mid-sixth century. Tomb chamber size is presented (in square meters) along the horizontal axis, while the vertical axis represents the number of burials at the burial grounds of (a) Imdang-dong in Gyeongsan and (b) Siji-dong in Daegu, both in Gyeongsang Province. If these habitual forming techniques had not been transmitted from one generation to the next, the regional style obviously could not have been maintained for almost a century. Thus, some system for transmitting the techniques must have been in place at that time. In the case of both Silla- and Gaya-style pottery, ceramic style may have emerged when increased social demand resulted in large quantity production, which led to the formalization of the chaîne opératoire of production for each vessel type. In addition, in order for the lesser regional styles to be maintained, this chaîne opératoire needed to be passed down from master potter to apprentice. Conclusion Issues of style may be approached from various perspectives. In the case of Silla- and Gaya-style pottery, questions about how a style emerged and why it changed over time can be approached differently according to how “style” is defined. Two levels of style are addressed in this paper: the inclusive ceramic styles of Silla and Gaya, which co-existed for around 150 years, and the various regional styles that made up the larger category of Silla- and Gaya-style, which existed at different times in different areas. Unlike previous studies of style in Korean archaeology, this paper regards style foremost as the result of human practices. In particular, I have argued that the style of dojil ware, which was produced in large numbers using the potter’s wheel, emerged and was maintained as the result of habitual techniques of throwing the vessels. Therefore, the differentiation of the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles, as well as the emergence and continuation of the regional styles, can be explained by examining when such systematic methods for forming vessels were established and how they spread. In the process, rather than approaching the formation and continuation of the Silla and Gaya ceramic styles in terms of historical events (such as the development of polities or the cohesion of social units), which can only lead to an abstract and fragmented understanding of the matter, we must instead focus on the choices made by the potter during the manufacture process and try to understand these choices within the socio-cultural context of the time.