The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

Goguryeo pottery is defined here as the pottery produced and used by the Goguryeo people who lived in the Goguryeo territory. According to the Samguksagi (三國史記: History of the Three Kingdoms), Goguryeo was established in Huanren (桓仁) around the Hunjiang basin in 37 BC and moved its capital twice, once to Ji'an and once to Pyeongyang (平壤), lasting for about 700 years until its collapse in 668 AD. As the early Goguryeo state matured, it expanded its territory both northward and southward, acquiring the Liaodong (遼東) area in the late fourth century and the Hangang (漢江) basin in the late fifth century. At the peak of its southernmost expansion, Goguryeo reached the areas of Gyeongsangbuk-do (慶尙北道) and Chungcheongnam-do (忠淸南道). Therefore, Goguryeo pottery encompasses the pottery that was produced and used by the people living in present-day northern and northeastern China, centering around Liaoning (遼寧) and Jilin (吉林) Provinces, and also in the south, the northern area of the Korean peninsula, as well as the Hangang area and regions of Gyeongsangbuk-do and Chungcheongnam-do, thus spanning some 700 years from the first century BC to 668. Archaeological studies on Goguryeo began following the discovery of the stele of Gwanggaeto daewang (廣開土大王, r. 391-413: Gwanggaeto The Great) in the late nineteenth century, since which time they have flourished. Nevertheless, the study of Goguryeo has made slow progress compared with the archaeological findings on Baekje, Silla (新羅, 57 BC-654), and Gaya (42-532 [金官加耶]), due to the limited accessibility to the archaeological sites centered in northeastern China and North Korea, the geographical heartland of the Goguryeo state. For the same reason, the archaeological study of Goguryeo in South Korea relies heavily on secondary data such as research and reports by North Korean, Chinese, and Japanese scholars. However, as travel to China has become more convenient and communication and exchanges (albeit intermittent) with North Korea increasingly possible, so has direct access to Goguryeo's archaeological sites. Moreover, South Korea has recently begun to accumulate a significant amount of archaeological data of its own on Goguryeo from excavations of such areas as Achasan (峨嵯山: mountain) on the north bank of the Hangang, and the Imjingang (臨津江: river) and Geumgang (錦江: river) basins, including Daejeon (大田) and Cheongwon (靑苑). Meanwhile, while it is true that archaeological studies on Goguryeo in the past centered on ancient tombs and focused on establishing a chronological system through analysis of the structures and types of the ancient tombs with few studies on actual artifacts including pottery, since the 1980s Chinese scholars have been trying to date Goguryeo pottery based on excavations in China, including Geng Tiehua (耿鐵華) and Lin Zhide (林至德),1 and there have been more studies on Goguryeo pottery in South Korea. It is nevertheless challenging to establish a definitive chronology of Goguryeo pottery as the chronology within the broader field of Goguryeo archaeological studies has yet to be settled. While there have been many advances in research in recent years, the criteria hitherto used to establish a definitive chronology have often been vague. At times, the dates of particular wares were estimated according to the age of certain ancient tomb types, the ages of which were in turn determined based on the dates of particular wares, creating a cycle of circular reasoning and contradiction. It is therefore imperative to establish a chronology of Goguryeo pottery through actual analysis of the pottery itself. Based on this, it would also seem possible to reconsider and refine the overall chronological system within the field of archaeological studies of Goguryeo. II A BRIEF HISTORY OF GOGURYEO POTTERY STUDIES Studies on Goguryeo pottery before the 1980s were largely confined to descriptions of pottery based on case-by-case excavation reports or general introductions to Goguryeo pottery by way of illustrations or introductory texts.2 In other words, these papers could not be considered as fully fledged academic papers but as descriptions of Goguryeo pottery in rather general terms. In 1973 Jeong Chanyeong (鄭燦永) tried to form a comprehensive analysis of wares excavated from ancient tombs in his chronological study on Goguryeo tombs up to the fourth century.3 According to Jeong, between the second century BC and around the beginning of the first century BC gangdol dolgakdam mudeom (stone mound tombs in the shape of a rough circle or square) were prevalent. From such tombs various pottery artifacts such as brown polished bowls, black polished bowls made of sandy clay, and other bowls with added talc have been excavated. Moreover, from the dolgidan tombs (stone mound tombs with a solid square base), constructed from about the first to the fourth century, brown polished bowls made on a potter's wheel, and black, brown, and gray vessels were excavated, some of which were hand modeled. This paper conducts a chronological analysis of Goguryeo tombs according to their structural features and, in turn, dates the pottery pieces excavated from those ancient tombs in line with the approach recently taken by Chinese and Japanese scholars who have studied Goguryeo pottery. In the 1980s China initiated comprehensive research projects on Goguryeo pottery, drawing on the data accumulated up to that time. In 1984 Geng and Lin conducted analysis on Goguryeo pottery excavated from Ji'an, China, and presented a theory of the process of change.4 The two researchers thought that the previous lack of studies of Goguryeo pottery was due to the absence of data and the limited dispersal of the wares. In the 1980s the two researchers presented a typological and chronological analysis of 96 pottery vessels excavated from the vicinity of Ji'an. They classified the excavated wares according to their form and material, and came up with three stages (groups) of pottery shapes in line with the chronology of ancient tombs. They found that the ho (壺: jar) and the guan (罐: jar with wide mouth and no perceivable neck) in particular had undergone much alteration, and divided these two vessel shapes into types I-V, further dividing each of these into three sub-groups. In 1985, Wei Cuncheng (魏存成) devised a typology of the saijanggyeong-ong (四耳長頸甕: tall jar with a long neck and four handles), a typical Goguryeo vessel, as well as conducting a chronological analysis.5 Wei classified saijanggyeong-ong into two types: one with a neck that flares out straight toward the mouth from the body (Type I), and the other that stands upright before flaring out toward the mouth (Type II). He noticed that saijanggyeong-ong had in most cases been excavated from bongtoseoksilmyo (封土石室墓: earthen mound tomb with stone chamber) and attempted a chronological analysis of the wares based on the age of the stone chambered tombs in which they had been found. Wei concluded that saijanggyeong-ong had been prevalent in the mid-Goguryeo period around the fifth century; among them Type I had changed from having a longer neck to having a shorter one, while Type II had changed from having a shorter neck to having a longer one. Meanwhile, the maximum diameter of the body gradually rose to reach the shoulder level of the vessel, an area subject to considerable change in shape in both types. In 1985, a comprehensive study of Goguryeo pottery took place in Japan. At the same time Okada Izumi (緒方泉) attempted a typology of saijanggyeong-ong and tried to devise a chronological study of Goguryeo tombs in the Ji'an area based on comparative analyses with other Goguryeo artifacts.6 Also in 1985, a study on Goguryeo pottery was presented in South Korea by Kim Giwung (金基雄).7 This paper, as the author himself indicated at the time, was not a comprehensive study of the chronology or change in the form of Goguryeo pottery but a very general presentation of Goguryeo pottery with basic facts, illustrations, and annotations. Nonetheless, Kim's paper was significant in that it was the first study on Goguryeo pottery to be carried out in South Korea. In 1988, while undertaking a study on a chronology of Goguryeo artifacts, Azuma Ushio (東潮) introduced a typology and a chronology of Goguryeo pottery with a focus on saijanggyeong-ong. Azuma accepted the findings by Wei and Okada in general, classifying saijanggyeong-ong into four types depending on the shape of the vessel's mouth and body and providing descriptions of the special features and a chronology for each of the four types in addition.8 Azuma believed that the earliest saijanggyeong-ong was found in Tomb No. 332, Shanchengxia (山城下). He argued that they were made in the second half of the fourth century, and that the shape of the wares gradually changed over time tending towards ones with elongated neck and body with a wider mouth. In the 1990s, several studies on certain specific features of Goguryeo pottery were published. Among them are two papers by a North Korean researcher, Li Gwanghi: one on Goguryeo glazed pottery (施釉土器, siyutogi) and the other on the decorative patterns of Goguryeo pottery.9 In the former paper, Li chronologically placed the tombs according to their structure having presented his findings on the glazed potteries excavated from Tomb No. 78 of Wanbaoting (萬寳汀), Jilin; Tomb No. 96 of Qixingshan (七星山), Jilin; Tomb No. 1 of Munak-ri (文岳里), Pyeongannam-do (平安南道); Tomb No. 7 of Pungcheong-ri (豊淸里), Pyeonganbuk-do (平安北道); Tomb No. 2 of Taeseong-ri (台城里), Pyeongannam-do; Tomb No. 3 of Anak (安岳), Hwanghae-do (黃海道); and Tomb No. 1 of Maxian'gou (麻線溝), Jilin. Li's main claim was that Goguryeo glazed pottery was extant before the third century. In the latter paper, Li classified 50 or so Goguryeo pottery vessels with engravings in accordance with their types and engraving techniques and asserted that most of the patterns on the wares were in use between the mid-fourth century and the late sixth century. It would seem that both papers take a rather simplistic approach in their respective analyses of the wares and the chronological classification of the tombs, although it is evident that the main focus of study was on the production techniques of the Goguryeo wares. In 1993, in a paper on the international aspects of Goguryeo pottery, Gang Gyeongsuk (姜敬淑) of South Korea outlined the history of research on Goguryeo pottery both within and without Korea.10 Gang also presented some of the special characteristics of Goguryeo pottery by summarizing the papers by Kim Won-yong and Ahn Hwi-Joon, Geng Tiehua and Lin Zhide, and Jeong Chanyeong. Moreover, through a comparative study of the shape and glazing methods of Goguryeo pottery, Gang drew comparisons with Chinese wares. Gang's research paper on Goguryeo pottery is not comprehensive but it was significant at the time as it was the first comparative study in Korea on the production techniques and shapes of certain Goguryeo pottery vessels. As a research paper, nonetheless, her analysis is limited because it only compares the shapes of the vessels. In the wake of the excavation of Goguryeo ruins in the Achasan area as well as Mongchontoseong (夢村土城: earthen fortress) in the Hangang basin in recent years, research on Goguryeo pottery has become increasingly active within South Korea.11 For instance, in 1995 an analysis on the Goguryeo pottery excavated from the Hangang basin was made by Choi Jongtaik of South Korea, which to some degree led to the revelation of the general distribution of Goguryeo pottery along the Hangang.12 However, as this paper almost exclusively focused on relics from the Hangang area, it fell short of providing a comprehensive analysis of Goguryeo pottery over a broader spectrum. The study was hampered, in its attempt at a comparative study of the shapes of the Goguryeo pottery from the Hangang area with those excavated in North Korea and China, by the dearth of research on the subject in both North Korea and China. In 1999, another extensive analysis of Goguryeo pottery was undertaken by this author.13 By focusing on the analysis of Goguryeo pottery itself, this research paper aimed to transcend the skewed direction of previous research on Goguryeo pottery undertaken mainly for the purposes of chronological study of ancient Goguryeo tombs and to correct the inherent contradictions in such an approach. The result was a broader analysis of the types and processes of change in the form of Goguryeo pottery, based on an examination of 419 Goguryeo wares that were intact and which had been excavated in China, and in North and South Korea. However, as this paper still could not overcome the lack of data needed to establish a complete chronology, its methodology in the end depended much on the chronology of ancient Goguryeo tombs and further detailed research was necessary to establish a complete chronology of Goguryeo pottery. In the same year a different study on the process of the formation of Goguryeo pottery was presented by the South Korean scholar Park Sunbal (朴淳發).14 Park assumed the firing of fine clay at a low temperature and a polished finish to be the primary features of Goguryeo pottery and focused on the formation process of these two features. He analyzed the pottery excavated from the ruins of the Hunjiang, the cradle of Goguryeo, and the middle reaches of the Amnokgang, between the Bronze Age and the early Iron Age. He went on to analyze the various characteristics of Nonam-ri (魯南里) type pottery from Pyeonganbuk-do, generally considered to be the precursor of Goguryeo pottery. Through this analysis Park concluded that, in terms of its shape, Goguryeo pottery had originated from the wares of the Bronze Age found around the Hunjiang and the middle reaches of the Amnokgang, and that features like the fine clay pottery fired at a low temperature were related to the production technique of hoedo (灰陶: gray pottery; Chinese: huitao) produced between the late Warring States Period and the early Han dynasty. Moreover, Park estimated the first Goguryeo pottery to have been made circa 200 BC, about the same time as the first production of Nonam-ri type pottery, and coeval with the establishment of an allied Goguryeo kingdom. In 2001, upon analysis of glazed pottery vessels excavated from the Ji'an region, Geng Tiehua put forth the view that the glazed vessels were tomb ornaments buried together with the deceased, in view of the fact that these wares had been excavated mainly from the tombs of noblemen, namely tombs with mural paintings. Geng concluded that the glazed pottery was extant at the latest in the early fourth century.15 In 2003, Yang Sieun (梁時恩) of South Korea conducted an analysis on the production technique of Goguryeo wares excavated from Tomb No. 4 of Achasanboru (峨嵯山堡壘: mountain fortress) and the fortresses of Sirubong, Guui-dong (九宜洞), and Mongchontoseong in the Hangang basin, and determined that the differences in the production technique of the wares reflected different periods of production.16 In the same year, this author presented a synthesis of past discussions on Goguryeo pottery and an updated chronology of the subject through a presentation at the Korean Archaeological Congress.17 Subsequently, in 2004, this author analyzed Goguryeo pottery wares excavated from South Korea and put forth partially revised views. This last paper presented a revised chronology of Goguryeo pottery from the Hangang area by dating the artifacts found in Mongchontoseong, south of the river, sometime between 475 and 500 and those from Achasanboru, north of the river, between 500 and 551.18 As discussed in this brief overview of the history of research on Goguryeo pottery in South and North Korea, China, and Japan since the 1980s, few comprehensive analyses of the subject exist. The main reason for this dearth of analysis is primarily the lack of data, as the main historical area of the Goguryeo state is now in the Ji'an region in China and in North Korea. In fact, many Goguryeo tombs from these regions have been excavated but there have been few detailed reports or studies on the excavated artifacts, on pottery in particular. The excavation reports on these tombs typically consist of a few diagrams and a brief mention of the wares in just a few lines. Therefore, obtaining detailed information on the wares themselves has indeed been quite challenging. However, in recent years, especially since the 1990s, the pace and scope of research has gained momentum with the publication of a comprehensive report for each field of Goguryeo archaeology of the Ji'an region. In addition to these new data, studies on Goguryeo pottery excavated in South Korea have also been gaining speed lately. III TYPES OF GOGURYEO POTTERY VESSELS AND THEIR CHANGES Goguryeo pottery can be largely classified into 24 types. Among them, types of wan (盌: small bowls), jongji (smaller bowls than wan), ttukkeong (lids), guhyeongho (球形壺: jars with a spherical body), ban (盤: plates and dishes), simbal (深鉢: beaker-like vessels), jangdongho (長胴壺: jars with a longer body than guhyeongho), and dong-i (urn-like vessels with a wide mouth and short body) constitute the largest share (Plate 1). Each Goguryeo vessel type developed into diverse forms over time and the following are typical changes presented by types. ( Plate 1 ) Configuration of Goguryeo pottery types 1 Saijanggyeongho: jar with a long neck and four handles 2 Saijanggyeong-ong: tall jar with a long neck and four handles 3 Janggyeong-ong: tall jar with a long neck 4 Saiong: tall jar with four handles 5 Yang-isimbal: simbal with two handles 6 Simbal: beaker-like vessel 7 Jangdongho: jar with a longer body than guhyeongho 8 Guhyeongho: jar with a spherical bodyType I, Type II, Type III 9 Ong: tall jar 10 Jikguho: jar with a straight neck 11 Gwangguho: jar with a wide mouth 11 Ibuho: jar with a spherical body and handles 13 Jikguong: tall jar with a straight neck 14 Siru: steaming vessel 15 Dong-i: urn-like vessels with a wide mouth and short body 16 Buhyeongtogi: pottery vessels in the shape of iron pots 17 Wan: small bowls 18 Yugaewan: lidded small bowls 19 Ibae: ramekin-type dish 20 Ban: deep dish 21 Jeopsi: plates 22 Ttukkeong: lids Type I, Type II, Type III, Type IV, Type V, Type VI 23 Ttoaribyeong (環狀瓶): doughnut-shaped bottle 24 Ryeom (奮; Chinese: lian): beaker-like vessel with tripods 25 Daebusaibal: mounted beaker-like vessels with four handles 26 Guhyeongbyeong: small round bottle 27 Hoja (虎子): chamber pot 28 Jikguong: tall jar with a flat mouth 29 Saijangdong-ong: long, tall jar with four handles 30 Yeontong (煙筒): chimney 01 SAIJANGGYEONGHO AND SAIJANGGYEONG-ONG The most distinctive types of Goguryeo pottery include jars with a wide mouth and a long neck such as saijanggyeongho (四耳長頸壺: jar with a long neck and four handles), saijanggyeong-ong (四耳長頸甕: tall jar with a long neck and four handles), saiong (四耳甕: tall jar with four handles), and janggyeongho (長頸壺: jar with a long neck). These four vessel types are different from one another but share one or more of the following attributes: a trumpet-shaped mouth, a long neck, and four daesangpasu. For this reason, in this paper they are studied as a single group. Considering that these four types are found in all Goguryeo tombs and that many of them were glazed with incised patterns, it is certain that they were mainly used as tomb ornaments, buried together with the deceased. The saijanggyeongho type has a round body with four handles and a long, narrow neck. It was made only in the third century and is believed to be the prototype of the other three vessels, among which saijanggyeong-ong and janggyeongho continued to be used until the Balhae period. The saiong type has a wide mouth and neck and is characteristically larger than the other three types. Its large shape attests to its usability for everyday living and indeed saiong is quite frequently excavated from numerous dwelling sites. Janggyeongho is exceptional in that it has no handles but its shape developed in the same way as saijanggyeong-ong. Of these four types saijanggyeong-ong is considered as the most typical Goguryeo vessel. As the changes in its shape over time have occurred in a relatively constant manner, it is usually used as the standard by which the dates of ancient tombs are measured. With regard to the origin of saijanggyeong-ong there are two different possibilities: one is the pankouhu (盤口壺: jar with wide, flat rim) of China19 and the other is the zhong (鍾: small jar originally used to contain wine) of the Han dynasty, which developed to become a particular Goguryeo vessel later in the fourth century.20 However, in view of the fact that saijanggyeongho was already extant in the third century and that the long neck and daesangpasu are features on other Bronze Age pottery vessels from the middle reaches of the Amnokgang, it is unlikely that saijanggyeong-ong was influenced solely by Han Chinese pottery. As aforementioned, the chief features of saijanggyeong-ong are the trumpet-like, flared, long neck and the four strap handles (Plate 2). There have been various typological and chronological studies on saijanggyeong-ong over the years, most of which have focused on the shape of the vessel's neck. As already noted above, Wei Cuncheng categorized this vessel into two types based on the shape of the neck: one that flares out straight (Type I) and the other that rises upright before flaring out (Type II).21 Wei also observed that the neck of Type I grew shorter and that of Type II longer over time. ( Plate 2 ) Saijanggyeong-ong, excavated from Mongchontoseong, H: 59.0 cm, Seoul National University Museum However, Wei's classification based on the neck shape is not without its weaknesses. Since the prominent attribute of this vessel type is the neck that flares out like a trumpet, small differences in the shape of the neck may be overlooked on account of the uniformity of this distinctive shape. Therefore, the criterion for analysis should include the point in the neck where it bends outward. Furthermore, there are differences and changes of the body shape to be considered in terms of roundness and slimness. With such limitations in mind, this author has classified the shape of saijanggyeong-ong into Types I–V as shown in Plate 3 by using the mouth ratio (ratio of the length of mouth to the overall height: [mouth diameter/total height x 100]) and the circular body ratio (roundness of body part: maximum body diameter/body height x 100). Looking at the characteristics of each shape, Types I and II have similar mouth ratios but show differences in circular body ratios due to the differences in the length of the neck. The pieces belonging to Type II have a relatively shorter neck length than Type I. Type III has similar circular body ratio as Type II but has a bigger mouth ratio and this is also due to the differences in the neck length (Type III has a longer neck than Type II). Type V represents just one item excavated from Topo-ri daemyo (土浦里大墓: tomb site), and shows a smaller mouth ratio to the neck as well as a body more slender in shape. ( Plate 3 ) Correlation between body roundness and vessel slimness in saijanggyeong-ong Based on these classifications saijanggyeong-ong may be recorded chronologically from round to slender body type. Type I vessels excavated from Maxian'gou Tomb No. 1 were assigned to the early to mid-Goguryeo period by Wei and to the late fourth century by Azuma, who made his estimation on the basis of the structure of the burial mound.22 Type II vessels from Yushan (禹山) Tomb No. 41 and Type III vessels from Zhangchuan (長川) Tomb No. 2 can be dated to the mid-fifth century.23 The chronology of the burial mounds coincides with the evolution of saijanggyeong-ong from Type I to Type V as well demonstrated by the differences in the circular body ratios. In other words, the circular body ratio of saijanggyeong-ong changes from large to small, and its body shape from round to slender (Plate 4). ( Plate 4 ) Diagram of changes in the shape of Saijanggyeong-ong 1 JSM 196 2 Guoneicheng 3 Juwol-ri 4 JYM 2325 5 Ji'an Area 6 JSM 332 7 Maxian'gou Tomb No. 1 8 Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 9 Munak-ri Tomb No. 1 10 Tonggou Area 11 Dongjincheng 12 Samsilchong 13 Mongchontoseong 14 Topo-ri daemyo 15 JYM 3105 16 JQM1196 17 Ningan Area 02 SIMBAL Simbal, generally called guan in China, is a type of vessel that has been used from very early days (Plate 5). The chief features of this vessel type are a wide mouth with virtually no neck and a long body. Those with handles can be sub-divided as yang-isimbal (ܽ兩耳深鉢: simbal with two handles). Unlike other vessels, many simbal are made of a coarse paste and were built by hand rather than thrown on a potter's wheel. With respect to vessels with handles, there are some with bullhorn-type and some with sprig-type handles but most have the familiar four strap handles, daesangpasu. The daesangpasu are typically circular in section and attached in a vertical, upward direction. This kind of vertical daesangpasu or loop-type handle has been a common feature in pottery of the Amnokgang basin since the Bronze Age. In addition to the coarse body, this is evidence to demonstrate that simbal had been produced since early times. ( Plate 5 ) Diagram of changes in the shape of simbal 1 Nonam-ri Site 2 JWM 242 3 JSM 196 4 Nonam-ri Site 5 JYM 3283 6 JSM 152 7 Nampa-dong Tomb No. 163 8 Mongchontoseong 9 JQM 196 10 Guuidongboru No. 1 Simbal may be classified into three groups according to size with no relevance to the time period, although the slimness of the body does change over time. The early simbal came in a rather slim shape with a tall height relative to the maximum diameter of the vessel or the diameter of the mouth, but later it gradually took on a more rounded shape. As yang-isimbal is generally slimmer than simbal, it would seem that the former was produced earlier. Plate 5 reflects these various attributes. In terms of shape, simbal may broadly be classified into three types: Type I with a slim body and a short neck length relative to the total height of the vessel; Type III with a short neck and a round, convex body; and Type II in between Types I and III. In the case of simbal excavated from Tomb No. 8 of Xiahuolongcun (下活龍村 JXM8), which falls under Type I, the ruins are estimated to be jeokseokchong (積石塚: stone mound tombs) of the earliest period – more specifically, before the third century.24 Furthermore, the simbal recently excavated from the third culture layer of Wunüshancheng (五女山城) in Huanren also featured a slim body and vertical daesangpasu, affirming the early provenance of this particular vessel.25 At the same time, the simbal excavated from the Guuidongboru ruins fall under Type III. It is therefore apparent that the type of yang-isimbal changed over time from Type I to II, and then to III, since the body shape of simbal changed from slimmer to rounder and at the same time the neck became shorter and more elaborate. 03 JANGDONGHO Jangdongho has nearly the same mouth diameter as its base diameter with a relatively tall body. It was a vessel much used in practical everyday life (Plate 6). It can be classified into two types according to size, and into four types according to the shape of body and the location of the maximum body diameter. Type I, which has a convex, round body with the maximum body diameter below the mid-point of the overall height, is similar to simbal Type III, the latest type of simbal. This indicates Type I jangdongho to be the oldest of this vessel group. Its first production is estimated to be around the fifth century and, over time, jangdongho featured changes in its body shape particularly around the neck and shoulder. The neck gradually became longer and the location of the maximum body diameter moved up towards the shoulder. This vessel was in continual use until the fall of the Goguryeo state. ( Plate 6 ) Jangdongho, excavated from Guuidongboru, H (right): 31.3 cm, Seoul National University Museum, Korea 04 IBUHO Ibuho (耳附壺: jar with a spherical body and handles) is a vessel with two or four handles on a round body but a shorter neck than that of saijanggyeong-ong. Ibuho is divided into two types according to body shape: Type I has a round body, later changing to Type II with either a globular or a taller body. The earliest ibuho was found along with saijanggyeong-ong from the partially destroyed ruins of Sanchengxia (山城下) Tomb Mound, dated to the third century. 05 GUHYEONGHO Guhyeongho is a vessel with a spherical body, a short and curved neck and no handles (Plate 7). It is classified into three types according to the shape of the neck (including the mouth) and the body (Plate 8). The body of Type I is almost spherical but the maximum body diameter is located at the shoulder and the most distinctive feature is that the neck and the mouth are almost perpendicular. The body of Type II is spheroidal like a compressed ball, while its short vertical neck flares outwards. The body of Type III is almost spherical although it is a little slimmer than the other two. The neck flares outwards but is even shorter than that of Type II. ( Plate 7 ) Type III Guhyeongho, excavated from No. 4 of Achasanboru, H: 22.8 cm, Seoul National University Museum ( Plate 8 ) Diagram of changes in the shape of guhyeongho 1 JYM 3161 2 Anak Tomb No. 3 3 Juwol-ri 4 JSM 195 5 JYM 3162 6 JYM 3299 7 Mongchontoseong 8 Gosan-dong Tomb No. 11 9 Achasanboru No. 4 10 Achasanboru No. 4 11 JMM 118 12 Minzhuliudui Site Type I guhyeongho were mainly excavated from the yeonjeopsik jeokseokchong (連接式積石塚: stone mound tombs with connecting vaults and mounds) of Yushan (禹山) Tomb Mound. The date of the tomb is estimated to be sometime between the fourth and fifth century.26 Pottery vessels with similar body shapes have also been excavated from the tomb with murals of Yuan Taizi (袁台子) in Chaoyang (朝陽) and the Jin (晋) tomb with murals in Benxi (本溪), Liaoning, which are dated to the fourth century.27 Two parallel lines are incised around the shoulder of Type I guhyeongho, and junghomun or concentric semicircular pattern is typically incised inside. This particular pattern is thought to be among the earliest found on Goguryeo pottery. Type II guhyeongho account for the majority of the spherical vessels. The paste of the vessel is either coarse and sandy or clay, with a greater proportion being of the clay variety. Unlike Type I, only one Type II vessel with patterns has so far been found. The potteries excavated from the historic site of Minzhuliudui (民主六隊) of the Balhae period tend to have a shorter neck and a flatter, globular body. At the same time, the Type II guhyeongho from Tomb No. 195 of Shanchengxia Tombs dated back to the early Goguryeo period have a longer neck and a spherical body.28 Therefore, it is conceivable that Type II guhyeongho gradually changed in body shape from spherical to spheroidal and in neck shape from longer to shorter. Type III guhyeongho has its maximum body diameter in the shoulder area. It can be further divided into two groups, one with a narrow neck and the other with the maximum body diameter located in the middle or upper-middle part of the body and an underdeveloped shoulder. In the case of the former, three vessels have been excavated from Tomb No. 3 of Anak, which all have junghomun incised around the shoulders. Pottery vessels excavated from the historic site of Juwol-ri (舟月里), Paju (坡州), south of the Imjingang, also have the same shape and junghomun incised around the shoulders. As for the wares found in Anak Tomb No. 3, these can be dated to the middle or late fourth century. Within this vessel type, the guhyeongho with the maximum body diameter located around the center tend to be greater in height. The ones excavated from Guuidongboru and Achasanboru are thought to be from the sixth century, while those from Mongchontoseong can be dated to the late fifth century. 06 ONG Ong (甕) is a tall vessel with a height of 40 cm or more and appears to have been used for storage. All extant ong have been excavated from the ruins of ordinary everyday habitations (Plate 9). Ong can be classified into three types according to the spherical ratio of the body. Type I has the smallest curvature to maximum body diameter ratio. Consequently, it is the slimmest. Pottery excavated from the Hangang area typically come in this shape. Type III has a larger base diameter than mouth diameter, with a very long maximum body diameter. Vessels of this kind have been excavated from Dongjincheng (東京城) of Balhae, which suggests this type to be the latest form among the three types. ( Plate 9 ) Ong, excavated from Guuidongboru, H: 67.0 cm, Seoul National University Museum 07 JIKGUHO AND JIKGUONG Both jikguho (直口壺: jars with a flat mouth) and jikguong (直口甕: tall jars with a flat mouth) have a very short and straight neck. Both vessels were probably used with a ttukkeong (matching cover) but few have been found with one. These vessels are classified according to their height, less than 40 cm (壺, ho) or more than 40 cm (甕, ong). In either form, some come with handles which would indicate use of a practical nature (Plate 10). ( Plate 10 ) Jikguho (left), excavated from Achasanboru No. 4, H: 22.5 cm; Jikguong (right), excavated from Sirubongboru, H: 70.6 cm, Seoul National University Museum The shape of jikguho changed over time into globular body type. The earliest jikguho is the one excavated from Tomb No. 242 of Wanbaoting (JWM242), dated to the third century. It was used until the Balhae period. Few jikguong have been found thus far; they are thought to have been used widely since the mid-fifth century as a vessel for everyday use. 08 SIRU Siru (甑: vessel for steaming) can be classified according to the widths of the body and the base, while some have feet on the bottom. The feature that best shows the change in siru over time is the shape of the holes on the base of the vessel (Plate 11). In terms of these distinct bases with holes, there are those with several small holes clustered together and those with a larger central hole and with four or six holes around it. With respect to the former, the one excavated from Tomb No. 2 of Shanghuolongcun (上活龍村) (JMS2) has a mouth that curves inward and junghomun around the shoulder of the vessel. According to conventional chronology the siru from this tomb is dated to the end of the second century.29 However, as junghomun generally makes its first appearance around the mid-Goguryeo period, it is probably difficult to date these vessels back so early. ( Plate 11 ) Siru, excavated from Mongchontoseongboru, H: 27.0 cm, Seoul National University Museum In the case of the small types of siru excavated from Yushan Tomb, considering that the latest end date of jeokseokchong has generally been revealed to be circa the fifth century Ji'an,30 they can be dated to the end of the fourth century or the beginning of the fifth century. These siru excavated from Yushan Tomb have a base with a hole in the center surrounded by eight holes. As the siru excavated from Shanghuolongcun have a base with several small holes, they can be dated back to a slightly earlier period, more likely the end of the third century or the early fourth century. The siru excavated from the Nonam-ri dwelling site are also thought to be from the same period. All the medium and large siru, with the exception of those from Daepyeong-ri (大坪里), Bukchang (北倉) and Tomb No. 1 of Jigyeong-dong (地境洞), Pyeongannam-do, have a base with holes in an orderly configuration. The siru excavated from the Hangang basin have a base with a central hole and six surrounding holes. Meanwhile, the siru from Guershancheng (古爾山城) and Guoneicheng (國內城), Jilin, have a central hole and four surrounding holes on the base. In particular, the wares from Guoneicheng feature four oval-shaped holes surrounding the central hole, the intended dynamic of which seems greater intake of steam during cooking. Therefore, the ones from the Hangang basin are considered earlier than those from Guershancheng and Guoneicheng. As the ones from Guoneicheng are dated to the later years of the Goguryeo state, the ones from Guershancheng and Guoneicheng can be dated to the late sixth century, and the ones from the Hangang region to the late fifth century or the early sixth century. 09 BUHYEONGTOGI Buhyeongtogi (釜形土器) are pottery vessels in the shape of an iron pot excavated along with small siru from ancient tombs. As iron pots (鐵釜, cheolbu) were widely used in Goguryeo, such pot-shaped vessels also seem to have been used as tomb ornaments (Plate 12). ( Plate 12 ) Siru on an iron pot, excavated from Guuidongboru, H: 45.5 cm, Seoul National University Museum Buhyeongtogi can be classified into those with and those without a mount. The vessels gradually changed from those with a mount to ones without, generally in line with the change in iron pots.31 The buhyeongtogi from Tomb No. 3105 of Yushan (JYM3105) were excavated together with siru and are approximately dated to the end of the fourth century and the early fifth century. Meanwhile, the buhyeongtogi from another Yushan tomb (JYM3501) have a flatter mount and spheroidal bodies and thus are dated to the first half of the fifth century. At the same time, the buhyeongtogi from Yushan Tomb Nos. 1897 and 1815 and Tomb No. 1 of Jigyeong-dong have no mount and are dated to the middle or the latter half of the fifth century together with the siru excavated from Tomb No. 1 of Jigyeong-dong. Finally, the buhyeongtogi from Yushan Tomb No. 1493 have no mount but a developed shoulder and a long, narrow body. They can be dated to the late sixth century, slightly later than those from Tomb No. 1 of Jigyeong-dong. 10 DONG-I Dong-i is a large flower-pot-shaped unpolished vessel of low height relative to the diameter of the mouth. In terms of functional utility it is the most practical of all Goguryeo pottery. The ratio of the mouth diameter to the height of the vessel, which reflects the distinctive shape of the ware, is quite diverse ranging from 120 to 296.9 (Plate 13). In other words, dong-i come in various shapes and sizes. The dong-i type is, however, classified into three groups according to the ratio of the mouth diameter to the height of the body. Type I includes those with a mouth diameter to height ratio of less than 160; Type II consists of those ranging from 160 to 220; and Type III are those with a ratio of over 220. ( Plate 13 ) Dong-i, excavated from Guuidongboru, H: 19.0 cm, Seoul National University Museum Small dong-i are found only among Types I and II, unlike large dong-i found across all three types. Among Type I and II, several have daesangpasu regardless of the size. Among the dong-i excavated from Dongjincheng of the Balhae period, small ones belong to Type I and large ones to either Type I or III. The dong-i from Tomb No. 3103 (JYM3103) of Yushan Tombs, from which small dong-i (Type II) have been unearthed, are believed to have been produced at the latest by the fifth century as the latest end period of jeokseokchong is the fifth century.32 Therefore, small dong-i gradually changed in body shape from flatter to taller. In the case of large dong-i, this kind of change is hardly perceptible, although a general trend toward a flatter body can be perceived. Based on the sectional diagrams of the dong-i from the Hangang basin, this author classifies these wares into four different groups by the shape of the mouth: Type I whereby the mouth area of the vessel is rounded but finished plainly; Type II whereby the mouth edges out at a sharp angle; Type III whereby the mouth not only edges out in a straight horizontal line but also the lower end of mouth is lifted up to make a groove; and Type IV whereby the edge of the mouth is slanted or treated in an oval shape while the lower end of the mouth is lifted up.33 However, as most of the data presented in this paper are based on analyses of diagrams, it is impossible here to classify these wares in greater detail based on the actual differences in the shape of the mouth. Nevertheless, in the case of dong-i from the Hangang area, Types III and IV are thought to have been produced at later dates.34 11 WAN Wan (宛) is a bowl resembling present-day sabal (typical bowls for rice and soup). It is thought to have been used mainly as a serving bowl to serve food to individuals. The most frequent type of wan is with lid or ttukkeong (Type III) (Plate 14). Jongji is in fact a small wan, thought to have been used as a small container for ingredients such as the present-day soy sauce. Due to the simple shape of wan, noteworthy changes in form are virtually imperceptible. Wan can be classified into two groups, namely those with shallow mount and those without. In the case of wan with mount, some differences in their production technique can be detected: those with platform mount; those that have the platform mount attached first, after which the inside is hollowed out; and those with relatively high mount. These differences are considered to reflect the different periods of production.35 The wan with lid have often been excavated together with their lids and are thought to have influenced the daebubal (臺附鉢: mounted sabal) of Baekje in the Sabi (泗批, 538-660) period.36 On the base of some wan, a character such as 井 (jeong: well), 小 (so), and 大 (dae) is inscribed or molded in relief, most of which seem to have been intended to drive away evil omens. ( Plate 14 ) Wan with ttukkeong, excavated from Guuidonboru, H: 12.0 cm, Seoul National University Museum 12 BAN Ban (盤) is flat dish with a wide mouth and low body height in the form of the plate today. The ratios of the vessel's mouth diameter to its body height ranges from 3:1 to 7.5:1. In the early period, ban was frequently used as a tomb ornament, and some were glazed. In the middle and late periods the vessels were more widely used in everyday life. Some ban have patterns incised on their base and dongsimwonmun or concentric circle pattern have been found on the base as well as the interior, on which various designs such as geoch, sagak (四角: square) and sagyeokja (斜格子: oblique lattice) are incised. 13 IBAE Ibae (耳杯: eared cups) are similar in shape to wan but some have the jeon (展: flat rim) that partly circles the mouth area (Plate 15). All ibae excavated from ancient tombs have been found to be glazed, with slight variations in shape among those excavated from the fortresses of Guui-dong and Achasan. Namely, the ones from the tombs have the jeon on the longer side whereas the ones from the Hangang area have the jeon on the shorter side. The latter are considered to be produced later. Ibae type has also been found from the potteries of the Sabi period of Baekje, supporting the view that Bakje pottery has been influenced by Goguryeo pottery since the mid-sixth century.37 ( Plate 15 ) Ibae, excavated from Yongmasanboru, No. 2, H: 8.5 cm, Seoul National University Museum 14 TTUKKEONG As ttukkeong (蓋, gae: lids or covers) are a complementary part of other wares, strictly speaking they should not be considered as an independent pottery type. Nevertheless, since there are only a few cases of ttukkeong excavated together with the matching vessel this paper deals with ttukkeong as an independent pottery type for the sake of convenience. Ttukkeong are classified into six groups according to shape and size. Type I ttukkeong has a disk-like body and a ring-like handle on top with no flange. In view of its shape, this type seems to have been used to cover vessels with a straight vertical mouth. Lids of this type have mostly been excavated from as early as the third to fourth centuries. Type II ttukkeong have a flat body and a boju (寳珠: cintamani or precious pearl) knob or handle on top. The flanges are either straight or turned a little outward. This kind of ttukkeong has been found together with the bronze saiong excavated from the Geumgwanchong (金冠塚) or Gold Crown Tomb of Silla, and a Type II ttukkeong from Topo-ri daemyo has been confirmed to be the cover for a saijanggyeong-ong of the period, suggesting that this ttukkeong type has been in use since the mid-Goguryeo period. Type III ttukkeong has deeper flanges and a boju-shaped knob. In view of its size, this type seems to have been used to cover wan and cylindrical tripod vessels. This type of cover is dated after the fifth century. Type IV ttukkeong are the same as Types II and III in that they also have a boju-shaped handle but are different in that the flanges are either curved inward or lifted upward. Based on the shape of the flange, this type seems to have been used for vessels with a semicircular mouth and for small bottles, particularly considering its diameter. These ttukkeong are believed to have been in use mainly since the sixth century. Type V ttukkeong have no handle and the flanges are short and straight or bent once. In view of their shape and size, these ttukkeong seem to have been used for hap (盒: small boxes). They are dated to sometime after the mid-Goguryeo period. Type VI ttukkeong are the most common type among those excavated. When reversed, they have the same shape as ban and thus are called ban-type ttukkeong. This kind of ttukkeong usually has no handle, but some have been found with a strap handle at the center of the body or a pair of boju-shaped lugs on opposite sides of the flange (Plate 16). These ban-type ttukkeong are further classified into two subgroups according to their size, small and large, which have little or no correlation with the time period of production but more with the mouth size of the vessels with which these ttukkeong were matched. If the wares that these ttukkeong covered are assumed to have been yugaehap (有蓋盒: lidded box), ho, ong, and jikguong, then the small ttukkeong seem to have been used mainly for ho or yugaehap, and the large ttukkeong for ong or jikguong. ( Plate 16 ) Type VI ttukkeong, excavated from Guuidongboru, H: 11.7 cm, Seoul National University Museum 15 JEOPSI Jeopsi (蝶匙 :dishes) are practical vessels that have mainly been excavated from the ruins of everyday dwellings. At the same time, as in the jeopsi found in Tomb No. 3 of Anak, some were also used as tomb ornaments. The simple shape of jeopsi makes it difficult to note changes in shape over time but in general jeopsi are classified into two types according to whether or not the foot is attached and into three types according to whether small, medium or large in size. A type of jeopsi like wan have some characters engraved or molded into relief on the base. Most of these characters were carved before the baking process and some wan and jeopsi contain even signatures on them perhaps to indicate the craftsman, the production site, or the patron, providing us with valuable information on the status of the owner or the ware itself, or the name of the production site (Plate 17). ( Plate 17 ) Engraved letters on the bases of various jeopsi, excavated from Achasanboru No. 4, Seoul National University Museum IV THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF GOGURYEO POTTERY 01 THE ORIGINS AND FORMATIVE PROCESS OF GOGURYEO POTTERY Discussions on the origins and formative process of Goguryeo pottery have thus far been only tentative due to a persistent lack of archaeological data. From an archaeological standpoint, the formation of the Goguryeo state is believed to have taken place sometime around 100 BC,38 but archaeological evidence of pottery prior to the third century AD is extremely rare. Studies of burial sites in the early years of the Goguryeo state have made advances over the years but studies on the pottery still remain insufficient. Moreover, in order to establish the origins of Goguryeo pottery, archaeological evidence from the Bronze Age and the early Iron Age should be taken into consideration, although such archaeological studies also suffer from the lack of reliable data. Considering that the geographical origin of the state of Goguryeo is the Hunjiang basin and the middle reaches of the Amnokgang in the Ji'an region, it is possible to ascertain the formative process of Goguryeo pottery through archaeological studies of the culture of these regions. Recent studies on the subject show that the Bronze Age culture of the Hunjiang and Amnokgang areas are understood to be a combination of features from the Miaohoushan culture (廟後山文化) in the Benxi, Liaoning Province of the pre-Bronze-Age Dagger Period (先銅劍期) and from the Gonggwiri culture (݀公貴里文化) in Ganggye (江界), Jagang-do (慈江道) of the Lute-Shaped Dagger Period (琵琶形銅劍期). This is followed by the Lalatun (拉拉屯) late Bronze Age culture in Changchun (長春) area and Dadianzi (大甸子) early Iron Age culture in the Liaoning area. The Dadianzi culture is regarded as of the early Iron Age, around 200 BC. Among them, the Lalatun culture exhibits features like the vertical daesangpasu, one of the most distinctive characteristics of Goguryeo pottery. This, in turn, is a feature found in Nonam-ri type pottery, the early prototype of Goguryeo pottery.39 The features of Nonam-ri type pottery are determined by studies on vessels excavated from the upper layer of Nonam-ri ruins.40 They are characterized by the daesangpasu attached either horizontally or vertically to the body and widely regarded as the prototype of Goguryeo pottery. According to available reports, the body of these vessels still contains fine sand, though generally in lesser quantity and in some cases the clay is of the same quality as in pottery vessels from the Bronze Age. Most that have been excavated are either brown or black polished vessels, and the characteristic is seen as another prominent feature of Goguryeo pottery. According to Park, the principal characteristics of Goguryeo pottery are the daesangpasu, the fine clay paste, and the polished surface. Park states that the polishing technique and the daesangpasu are found in the pottery from Misong-ri (美松里), Pyeonganbuk-do and Gonggwiri, Jagang-do, which are regarded as distinct traditions of these respective regions. He sees, however, that the fine clay paste seems to have been influenced by the gray pottery of China from the late Warring States Period to the Han dynasty.41 Such views on the general characteristics of Goguryeo pottery seem reasonable, but this author finds that some Goguryeo pottery vessels are made of coarse earth paste containing sand grains. Therefore, the generalization that all Goguryeo pottery is made of fine clay paste seems not to be entirely appropriate but to be modified as a transitional characteristic. In any event, the origins of Goguryeo pottery are to be found in Nonam-ri, and will be illuminated by further comparative studies in relation to relics excavated from the early jeokseokchong from Ji'an and the middle reaches of the Amnokgang, as well as pottery of the early Iron Age. Unfortunately, the task is quite challenging as there is only scanty material on pottery from this period and much uncertainty as to the chronology of Nonam-ri type pottery. Some scholars estimate the earliest date for these wares as 200 BC and the latest date around the beginning of the Christian era,42 while others date the wares as far back as 300 BC.43 The estimate of 200 or 300 BC are based on the fact that some Nonam-ri type potteries have been found along with myeongdojeon (明刀錢: knife-shaped coins used in China in the late Eastern Zhou period, circa 400–300 BC). However, since other artifacts like the yellowish white pottery native to the Pyeongyang region have also been found together at the Nonam-ri archaeological site,44 the fact that knife-coins were found does not necessarily mean that all the pottery from this site are from before the Common Era. As the Nonam-ri site was used over a long period, from the Bronze Age of the lower layers to the Goguryeo era of the upper layers, the earliest date for the lower layers of this site may reasonably be estimated at from 200 to 300 BC but the dates for the upper layers require further scrutiny. In fact, the simbal type excavated from the upper layers of the Nonam-ri dwelling site is estimated at 300 based on the dates of jeokseokchong of the Ji'an region from which identical wares have been found.45 This much later date is a substantial departure from conventional estimates of 200 BC but the date seems reasonable considering the fact that the complexity in the chronology of the Nonam-ri site. This author views that, based on the shapes of the actual wares found at the site, the earliest date of pottery from the Nonam-ri site is hardly dated as far back to 200 BC. This view poses a problem in studying its pottery from the time of the establishment of Goguryeo to 300, but the problem is unavoidable due to lack of material evidences in the time period from 100 BC to around 200. Taken together all the available resource, it is only by the late third or the early fourth century that wares with typical Goguryeo pottery features have been found and the time span interestingly coincides with the formation period of Goguryeo as a governmental state. 02 THE EVOLUTION OF GOGURYEO POTTERY To explain the evolution of Goguryeo pottery, Geng and Lin divide the entire time span into three periods: early, middle, and late,46 while Azuma Ushio divides it into five: incipient (200-300), early (300-400), middle (400-500), late (500-600), and final period (post-600 AD).47 However, there is simply insufficient evidence to support such divisions and, even more importantly, information on Goguryeo pottery before 200 AD is scant. Moreover, since the study of Goguryeo pottery is still in its infancy and lacks reliable sources, such a detailed chronological specification may only cause further confusion. This author thus explains the evolution of Goguryeo pottery in three stages: early (prior to 300), middle (300 to 500), and late (after 500), which coincide with the developmental phases of the Goguryeo dynasty. Scholars of ancient history generally agree with the view that Goguryeo was established as a state sometime between the late third century and the early fourth century48 and they regard the middle of the sixth century as the dividing line between the middle stage and the late stage of Goguryeo.49 Table 1 (see page 31) shows the characteristics of Goguryeo pottery with respect to the three different time periods. The material of Goguryeo pottery is largely divided into coarse earth paste or fine clay paste and then glazed or not glazed (undetermined). In the early stage there was not a single piece of glazed pottery, with coarse earth paste accounting for 91% and fine clay paste 9%. In the middle stage, fine clay paste increased to 57% while coarse earth paste decreased to 29%, with glazed pottery making up the rest, 14%. In the late stage, fine clay paste, glazed pottery, and coarse earth paste accounted for 89%, 8%, and 3% of the total, respectively. Since glazed pottery should be made from fine clay paste, it is safe to say that almost all of the pottery of the late stage was made of fine clay paste. ( Table 1 ) Characteristics of Goguryeo Pottery in Three Stages (Unit: numbers of pieces) Division Early stage Middle stage Late stage Total Grand total Raw material Coarse 21 36 4 61 419 Clay 2 70 141 213 Glazed 0 17 13 30 Undetermined 14 42 59 115 Production method Hand-made 2 6 2 10 419 Wheel-thrown 2 82 123 207 Undetermined 33 77 92 202 Surface color Gray 8 48 52 108 419 Black 5 21 44 70 Yellow 10 70 85 165 Undetermined 14 26 36 76 Pattern Designed 0 33 35 68 419 No design 37 132 182 351 Surface treatment Polished 1 13 15 29 419 Unpolished 36 152 202 390 Total 37 165 217 419 As the ratio of raw materials indicates, Goguryeo pottery was made mainly of coarse earth before the fourth century, marked by a steady increase in the use of fine clay, and by the late stage almost all pottery was made of fine clay. In the middle stage, glazing technique began to be used and was applied at a constant rate throughout the rest of the Goguryeo period. This glazing technique is a rather distinctive feature of Goguryeo vessels as glaze is not found in contemporaneous pottery wares of the Baekje or Silla–Gaya regions. Furthermore, as glazed wares have mainly been found in ancient tombs, they served the function of tomb wares. As for the origin of glazed potteries, there are three different opinions: prior to the third century,50 the late third century,51 and the early fourth century.52 The glazed pottery of Goguryeo is the product of low-temperature firing and light glazing. In China, such wares were made from the Han dynasty onwards; in Goguryeo such pottery of greenish brown color fired at a low temperature was made from the late third century onwards or, at the latest, from the early part of the fourth century. The surface color of Goguryeo pottery is largely classified into yellow, black, and gray, of which brown, reddish-brown, and even red are classified under the color yellow. In terms of the surface color throughout the entire duration of the Goguryeo state, yellow is the most common, while black is the rarest. From the middle stage on, the number of gray-colored wares increases as compared to the early stage. In view of the fact that many gray, hard pottery vessels have been found among pottery from the Balhae period, one may speculate that the style of Goguryeo pottery eventually evolved toward a hard surface. As for the manufacturing technique, two methods were mainly used: hand-made and wheel-thrown. In the case of hand-built pottery vessels, the general method of production would take the following steps: first, the base plate would be laid, after which the walls and rim of the ware would be built up by hand, then the ware would be smoothed and finished on a turntable. In the early stage, about 50% of Goguryeo pottery was hand-made. This proportion falls sharply to 7% in the middle stage and to only 2% in the late stage, which means that almost all Goguryeo pottery were made on a turntable plate or the potter's wheel with only a small number made by hand in the early stage. In previous studies, Goguryeo pottery has generally been characterized as having a polished surface. However, among all Goguryeo pottery vessels, only 29 (a mere 7%), have been found to have a polished surface. Therefore, the general characterization of Goguryeo pottery as having a polished surface is unfounded. In addition, this small proportion of 7% is about the same as that of glazed pottery, indicating that glazed pottery vessels constitute most of polished pottery. Among the potteries excavated from the Hangang basin that are available for examination, most were polished with the potter's wheel or on a turntable. Among some types like jangdongho, there are examples which were first made on the potter's wheel or turntable then the foot and lower parts were smoothed by delicate carving or rubbing. This technique may be considered as an extension of the polishing method but it is still different from those that were smoothed and polished entirely by hand without the use of a turntable or wheel. Another feature of Goguryeo pottery is that most do not have decorative patterns. In the early stage there were no patterns at all, whereas in the middle and the late stages a certain proportion of pottery vessels were made with decorative designs. Furthermore, only very few types of vessels featured patterns and the patterns themselves were also quite simple and limited. The techniques used for applying patterns on Goguryeo pottery include pressing, carving, and rubbing. The patterns include jeomnyeolmun, yeonsoksagakmun, geochimun, eogolmun (魚骨文: herringbone pattern), gyeokjamun, sagyeokjamun, dongsimwonmun, pasangmun, and junghomun. The techniques used to apply these patterns varied from pattern to pattern. For instance, jeomnyeolmun and yeonsoksagakmun were made by impressing. Geochimun, eogolmun, gyeokjamun, sagyeokjamun, dongsimwonmun, pasangmun, and junghomun were made by carving. Other methods include ammun technique used mainly for generating irregular oblique lines, lattices, and continuous ring chains. This ammun technique in particular is a characteristic feature of Goguryeo pottery. The method involves pressing and rubbing the surface of the ware and seems to have originated from the rubbing of the surface with a hard tool. This method is apparent in pottery vessels of the middle and the late stages, and in some from the Balhae period. To sum up, the production techniques and characteristic features of Goguryeo pottery are classified according to the raw materials, production technique, surface color, surface treatment, and patterns. In the early stage coarse materials were used and hand-made wares were made only in small quantities, but in the middle to the late stages all wares were made of fine clay paste with use of either the turntable or the potter's wheel. Also, from the middle to the late stage, some ceramics decorated with low-temperature glazes can be seen, the majority of which were used as funerary gifts. In terms of the surface color, yellow was the most common across the entire spectrum of Goguryeo history, with a progressively increasing share of gray-colored wares in production. Patterns on Goguryeo pottery were applied from the middle stage on until the end, but only on a limited number of vessel types and with limited variations. Goguryeo pottery developed through a variety of forms depending on type and period. There are few vessel types that can be dated to the early stage. Only in the middle and late stages do all types of Goguryeo pottery vessels emerge. Only a few pottery vessels from the early stage have thus far been excavated: they include: saijanggyeongho, simbal and yang-isimbal, ibuho, jikguho, siru, wan, ban, ibae, Type I lids, jeopsi, hap, and daebusaibal (臺附四耳鉢: mounted sabal [沙鉢: small bowls for rice] with four handles). A characteristic feature of the vessels from this early stage is that they have handles either of strap or knob type. Among the daesangpasu some are transverse, but most are vertical. As for the raw materials, coarse earth paste is the most common. Surfaces were often polished and no glazed pottery has been found in this early stage. No vessel at this stage has incised patterns and most were hand-made without the use of the potter's wheel or turntable. By the middle stage, most of the known types of Goguryeo pottery were being made. But large vessels like daehyeong-ong and jikguong are found only in the later part of the middle stage. Gwangguho (廣口壺: jar with a wide mouth) were not made until even later. On the other hand, new types such as saiong, saijanggyeong-ong, and janggyeongho were produced in the middle stage. These new vessels are considered to be derivations of saijanggyeongho. As for the simbal type, a few yang-isimbal vessels with handles have been excavated among the remains of the middle stage while the total number of simbal increased over the same period. The shape of simbal gradually changed to a more bulging body type with bigger shoulder and neck, but decreased in quantity after the end of the middle stage. Jangdongho are a new type from the middle stage; gradually they developed a wider shoulder and a longer neck. The guhyeongho type developed the most significantly in the middle stage, especially in terms of the variety of shape. Type I and Type III guhyeongho changed over time to assume a longer body and a larger shoulder, while Type II evolved from a spherical body with a long neck to a globular body with a short neck. The siru (steamer) gradually changed from those with one central hole surrounded by eight other holes at the base to those with one central hole surrounded by six other holes, with a corresponding increase in the size of the holes. From the early stage to the early part of the middle period, siru and buhyeongtogi (pottery vessels in the shape of iron pots) were used as funerary gifts. It is only in the second half of the middle stage that big siru were produced for practical use. Buhyeongtogi are another new type from the middle stage, some of which were glazed. The shape changed from those with feet to those without. Greater numbers of dong-i, wan, ban, and ibae have been excavated from the middle stage. Among other new types first seen among the relics of this middle period are Type III lids with a rounded boju-shaped handle and (Type VI) with banhyeong (盤形: dish-shaped) ttukkeong or lids. The Type III lids were mainly used for covering wan and cylindrical three-legged vessels, while the banhyeong ttukkeong was for the large-sized or daehyeong (大形) pottery, as the emergence of such lids coincides with that of large-sized potteries. Hand-made dishes of the early stage evolved to the wheel-thrown type, becoming flatter with the mouth portion lower. Some were made with short feet at the base. A new type of jar similar to the hemispherical bottle with dish-shaped mouth (盤口瓶, bankouping) of the Chinese Six Dynasties was made for the first time, including a peculiar type such as the cylindrical three-legged vessel. A small number of pottery vessels of the middle stage were made of coarse earth but most were made of fine clay. Glazed pottery was produced for the first time in this period and the wheel-thrown method became a dominant production technique of the time. Many vessels were decorated with concentric semicircles, wavy lines, dotted rows, saw-tooth, and herringbone patterns are regularly found on the shoulders of saijanggyeong-ong and the Type II spherical ho. Some wares bore ammun, a pattern made by pressing and rubbing technique that is seen only in the second half of the middle stage. During the late stage, all the pottery types of the middle stage continued to be produced, with practical wares such as ho and ong increasing in quantity. In the case of saijanggyeong-ong, the body gradually became narrower, and by the Balhae period the neck had become so narrow and long that it had evolved into the shape of a bottle. In this stage, large wares such as jikguong, daehyeong-ong, and dong-i were produced in large numbers. Ban and ttukkeong accordingly grew larger during this stage. Such trends correlated with the practical function of the vessels of this stage, as evidenced by the preponderance of wares excavated from the ruins of ordinary dwellings. Pottery vessels in the late stage are mostly glazed and made of fine clay. As for patterns, the practice of ammun prevailed, while patterns like concentric semicircles, dotted rows, and wavy lines that had been used often in the middle stage became obsolete. V CONCLUSION This paper has so far examined the general characteristics of Goguryeo pottery, the developmental pattern, and the chronology of various types of vessels. As is the case with the general state of archaeological study of Goguryeo, the study of Goguryeo pottery remains stagnant mainly due to reasons beyond scholarly interests per se, namely the political environment. In fact, often in the past, research on this subject in China and North Korea - the hub of archaeological findings on Goguryeo pottery - has been varied in academic rigor and skewed in scope. Fortunately, however, some detailed and comprehensive studies on Goguryeo pottery have occasionally been published in China since the 1980s. Also in South Korea new investigations on Goguryeo historical sites have recently taken place, stimulating greater interest in research on Goguryeo pottery. Much work lies ahead in overcoming the dearth of archaeological data and establishing the origins and the evolutionary process of Goguryeo pottery. However, recent research has shown that Goguryeo pottery was built upon the Bronze Age and early Iron Age pottery-making traditions of the Hunjiang and the middle reaches of the Amnokgang, supplemented by the introduction of pottery-making techniques from China during the Warring States Period to the Han dynasty. This theory is quite feasible from a historical perspective. The production techniques of Goguryeo pottery have been clarified to some degree in terms of the developmental phases by analyses of raw materials, surface coloring, glazing, manufacturing method and surface treatment, and decorative patterns. However, such analyses should be complemented by further scientific research such as analysis of the composition of the raw materials and the temperature at which they become plastic. In general, Goguryeo pottery is classified into about 24 different types and depending on size and physical attributes can also be divided into vessels for practical use and those without practical utility. The latter are mainly funerary articles, while the former are variously classified based on their functions for storing, cooking, serving, and transporting food. This kind of classification by function is an important factor in evaluating the vessels. But since such classifications are usually assumptions based on shape, they should further be complemented by analytic data related to the circumstances of excavation and their connection with other remains found together during excavation. The chronology and associated different stages of the development of Goguryeo pottery are common subjects of interest to all researchers in the field, attracting numerous scholastic projects. However, as described above, most of the research on the subjects thus far have been conducted as part of a chronological study of old tombs, or as complementary data supporting the chronology of old tombs. Undoubtedly, ascertaining the dates of the old tombs and the historical relics from various ruins provide the most important information in establishing the chronology of pottery vessels. On the other hand, classification according to type and the analysis of evolutionary changes in regard to the different types should be conducted as a prerequisite to chronological research. It is to be expected that there are substantial omissions and errors in this paper as the data used for this study were, with the exception of Goguryeo pottery vessels excavated in South Korea, based on indirect information in the form of diagrams, photographs, and other academic papers. Moreover, I have not made an independent interpretation of the ancient tombs, the main subject of archaeological studies on Goguryeo so far. In conclusion, more rigorous analyses on the manufacturing techniques behind Goguryeo pottery across the entire historical spectrum need to be undertaken, as well as verification regarding the developmental process and the chronology of Goguryeo pottery that I have presented herewith.

In Korea, 'hwajo' (花鳥: flowers and birds) was first used as a term to describe an art genre in the fifteenth century, during the early Joseon dynasty. The earliest surviving Korean text containing the term 'hwajo' is Hwagi (畵記: Records of Paintings), written by Sin Sukju (申叔舟, 1417-1475) in 1445.1 Around this period, hwajo along with the words josuchomok (鳥獸草木: birds, animals, grass, and trees), hwamokgeumjo (花木禽鳥: flowers, trees, and birds), hwachoyeongmo (花草翎毛: flowers, grass, birds, and animals), and hwajomokseok (花鳥木石: flowers, birds, trees, and rocks) came to be used as standard terms characterizing this genre.2 During the Six Dynasties period (220-589) in China, bird and flower painting had already evolved into an independent painting category. Throughout the Tang dynasty (618-906), it had developed into a new genre by virtue of the emergence of artists specializing in painting flowers and birds. Over the course of the Five Dynasties period (907-959), the Chinese painters Huang Quan (黃筌, ?-965) and Xu Xi (徐熙, first half of the tenth century) firmly established the stylistic traditions of Chinese bird and flower painting.3 Prior to this time birds and flowers were often used individually as subject-matter in the decorative designs and functional forms of various vessels, but over the course of the Six Dynasties period they came to be combined as in the main subject in paintings. As spiritual organisms, these subjects had been objects of worship since the prehistoric age, and from this time onwards they came to be widely used as auspicious and invocatory symbols of an abundant life filled with wealth, honor, longevity, offspring, and success.4 By combining these auspicious symbols with exquisite natural beauty, paintings of birds and flowers lent grandeur to the royal court and other noble places, and became popular as decorative paintings evoking scenes from paradise. They were also the essence of court painting and, in Japan, they became the main decorative theme of folding screens. From the time of the Northern Song dynasty (960-1127), huaniaohua, like shanshuihua (山水畵: landscape painting), featured significantly in literati painting theory as a means through which the profound principles of Mother Nature's order and harmony could be represented. As the genre grew increasingly popular as a medium for communicating the spirit of such principles, flower and bird painting developed into elegant representations of rarified ideology and transcendent lyricism. In Korea, too, birds – the main subject matter of hwajohwa – have adorned various kinds of artifacts since ancient times. Examples include the birds atop a branch seen on the front side of a ritual object from the Bronze Age in the National Museum of Korea,5 and the legendary birds that are described in the Chinese text Shanhaijing (山海經: Classic of Mountain and Seas), such as sanzuniao (三足烏: a mythical vermilion bird with three legs) as well as the cranes that are depicted in supernatural forms in the mural paintings of Goguryeo tombs. In Silla auspicious birds and lotus were depicted on a fan-shaped birchbark panel discovered from Cheonmachong (天馬塚: Tomb of the Heavenly Horse, late fifth to early sixth century)6 and phoenixes, peacocks, parrots, and ducks decorated metalwork and earthenware roof tiles (瓦塼, wajeon) together with various flowers in such patterns as pairs of birds under a tree and birds holding a branch in their beak.7 It was during the Goryeo period that hwajohwa came to form a distinct genre of its own, free of such supernatural and structural patterns, and the growth of this artistic form and the demand for it flowered in Joseon times. This study will first review hwajohwa of the Goryeo period – none of which survive as independent paintings today, although there are many examples of birds and flowers as subject-matter in Buddhist paintings of this period – using various historical sources, as well as examples on artifacts other than paper and silk, followed by an analysis of the changing patterns of hwajohwa of the Joseon period when the genre developed in four distinct phases.8 II HWAJOHWA OF THE GORYEO PERIOD It was during the Goryeo period (918-1392) that Korean art developed more refined and elaborate forms, and began fabricating a new tradition. This period witnessed the emergence of new avenues of creativity coupled with a culture of art appreciation which developed owing to the birth of a literati class that had appeared on account of the implementation of the civil service examination system in 958. The growth of paintings created for pure appreciation was also influenced by contemporary literati painting theories and by the art and literature of the Northern Song dynasty. These new trends in Goryeo paintings especially became prominent during the reign of King Munjong (文宗, r. 1046-1083), at a time when civil and cultural exchanges with Northern Song began to flourish.9 According to the chapter on Gaoli Guo (高麗國: Goryeo State) in Volume 6 of Tuhuajianwenzhi (圖畵見聞誌: An Account of My Experiences in Painting), written by Guo Ruoxu (郭若虛) of the Northern Song dynasty circa 1070, Goryeo emissaries brought a special gift item, jeopcheopseon (摺疊扇: folding fans) on their visits to China. The fans themselves are described as being originally from Japan, but the paintings on them are likely to have been made in Goryeo. On the acheongji (鴉靑紙: dark-blue paper) of the fan were drawn such subjects as ladies riding and saddle-horses (婦人鞍馬, buin anma) or flowering plants and waterfowl (蓮荷花木水禽之類, yeonhahwamoksugeum-jiryu). These artworks on the folding fans were described as elaborate, and the added use of silver pigment (銀泥, eunni) convincingly indicates that the fans must have been quite extravagant.10 It is also likely that the flowering plants with various waterfowl on these fans were depicted in a similar composition to paintings of lotus flowers and waterfowl (蓮池水禽圖, yeonjisugeumdo), which emerged as a decorative subject matter during the late Five Dynasties and the early Northern Song periods. Paintings depicting a pond with lotus flowers, reeds, and bamboo trees, and waterfowl such as ducks, mandarin ducks, and white herons were widely produced in the Northern Song dynasty.11 In Goryeo, similar motifs were used frequently on inlaid ceramic and bronze vessels of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Among the most representative examples are a bronze kundika with landscape design (National Treasure No. 92),12 a celadon vase with inlay of lotus flowers and waterfowl,13 and a celadon dish with inlay of flower, bamboo, and waterfowl in the Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka (Plate 1).14 The three white herons on the left and on the right of the celadon dish in the Osaka Museum may have been influenced by the figures of cranes painted by Huang Quan and described by Guo Ruoxu in the paragraph on Crane Paintings in Volume 5 of his Tuhua jianwen zhi, in which he listed six positions of cranes: crying, startled, pecking, dancing, relaxing, and strolling. ( Plate 1 ) Celadon plate with inlay of flower, bamboo, and waterfowl design Goryeo, mid-12th century H: 15.7 cm, D: 20.4 cm The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka Furthermore, combinations of various flowers and birds such as parrots, mandarin ducks, cranes, egrets, ducks, and sparrows are found on ceramics, bronze bottles, and bronze mirrors of the mid-Goryeo period.15 In particular, subjects such as willow and waterfowl and reeds and wild geese exhibit much affiliation with paintings. The pattern on a celadon bottle with carvings of reeds and wild geese in the National Museum of Korea16 is similar to the typical compositions of the close-up landscapes of reeds and wild geese from the Northern Song dynasty. In the case of flying cranes, such as those on a celadon maebyeong with clouds and crane design in the Gansong Museum of Art, they are very similar to the depiction of cranes flying over the Imperial palace in the painting entitled Ruihetu (瑞鶴圖, Auspicious Cranes) by Emperor Huizong (徽宗, r. 1119-1125) of the Northern Song dynasty, in the Liaoning Provincial Museum. Paintings by the Emperor, a master of bird and flower painting who was particularly fond of cranes, were introduced to Goryeo during the reign of King Yejong (睿宗, r. 1105-1122) and the early years of King Injong (仁宗, r. 1122-1146) along with other Chinese paintings that were pouring into Goryeo in “innumerable quantities (不可勝計).”17 Hwajohwa in Korea was much influenced by and developed in tandem with bird and flower paintings of the Five Dynasties and early Northern Song that celebrated the beauty of nature. The paintings advanced in artistic quality in the latter half of the Goryeo dynasty following the military rebellion in 1170. During this period, the scholar-officials, who had become the new elite in Goryeo society, regarded paintings as a medium for the exchange of artistic sensibilities and the expression of ideas. They also conceived the cultivation of painting skills and art appreciation as a requirement for cultured men, which not only led to the introduction of new perspectives on painting derived from Northern Song art theories but also to the growth of art works created for the purpose of appreciation.18 Accordingly, hwajohwa became an important subject of artistic creation and appreciation. A good example of this emerging trend is the remark by Yi Gyubo (李奎報, 1168-1241): “Surround myself with paintings of birds to admire.”19 Also Yi Saek (李穡, 1328-1396) envisioned the order and the way of the natural world by appreciating a painting of swallows and sparrows flying over and perching on the blossoming branches of an apricot tree.20 Although none of the works of hwajohwa from this era survives today, the delicate but dynamic feeling of natural movement can still be inferred from poems describing the paintings (題畵詩又, jehwasimun). Of the painting Ssangnodo (雙鷺圖: Two White Herons), Yi Gyubo wrote a poem: “Depicting shapes and forms as they are requires no great skill, but attaining the divine level is a most rare feat. And yet, the eyes [of the birds in the painting] palpitate as if they are alive.”21 Of a painting of Wild Geese, Lin Chun (李椿, late twelfth century) observed, “There are thirty-nine wild geese in the painting, among which eighteen are different from each other in shape: the geese, in various positions and motions, such as flying, coming in flocks, drinking, pecking, standing, lying prone, and spreading wings, are portrayed in delicate detail. The delicacy and the powerful, near-palpable motion in the painting have reached the highest level of artistry.”22 The various shapes and motions of these wild geese are reminiscent of the Baiyan tujuan (百雁圖卷: Scroll of One Hundred Wild Geese) by Ma Ben (馬賁, dates unknown), an artist of the Xuanhe Academy in the Xuanhe reign (1119-1125).23 Judging from such records, the works of hwajohwa during this period probably reached a high level of representation, not only aesthetically but also in the way in which the artists depicted the subject matters in a realistic manner by faithfully reproducing their gracefulness and dynamism. Among the Goryeo Buddhist paintings of the fourteenth century, glimpses of such artistic skills are offered in Gwan-gyeong simnyukgwan byeonsangdo (觀經十六觀變相圖: Sixteen Visualizations of the Contemplation Sutra) in Chion-in (知恩院), Saifuku-ji (西福寺), and in Rinsho-ji (隣松寺), and Suwolgwaneumdo (水月觀音圖: Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara) in Daitoku-ji (大德寺) (Plate 2). The latter depicts cranes, peacocks, and a blue bird pecking at a sprig of flowers elegantly illustrated in the techniques of gureukjeonchaepung (鉤勒塡彩風: ink outline and color fill) and molgolchaesaekpung (沒骨彩色風: boneless painting, i.e. without outlines in ink). The blossom at which the blue bird is pecking is a peony, as illustrated by Li Di (李迪, late twelfth century) and other artists in the court style of painting of the Southern Song dynasty. ( Plate 2 ) Anonymous, Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, detail Goryeo, 14th century Ink and colors on silk H: 227.9 cm, W: 125.8 cm Daitoku-ji, Kyoto III HWAJOWHA OF THE EARLY JOSEON PERIOD Due to the creative traditions and growing demands of the mid-Goryeo period onwards, by the early Joseon period (1392 to circa 1550), hwajohwa, like paintings of other genres, reached a higher level of artistic maturity than before. Realistic paintings in the style of gureukjeonchae and molgolchaesaek were officially promoted through the court painters of the Dohwaseo (圖畵署: Royal Bureau of Painting) in order to meet the increasing demands of the royal family. According to the section on the criteria for the selection of court painters (取才, chwijae) and the subject matters on which they were tested as recorded in the chapter Yejeon (禮典: Code of Rites) of the Gyeonggukdaejeon (經國大典: Complete Code of Law) completed in 1485, birds and animals, like humans, were classified as a third level subject. Therefore, the primary purpose of the selection process appears to have been to develop and to test the painter's mimetic abilities, as would have been required in portraiture. In order to improve the court painters' skills to 'observe and draw from life' (觀形摹畵, gwanhyeongmohwa) and to prevent any mistakes, King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469-1494) had various kinds of wild animals brought into the palace and had the court painters paint as realistically as possible all kinds of living organisms including grass, trees, birds, and animals.24 Such development of painting techniques (畵技, hwagi) was considered essential for copying and modifying the king's portraits (御容, eoyong) faithfully. It must also have been crucial for the production of paintings such as the following examples: Haecheongdo (海靑圖: painting of a falcon), made during the reign of King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418–1450), one of a series featuring various species of falcons drawn in a precise manner; an “extremely detailed” (極基精巧, geukgijeonggyo) parrot, drawn for the royal family during the reign of Yeonsangun (燕山君, r. 1494-1506); or New Year's paintings (歲畵, sehwa) such as the chu-eung baktodo (秋鷹搏兎圖: painting of a falcon hunting a rabbit in autumn), which were included in the paintings that the king presented to his relatives and senior ministers at the start of the new year.25 In the meantime, the sadaebu, who were the main patrons and admirers of art along with the royal family, saw bird and flower painting as a symbol of harmony with nature (江湖閒靜, ganghohanjeong) and transcendence from the secular world. They even considered the genre as a subject for allegory and satire as well as a medium for cultivating moral character.26 Seo Geojeong (徐居正, 1420-1488) realized a state of freedom in nature through paintings of ducks floating on the water and enjoyed imagining the ideal beauty of nature in the Jiangnan (江南) region in China from a painting of wild geese in a frosted field of reeds in autumn.27 This self-disciplined and moral-centered view that the nobility applied to bird and flower painting must have played an important role in the development of ink painting, a style that emphasized capturing the spirit of the object. On the basis of such acknowledgement and demands, during the early years of the Joseon period, hwajohwa included a variety of birds, such as ducks, egrets, cranes, falcons, wild geese, swallows, sea gulls, sparrows, magpies, doves, orioles, peacocks, and chickens in various combined settings with hwachojukmok (花草竹木: flowers, grass, bamboo, and trees). The early Joseon period produced many noteworthy literati painters of hwajohwa such as Ham Seoksung (咸石崇, early 15th century), Gim Jeong (金淨, 1486-1521, a former Minister of the Board of Punishment [刑曹判書] and one of the Joseon scholar-reformers who were purged in the gimyo sahwa in 1519), and Yi Am (利巖, 1499-?), who were all also cultivated men of letters. Moreover, An Gyeon (安堅, dates unknown), regarded as the best painter from the Dohwaseo of King Sejong's era, also produced masterpieces such as Noando (蘆雁圖: Geese and Flowers), Songhakdo (松鶴圖: Crane with Pine Tree), Hwaado (花鵝圖: Flowers and Geese) and Ando (Geese). The extant hwajohwa works of the early Joseon period include Jigoksonghakdo (芝谷松鶴圖: Cranes with Pine Trees in a Valley) by Yu Jami (柳自湄, late fifteenth century) in Gansong Museum of Art and paintings by Gim Jeong, Yi Am, An Gwisaeng (安貴生, late fifteenth century), Yi Jongjun (李宗準, ?–1499), Sin Jam (申潛, 1491-1554), and paintings attributed to Saimdang Sinssi (師任堂 申氏, 1504-1551, the mother of Yi Yi [李珥, 1536-1584], the greatest Confucian scholar of the mid-Joseon period). These works can be loosely divided into two painting styles: in ink and colors, or in inkwash alone. The former (chaemukpung) typically features different kinds of birds with delicate brush strokes in color and ink against a wide landscape (大景, daegyeong) with trees in the upper half of the painting and water or stones in the lower half. Inkwash painting (sumukpung), on the other hand, generally features detailed, close-at-hand landscapes (小景, sogyeong), where only one or two birds of the same kind are brushed in ink.28 Whereas chaemukpung developed on the traditions of Goryeo with mixtures of the realistic and decorative styles of the early Ming dynasty, sumukpung grew as a new style out of mukhui (墨戱: playing with ink), symbolizing the interests of the scholar-officials. Korean works that incorporate Chinese academic painting techniques29 include: Jigoksonghakdo by Yu Jami, four pieces of Hwajodo (花鳥圖) - purportedly by Sin Jam, Hwajodo by An Gwisaeng in the National Museum of Korea, and Hwajogujado (花鳥狗子圖: Flower and Bird with Puppies) by the court painter Yi Am in the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art. These paintings depict trees, stones, and earthen walls against a backdrop of natural features of the seasons, using the Zhe school (浙派) painting style, characterized by asymmetrical compositions and strong contrasts of black and white, and combining realistic and decorative elements in a harmonious mix of ink and colors – characteristic of the Ming style of bird and flower painting. In particular, such works are believed to have been influenced by the style of Lü Ji (呂紀, 1477-?), widely considered the master of academic court painting. Hwajodo, attributed to An Gwisaeng, is strongly evocative of the spring scene of Siji huaniao tu (四季花鳥圖: Flowers and Birds in Four Seasons) in the Tokyo National Museum by Lü Ji, although An's work has a softer and more lyrical mood. These styles are also reflected in the four pieces of Hwajodo by Sin Jam.30 It is in the Hwajogujado (Plate 3) by Yi Am, however, that they appear much more vividly. The flowering tree depicted in ink outline and color in the upper part of the painting and the innocent-looking bird in boneless technique in the lower part evoke a mood of innocence and a visual sense of beauty in a pure and unspoiled natural world. Yi Am, who excelled in depicting falcons and dogs, was regarded as the greatest painter of this genre. The chapter Chosenshokaden (朝鮮書畵傳: Notes on Joseon Calligraphy and Paintings) in the 50th volume of the Japanese work Kogabikou (古畵備考: Review of Old Paintings) defines Yi's paintings as “having the Joseon style of painting (有朝鮮畵風, yuchosengafu).” The sentimental and lyrical world of painting that Yi created laid the foundation for the development of hwajohwa of the Joseon dynasty. ( Plate 3 ) Yi Am, Flower and Bird with Puppies Joseon, 16th century Ink and colors on paper H: 86 cm, W: 44.9 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Hwajohwa paintings attributed to the representative style of sumuk with simple and light colors and the sogyeongsik frame or a close-range landscape format were produced by: Gim Jeong, Jo Gwangjo (趙光祖, 1482-1519, a leader who was also purged in gimyo sahwa), and Saimdang Sinssi. The small-size inkwash compositions typically come in two different kinds of representation: the first an extremely simple form whereby only one or two birds are featured, usually sitting on the extended end of jeolji (折枝: branch without the tree trunk) or on a flowering branch; the second a natural landscape, represented by rocks, cliffs, or waterside plants at the watersides and valleys. Both types were standardized during the Southern Song dynasty. In Korea, most of the former type portrayed small birds such as wagtails, great tits, snipes, and magpies on the end of a branch of plum or bamboo in ink in the sauiche (寫意體: style mimicking the essence or the mindset rather than the subject matter) through the application of dry brush strokes (粗筆, jopil) or free-hand brushwork (放筆, bangpil). In the latter presented as a vignette of a landscape, one finds a convergence of the byeon-gak (邊角: one-corner) composition from the Southern Song dynasty with the Zhe school style from the Ming dynasty. The Yeongmojeoljido (翎毛折枝圖: Bird on a Small Branch) (Plate 4) by Gim Jeong reflects the essence of sumukpung - simple composition and condensed use of brushstrokes. This style of painting developed as ink play by literary men and by Seon (Japanese: Zen) Buddhist painters. Seo Yugu (徐有榘, 1764-1845) observed that the Yijohwamyeongdo (二鳥和鳴圖: Two Birds Singing in Harmony on a Tree) from the Dongguo Huatie (東國畵帖: Painting Album of the Eastern State [i.e. Joseon]), which does not survive today, was “the oldest example of dongren momiao (東人墨妙: ink painting of the Easterners [i.e. Koreans])” that he had ever seen. It portrayed two birds on two different branches of a tree, one branch above the other. Seo remarked that despite the fact that the painting was so faded that it was hard to distinguish the technical artistry in the piece, he could still recognize the traces of ink play of a literary man.31 Such paintings created with ink play were considered as self-fulfilling and self-cultivating performances for the literati. Both Yeollodo (蓮鷺圖: Lotus Flower with White Heron) in the National Museum of Korea and Wonangdo (鴛鴦圖: A Couple of Mandarin Ducks) in a private collection, attributed to Saimdang Sinssi, illustrate birds and animals wading in water, suggesting sentiments of leisure found in a small vignette of nature.32 The uniformity of the ink brush strokes as well as the two dimensional expressions all contribute to evoking the lyrical feeling of the painting. These small-scale inkwash paintings focused more on creating an overall calm, feminine sentiment rather than recreating nature in detail. By the mid-Joseon period, this style, which focused on expressing the spiritual and serene scenery rather than merely representing the precise details of nature, strongly adopted the Zhe school ink brush modes into the style establishing the new main trend for bird-and-flower paintings. ( Plate 4 ) Gim Jeong, Bird on a Small Branch Joseon, early 16th century Ink on paper Private collection, Korea IV HWAJOHWA OF THE MID-JOSEON PERIOD Hwajohwa reached full bloom in the mid-Joseon period (circa 1550-1700), growing more vibrant than at any other time in the Joseon era. With the maturation of Joseon society, the scholar-officials came to view birds singing and flying freely in nature as the epitome of paradise and pure joy and the quintessence of the profound truth of cosmological movement. They actively promoted these paintings that combined flowers and birds with natural scenery as a medium for describing and expressing man's intimate relationship with nature.In fact, the mid-Joseon period produced the greatest number of leading literati painters of hwajohwa. Among the outstanding artists of the genre that have been documented are: Gim Si, (金禔, 1524-1593), also known as Dongbangsinpum (東方神品: Divine Creation of the East), the brothers Yi Gyeong-yun (李慶胤, 1545-1611) and Yi Yeong-yun (李英胤, 1561-1611), Yun Eom (尹儼, 1536-1581), Sin Serim (申世霖, 1521-1583), Yi Hangbok (李恒福, 1556-1618), Choe Jeon (崔澱, 1567-1588), Yi Jing (李澄, 1581-?), Jo Sok (趙涑, 1595-1668), Gim Sik (金埴, 1579-1662), Gim Jib (金集, 1574-1656), Yi Geon (李建, 1614-1662), Gim Hakgi (金學基, dates unknown), Yi Ham (李涵, 1633-?) Jo Jiun (趙之耘, 1637-1691), Yi Ryang (李湸, late seventeenth century), and Jeon Chunghyo (全忠孝, dates unknown). Most of these artists were either literati painters of the royal court or members of the scholar-gentry class. The typical two-tiered large-scale hwajohwa in color of the early Joseon dynasty continued to develop during the mid-Joseon period under the aegis of artists such as Yun Eom and Yi Yeong-yun. However, the most representative hwajohwa of the mid-Joseon era were small inkwash paintings of animals and birds.33 This technique of accentuating the bird as the essence of the painting against a backdrop of one or two loose branches (疎技, soji) or pyeon-gyeong (片景: a small, close-up, cut-off scene) is the most distinctive feature of mid-Joseon hwajohwa. Paintings of birds and animals on small branches, developed by painters like Gim Jeong in the early Joseon period, were well-loved not only because such works could convey the painter's mind with only a few brushstrokes but also because they resembled the flying, singing, sleeping, and feeding birds found in the Ming painting manuals such as Gao Song Lingmaopu (高松翎毛譜: Painting Manual of Birds and Animals by Gao Song).34 These traditions continued in the painting titled Jukgeumdo (竹禽圖: Wild Birds with Bamboo) by Sin Serim, Maejomunhyangdo (梅鳥聞香圖: Bird on a Plum tree Surrounded by Fragrance) in the Gansong Museum of Art by Gim Sik, Han-gadokjodo (寒柯獨鳥圖: Lonely Bird on a Branch in Winter) in Nakpayeonjucheop (駱坡聯珠帖: Painting Album by Nakpa Yi Gyeong-yun) in the National Museum of Korea by Yi Gyeong-yun, and Yusangchun-gudo (柳上春鳩圖: Pigeon on a Willow) in the National Museum of Korea by Yi Yeong-yun. Gim Sik's Bird on a Plum Tree Surrounded by Fragrance painted in the midst of his flight to Hongyang (洪陽) during the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 is, in terms of the overall structure and the posture of the bird, very similar to the paintings of birds and flowers by Wang Yuan (王淵, dates unknown), who was a pupil of Zhao Mengfu (趙孟頫, 1254-1322) of the Yuan dynasty, and whose work was included in the collection Gushihuapu (顧氏畵譜: Painting Manual by Gu Bing [顧炳], late sixteenth-early seventeenth century) of 1603. The Yusangchun-gudo by Yi Yeong-yun is akin to the ink painting of Geese by the celebrated Ming painter Lin Liang (林良, circa 1416-1480), in the British Museum. However, the former achieved a contrast between the ink painting method (墨法, mukbeop) applied to the leaves and the drawing technique with plain outlines (白描風, baengmyopung), along with the foggy landscape created by a darker background(外暈法, woe-unbeop) – that is, by using thin ink lightly around the bird, conveying an embossed-like effect – demonstrating new stylistic characteristics. Paintings of birds and animals on small branches reached an artistic peak and highest popularity with the works of Jo Sok. Widely respected for being a virtuous nobleman of the utmost integrity, he was esteemed also for being a virtuoso of hwajohwa.35 Many of Jo Sok's extant paintings are identified only by attribution because the artist barely left his signature or seal. Nevertheless, these paintings disclose Jo Sok's particular fondness for depicting small mountain birds perched or dozing off, sitting by themselves on the tip of a bare branch of a plum, bamboo, or Chinese hawthorn. He also liked to paint aquatic birds such as wild geese and cranes within a succinct background, often left almost blank. Jo Sok's style of painting, particularly his depictions of birds and triangular leaves presented in a mosaic style, as exemplified in works such as Nosuseojakdo (老樹棲鵲圖: Magpie Resting on an Old Tree) in the National Museum of Korea, also shows resemblance to the works by Lin Liang, much-admired by the gentry of Ming China.36 Jo's works are marked by a restrained elegance indicative of pure integrity. In particular, Gomaeseojakdo (古梅瑞鵲圖: Old Plum and Auspicious Magpie) (Plate 5), which accentuates, through flying-white outlines (飛白體, bibaekche), the solitude of the magpie perched atop the bare branch of a plum, is a masterpiece that best reflects these techniques. The powerful use of dry brushstrokes in the magpie's strong, straight, and steady posture makes it appear as if the bird is waiting steadfastly for spring as it gazes into the distance. In harmony with the restrained mungmaepung (墨梅風: plum blossom drawn in ink) distinctive of the mid-Joseon period, this, in turn, is strongly evocative of the ethos of the artist's pure sentiment of longing for spring to overcome the national suffering following the Chinese invasion of 1636. ( Plate 5 ) Jo Sok, Old Plum and Auspicious Magpie Joseon, early17th century Ink on paper H: 100.4 cm, W: 55.5 cm Gansong Museum of Art Along with the lofty sentiments and elegance created in his works, Jo Sok also painted mukgeum (墨禽: birds in ink monochrome), utilizing both the rough and simple jopil and bangpil strokes in saui style – techniques that are exemplified in Woryasugeumdo (月夜水禽圖: Waterbirds in the Moonlit Night) in the National Museum of Korea and Chunjijomongdo (春池鳥夢圖: Sleeping Bird by a Lake in Spring) in the Gansong Museum of Art. These paintings depict a solitary, small, sleeping bird with its head on its breast, perched on a plum or a bamboo tree, or under a dry, leafless, bare, protruding branch of a Chinese hawthorn tree, thereby evoking a sentiment of bearing through a challenging wintry season. This minimalistic trend in ink paintings of sleeping birds was continued in later works including Sukjodo (宿鳥圖: Sleeping Bird) (Plate 6) and Maesangsukjodo (梅上宿鳥圖: Sleeping Bird on a Plum), attributed to Jo Sok's son Jo Jiun, and Seorwoljomongdo (雪月鳥夢圖: Sleeping Bird in Snowy Night) in the Gansong Museum of Art by Yi Geon, dated 1661. Jo Jiun's painting style is barely distinguishable from that of his father, except that his depictions of bare branches are coarser and further simplified, creating a more liberated feel. In view of the fact that most of the works attributed to Jo Sok and Jo Jiun comprise the sleeping bird in light ink style or a solitary bird perching on a branch or branches, one may say that a new style of hwajohwa was established by these father and son painters. ( Plate 6 ) Jo Jiun, Sleeping Bird Joseon, late 17th century Ink on paper H: 78 cm, W: 50 cm Private collection Among sojiyeongmoryu hwajohwa – rather sketchy and abstract birds-and-flower paintings on small branches – there also exist paintings depicted in a more refined and graceful style. Yijohwamyeongdo (二鳥和鳴圖: Two Birds Singing in Harmony on a Tree) in the Gansong Museum of Art by Gim Sik and Sanchobaekdudo (山椒白頭圖: Bird with White Feathered Head on a Prickly Ash) and Danpungsojodo (丹楓小鳥圖: Small Bird on a Red Maple Tree) from the Yeongmocheop (翎毛帖: Painting Album of Birds and Animals) in the National Museum of Korea by Yi Ham are the representative examples. These works display distinct organizational elements in the way that the titmouse and a small bird of the wagtail family are 'paired together' or 'singing in harmony' with a bare branch between them. Moreover, in the lucid and deliberate brushstrokes that even detail the veins of the leaves, the painting creates a lyrical atmosphere which reflects the sculptural techniques of the academic style of the Southern Song dynasty and the Zhe school style of the Ming dynasty. In other words, they reflect a compromise between the structure of sojiyeongmo (small scenes of birds and animals on branches) and the expressive style of pyeon-gyeong yeongmo (cut-off landscapes with birds and animals), the next topic to be discussed. Within the style of sogyeong yeongmohwa, the main current of hwajohwa during the mid-Joseon period, pyeon-gyeong, or otherwise known as pyeongakgyeong (偏角景: a small, close-up, cut-off vignette of scenery) yeongmoryu (animal paintings), developed in tandem with and enjoyed the most popularity as sojiyeongmoryu. Small scenes with animals, combining the structural dimensions and the ink techniques of the Zhe school, are prominently displayed in the works attributed to Saimdang Sinssi. The style was further refined in the mid-Joseon era as represented in works such as Sugeumdo (水禽圖: Waterbirds) in a private collection by Yi Seunghyo (李崇孝, late sixteenth century) and Hajeongsugeumdo (夏汀水禽圖: Waterbirds on the Waterside in Summer) in the National Museum of Korea by Yi Gyeong-yun, along with other works by Gim Sik and Yi Jing. Gim Sik excelled at lifelike painting, known as saengchojitae (生肖之態: drawing so true to life that it seems alive) and his brush technique was hailed as ethereal. Gim was celebrated especially for the delicacy of his brushstrokes, with many expressing admiring disbelief that a 70-year-old man could be capable of brushstrokes that were “finer than the finest hair.”37 Others, however, rated Gim Sik's technique one level below that of Jo Sok, and in a book of the later period, Yeollyeosilgisul (燃藜室記述: Narratives by Yeollyeosil), it was asserted that Gim's brushstrokes were not delicate at all. The small scenes with animals attributed to Gim Sik currently housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Hongik University Museum would seem to confirm the latter assessment, as they exhibit the molgol or boneless technique, for example in his Umado (牛馬圖: Oxen and Horses). Likewise, as can be seen in Seokjukbiyeondo (石竹飛燕圖: Flying Swallow with Rocks and Bamboo), the vignette consisting of swallows, sweet williams, rocks, and waterfalls is painted in a method that eliminates borderlines and expresses a fine, sleek, deep, two-dimensional, balanced feeling. All this is presented within a structural frame that creates an overall pleasing atmosphere. These techniques and lyrical moods were further refined by Yi Jing and developed into a prototype.38 The illegitimate son of Yi Gyeong-yun, Yi Jing won King Injong's favor and painted under the king's auspices. Yi's style and techniques were reminiscent of those apparent in Qiuzhu shuiqin tu (秋渚水禽圖: Waterbirds on a River Bank in Autumn) in the National Museum of Taipei by the Ming master Lü Ji. This is particularly reflected in his work Noando (Geese and Reeds) now in a private collection. However, Yi's true distinctiveness in the genre of hwajohwa is better displayed in his small works in hwacheop (畵帖: painting albums and manuals). Among the works attributed to Yi, Sansu hwacheop (山水畵帖: Painting Album of Mountains and Waters) in the Gansong Museum of Art is his most representative. The work contains an introduction by Sin Ikseong (申翊聖, 1588-1644), who was King Seonjo's (宣祖, r. 1552-1608) son-in-law and a prominent collector and appraiser of paintings. Yodang wonangdo (蓼塘鴛鴦圖: A Couple of Mandarin Ducks on a Pond with Weeds) (Plate 7) is a painting included in this album. The painting is of an affectionate pair of ducks playing in water flowing around rocks that are covered with lichen. The contrast of the black and the white, the rocks on top of each other, their pointed shapes, and the brush technique of bubyeokjun (斧劈皴: axe-cut brushstrokes) are reminiscent of the art style of Chen Zihe (陳子和, dates unknown), a painter from Fujian Province (福建) of the Ming dynasty. However, in the application of the rhythmic method of the boneless style, seen in the detailed description of the duck feathers, and in the detailed depiction of the flower plants and water plants by the use of dots (點描風, jeommyopung), the distinctive artistic ethos and character of this period can be observed. In particular, the landscape consisting of a vignette of nature and a couple of birds, depicted by the distinct technique of sumuk or ink painting, gently evoking a harmony of the innocence and earthiness of the natural world, represents quintessential Korean aesthetics and sentiments founded in folk art.39 ( Plate 7 ) Yi Jing, A Couple of Mandarin Ducks on a Pond with Waterweeds Joseon, 17th century Ink and colors on silk H: 21 cm, W: 31 cm Gansong Museum of Art As seen above, hwajohwa of the mid-Joseon period brought forth numerous prominent painters, reaching its heyday through small inkwash paintings of birds and animals. By illustrating the subject of a lone mountain bird on a bare, broken branch, such paintings were able to evoke the restrained beauty of nature and the painter's lofty spirit through coarse and simple brushstrokes. This style was standardized and refined by Jo Sok. Close-view landscapes with birds and animals, characterized (through a variation on the conventions of Zhe school techniques) by endearing images of pairs of waterbirds in a stream or a river close to rocks and wild flowers, sought to recreate the calm and lyrical mood of nature. Yi Jing standardized and refined this kind of painting, which took place when Neo-Confucian ideology permeated more deeply into the society. Such painting styles and the social ideology are similar in their concept for they both highlight harmony with nature. On the other hand, while the restrained elegance of the former exercised a particular appeal to the literary society of the scholar-officials, the latter, with its decorative features, was greatly favored by the royal family and wealthy elites. V HWAJOHWA OF THE LATE JOSEON DYNASTY Hwajohwa of the late Joseon dynasty (circa 1700-1800) changed in more diverse ways as a result of the growth of a culture that valued paintings, new creative dispositions among painters, and the rise of a new trend of namjonghwa (南宗畵: Southern school or literati painters). In particular, through the works of masters such as Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676-1759), Jo Yeongseok (趙榮柘, 1686-1761), Sim Sajeong (沈師正, 1707-1769), and Gim Hongdo (金弘道, 1745-1806), a new creative and individualistic world of art sprang forth. Use of the light-ink method widely practiced in the mid-Joseon period diminished whereas chaemuk, using both color and ink, and detailed works with strong colors, increased. This change toward an elaborate and vivid aesthetic stemmed mainly from the inherent dynamism of the natural organisms in hwajohwa, but also from the increase in demand for invocative and decorative objects as a result of a more lavish lifestyle. Moreover, the importation of painting albums consisting of multi-colored woodblock prints made during early Qing times, such as Shizhuzhai huapu (十竹齋畵譜: Ten Bamboo Studios Manual of Painting) and Jieziyuan huazhuan (芥子園畵傳: Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting), must have played an important role in the development of Joseon hwajohwa. In the context of the new trends in late-Joseon hwajohwa, one prominent painter to emerge is the master of true-view landscape (實景, silgyeong) painting, Jeong Seon. Jeong did not paint many hwajohwa, but espoused an aesthetic that strove to capture the essence of nature. He left works such as Deungnyong unggyedo (燈籠雄鷄圖: A Rooster under a Tree with a Chinese maxim) (Plate 8) and Gyegwanmanchudo (鷄冠晩雛圖: Chickens with Cockscomb Plant), both of which breathe realism and vitality. The composition of his works followed the principles of byeon-gak pyeon-gyeong; however, the realistic depictions of roosters and hens leisurely playing around the barn with plants such as cockscomb and ground cherry in the background demonstrate a new realistic style of painting. In particular, the aggressive stance of the rooster, depicted in vibrant colors and vigorous brushwork, rises beyond simple description and is noteworthy in its realistic portrayal of the rooster's natural behavior. ( Plate 8 ) Jeong Seon, A Rooster under a Tree Joseon, early 18th century Ink and colors on silk H: 30.5 cm, W: 20.8 cm Gansong Museum of Art This new trend developed from a process of “self-taught (自得的, jadeukjeok)” creativity, obtained through keen observation that emphasized the structural characteristics and essential character of the object under study. Its development was led by a scholar- painter named Jo Yeongseok, who stressed jeungmulsajin (卽物寫眞: painting drawn as the object appears) or realistic painting. Jo Yeongseok, who was a childhood friend and a longtime neighbor of Jeong Seon in the northern part of Seoul, drew a rough sketch with willow charcoal' (柳炭略寫, yutanyaksa) of domestic birds (家禽, gageum) like chicks and quails and wild birds (野禽, yageum).40 Ssangjakdo (雙鵲圖: A Brace of Magpies) (Plate 9), which he created at forty, was based on the strength of rough sketches, in a departure from the mid-Joseon mimetic tradition typically placing a plum at the center. The painting brings to life two magpies sitting on a thick branch of an old pine tree. This work that recreates with precision and vigor the existential being of the magpies in a delicate mix of black ink and white chalk (胡粉, hobun) is the epitome of an art style newly developed through physiological sketches of nature, and reflects the essence of a theory that emphasizes the significance of delivering inner spirit rather than the outward appearance of objects (傳神, jeonsin).41 ( Plate 9 ) Jo Yeongseok, A Brace of Magpies Joseon, 1726 Ink and colors on silk H: 25 cm, W: 21 cm Private collection, Korea Chaemukpung hwajohwa was refined further as a delicate art form by Byeon Sangbyeok (卞相璧, 1730-?), the painter who was famed as “National Artist” (國手, guksu) for his excellence in portraiture. He drew cats so exceptionally well that he also gained the nickname of “Byeonmyo” (卞猫, Byeon: Byeon the Cat); he also excelled at rooster paintings, for which he gained a third nickname, “Byeongye” (卞鷄, Byeon the Rooster). Jawungjangchudo (雌雄將雛圖: A Hen and Rooster with their Chicks) (Plate 10) is remarkable in its composition observed from nature, the distinct posture of an aggressive rooster, and the high level of realism that comes from near-palpable, precise, and meticulous techniques. Gang Sehwang (姜世晃, 1713-1791), a scholar-painter and art critic of great repute, left the following encomium on the right side of this painting: “skills that far surpass those of the painters of the past, marvelous and wondrous in both precision and delicacy.” It was also said that the rooster in Byeon Sangbyeok's work could be mistaken for a real rooster because of the degree of realism achieved.42 ( Plate 10 ) Byeon Sangbyeok, Cock and Hen with Their Chicks Joseon, late 18th century Ink and colors on paper H: 30 cm, W: 46 cm Gansong Museum of Art In contrast with the realistic mimicry of color and ink hwajohwa, sumuk damchaepung (水墨淡彩風: ink painting with pale color), which was based on the painting aesthetics of the Southern School, was duly recognized as a legitimate art style of noble painters by Sim Sajeong after mastering the styles of masters in the Ming and Qing dynasties through the copying of Chinese painting albums. Sim Sajeong, who contributed greatly to the establishment of Southern school landscape paintings in Joseon society, was renowned as a painter of flowers and birds and insects. Replicating the art style of Jiang Tingxi (蔣廷錫, 1669-1732) of the Qing dynasty, who acquired his meticulous techniques from studying Song painters, Sim Sajeong used colorful and delicate gongpilchaesaekpung in his works, as is evident in Yeonjiyuapdo (蓮池遊鴨圖: Ducks on a Lotus Pond) in the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art. Sim also cultivated his own distinct style through his liberal yet strong brushwork and skillful blending of color. Sim Sajeong enjoyed painting hawks, pheasants, woodpeckers, and Indian kingfishers. He partially continued the tradition of the simple brushwork of Jo Sok, as reflected in his Sugeummunhyangdo (水禽聞香圖: Waterfowl Surrounded by Fragrance) (Plate 11). Sim incorporated in his work the strong brush and ink of Lin Liang of the Ming dynasty; the broad brushstrokes of the Wu school (吳派) of the Ming dynasty like Shen Zhou (沈周, 1427-1509) and Chen Shun (陳淳, 1483-1544); and rough brushstrokes comparable to the style of Zhou Zhimian (周之冕, sixteenth century), the pioneer of the bird and flower painting of Changzhou (常州) in the late-Ming. His work reflected the literati painters' comprehensive style of damchae (淡彩: light coloring).43 ( Plate 11 ) Sim Sajeong, Waterbirds and Fragrant Flowers Joseon, early18th century Ink and colors on paper H: 27.2 cm, W: 21.2 cm Gansong Museum of Art Sim Sajeong's style developed under the influence of namjong (Southern School) literary painters and painting manuals. His style was soon admired by yeohang (閭巷: the lower social class that appeared at the end of Joseon dynasty following the fall of the higher sadaebu class) literary painters such as Choe Buk (崔北, 1712-1786) and Gim Hongdo. Gim Hongdo, who was regarded as the finest painter in the circle of artists of King Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1776-1800), excelled in all aspects of paintings. Gim left great accomplishments in color and ink paintings of flowers and birds, devising and employing his own creative perspective method known as the Danwon technique, named after his pen name, “Danwon (檀園: birch tree garden).” Gim left many paintings featuring mallards, egrets, magpies, pheasants, hawks, and cranes. He utilized the traditional grand-view and close-view landscape compositions in his own distinctive ways, but he also achieved a higher creativeness in his animal paintings by breaking away from the typical formal layouts by incorporating realistic scenes of remote mountains, deep valleys, rural fields and gardens into his works.44 Gim's greatest works such as Churimssangchudo (秋林雙雉圖: A Brace of Pheasants in an Autumn Grove), Gyeryuyuapdo (溪流遊鴨圖: Ducks on a Stream), and Chunjakbohuido (春鵲報喜圖: Magpies Making Joyful Sounds in Spring) (Plate 12) are all included in Byeongjinnyeon-hwacheop (丙辰年畵帖: Painting Album of byeongjin Year), compiled by Gim Hongdo at the age of 42. His technique, characterized by virtuosic brushstrokes, clear and lucid colors, and exquisite structures balanced by blank spaces, has produced scenic landscapes unsurpassed in beauty and overflowing with lyricism. Gim's paintings typically portray a quiet scene from nature such as birds playing peacefully or an earthy moment of everyday life, which burst forth joy and poetic lyricism through his unique brushworks. Such are essentially the products of Gim's exceptional talents, but also of the significant artistic development in the late Joseon period nurtured by the true-view landscapes of Jeong Seon and the Southern School style of Sim Sajeong. ( Plate 12 ) Gim Hongdo, Magpies Making Joyful Sounds in Spring in Byeongjinnyeon-hwacheop Joseon, 1796 Ink and colors on paper H: 26.7 cm, W: 31.6 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Gim Hongdo's hwajohwa style had a great influence on his son, Gim Yanggi (金良驥, dates unknown) as well as the court painters of late Joseon, including Gim Deuksin (金得臣, 1604-1616), Sin Yunbok (申潤福, 1758-?), Yi Sumin (李壽民, 1651-1724), Jang Hanjong (張漢宗, 1768-1815), Jo Jeonggyu (趙廷奎, 1791-?), Yi Hancheol (李漢喆, 1808-?), and Yu Suk (劉淑, 1827-1873). Much influenced by Gim's new style and the widely-available painting manuals, these painters were able to manifest their uniqueness in both composition and brushworks, and to leave their own marks on Joseon painting. In the late Joseon period, colorful hwajohwa featuring birds, flowering trees, and rocks depicted in cheongnokpung (靑錄風: blue-green style) came to be everyday decorative and celebratory artifacts that were not only enjoyed at the royal court and in the chambers of the wealthy, but also in the homes of jung-in (中人: middle class) as well as wealthy merchants (who were considered to be below jung-in in the social hierarchy). The growth of hwajohwa during this period was due in large measure to the economic stimulus and the consequent spread among the wealthy of a taste for an extravagant lifestyle. On one hand, paintings intended for celebration or invocation, or for wishing longevity continued to be produced, including New Year's paintings such as Ugilhochwido (旭日豪鷲圖: Heroic Condor at Dawn) in the National Museum of Korea by Jeong Hong-rae (鄭弘來, 1720-?) and Songhakdo. On the other hand, the bulk of hwajohwa produced during this time was intended for decoration – to transform one's house into a beautiful and fantastic paradise. It became a popular practice to give baekjado (百子圖: paintings of one hundred children at play) and hwajohwa screens to daughters on the eve of their wedding with which to decorate their bridal chamber.45 Among the decorative chaesaek (彩色) hwajohwa painted on screens that represent good fortune, delicate workmanship, and dazzling colors, haehakbandoryu (海鶴蟠桃類: paintings featuring cranes and peach trees as symbols of immortality and longevity), which was used in the palace, stands out as the epitome of decorative beauty and structural grandeur.46 Hwajodo in the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art painted by Sin Hanpyeong (申漢秤, 1726-?) at the age of 62, Hwarimchaegeumdo (花林彩禽圖: Colorful Birds with Flowers) Gansong Museum of Art by Yi Uiyang (李義養, 1768-?), and a hwajodo screen (Plate 13) by an anonymous artist are decorative chaksaek hwajohwa with an elaborate cheongnokpung (bluish-green hue), that exhibit detail and elegance, along with beautifully decorated birds highlighted by a lucid color contrast of green and red expressed with fine brush strokes. These chaesaek hwajohwa came to be greatly modified as decorative art through the late-Joseon period due to the growth of the market. The majority of these works were produced as folk paintings and a substantial amount of these paintings are extant in large and small screen painting formats. ( Plate 13 ) Anonymous, Flower and Bird Joseon, 18th century Ink on paper H: 132.8 cm, W: 48 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art VI HWAJOHWA OF THE END OF THE JOSEON DYNASTY Toward the end of the Joseon period (circa 1800-1910), a culture of producing art for appreciation (as opposed to invocative or didactic purpose) emerged under the leadership of Gim Jeonghui (金正喜, 1786-1856), the leading artist of appreciative paintings and a school of yeohang literary artists. Masterpieces of the 'Four Gentlemen' (梅蘭菊竹: plum, orchid, chrysanthemum, and bamboo), which aimed at ink-concentrated calligraphic excellence as well as floricultural and landscape paintings became prevalent.47 The hwajohwa of this period not only continued to follow Gim Hongdo's tradition but also new approaches exhibiting a propensity for one's subjective expressions through the use of utmost succinct ink brushworks. This new expressive approach, mainly used in floral and landscape paintings, brought about an exotic feel. In the field of hwajohwa, the new trend fused with the traditional sauiche sumuk of the mid-Joseon period, as exemplified in Yeongmobyeongpung (翎毛屛風: Folding Screen of Birds and Animals, National Museum of Korea) by Hong Seseop (洪世燮, 1832-1884). The panels of this screen, now mounted as eight hanging scrolls, drew attention for their unique composition and the sensitive use of light and rich inks, reminiscent of Western watercolor painting.48 This style of painting also shows some connections between Bada Shanren (八大山人, 1626-1705, one of the individualist painters of the Qing dynasty) and ink brushworks by Gao Qipei (高其佩, 1672-1734) and Gao Fenghan (高鳳翰, 1683–1748) among the group of Yangzhou (揚洲) artists. At the same time, with the exception of the ink smearing effect as shown in Biando (飛雁圖: Flying Geese) (Plate 14), the peculiar scenic structure in yaapdo (野鴨圖: paintings of wild ducks) and the bold use of the bird's-eye view in yuapdo (遊鴨圖: paintings of ducks swimming), the style of hwajodo of the end of the Joseon period was in line with the past traditions. For example, the shape and posture of birds such as magpies and sleeping birds in the five pieces of these hwajohwa hanging scrolls including maejodo (梅鳥圖: paintings of birds and plum blossom), the command of woe-unbeop – a technique that gives a three-dimensional effect and the expression of decorative water plants in specks of dark and light ink, all reflect techniques in the tradition of Jo Sok. ( Plate 14 ) Hong Seseop, Flying Geese Joseon, late 19th century Ink on ramie fabric H: 119.6 cm, W: 47.9 cm National Museum of Korea In the last years of the Joseon dynasty, during the period of Korea's opening and enlightenment period, hwajohwa was transformed into the new liberal, but understated inkwash and light color (sumuk damchae) style, chiefly under the influence of Jang Seungeop (張承業, 1843-1897). Jang, whose art studio was located in central Seoul, became very popular among wealthy patrons for his own individual style based on the prevalent styles of paintings by Shanghai artists that flowed into Joseon.49 Jang developed the style of gimyeongjeoljido (器皿折枝圖: flower-and vessel painting) by incorporating the hwahwebakgodo (花卉博古圖: still-life paintings with flowers and antiquities) using three-dimensional shading effects and light ink coloring that in effect evoked a modern stylistic impression. He popularized the image of falcons as a symbol of a bird of prey, perched on one leg on a branch of a tree in a robust manner, as well as a new form of noando, portraying large-headed wild geese descending toward a field of reeds. Ssangchido (雙雉圖: A Brace of Pheasants) (Plate 15) shows Jang's vigorous style of employing ink in boneless technique and the smearing effect or the dynamic use of light coloring. Jang's art traditions were carried forward by Jo Seokjin (趙錫晉, 1853-1920) and An Jungsik (安中植, 1861-1919) as the main current of the Korean art scene until the 1920s, when a new style of modern Japanese art came into the picture. ( Plate 15 ) Jang Seung-eop, A pair of Pheasants Joseon, late 19th century Ink and colors on paper H: 135.5 cm, W: 55.3 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art

Goryeo was founded in 918 when Wang Geon (王建, 877-943), as one of the hojok (豪族: powerful local gentry) of Gaeseong (開城), was enthroned in the wake of the fall of Gung-ye (弓裔, r. 901-918), the first King of Taebong (泰封, 901-918). Upon seizing power, Wang Geon assumed the title of Taejo (太祖: r. 918-943: Sacred Ancestor or Founding King) and tried to consolidate power and to establish his state by various measures including the relocation of the capital to his hometown, Gaeseong, in the following year. Meanwhile, Silla (新羅, 57 BC-935), albeit weakened, still persisted as a regional power in the southeastern part of the Korean peninsula; and Hubaekje (後百濟, 892-936), occupying the territory of the defunct Baekje (百濟, 18 BC-660) of the southwest, was growing stronger and looking for an opportune time to expand northward. Taejo was able to overcome this period of instability and eventually unified the peninsula in 936 by his victory over Hubaekje. The collapse of Silla had taken place the previous year in 935 with the surrender of Gyeongsunwang (敬順王, r. 927-935) and his men. Thus, eighteen years after its foundation, Goryeo became the sole power reigning over the Korean peninsula. Despite having laid the foundations of the state, Taejo was saddled with challenges during the early years of Goryeo. Internally, there were constant conflicts and rebellions on the issue of succession to the throne. To the north, the nomadic tribe of Georan (契丹: Khitans or Qidan) was expanding its power and from time to time launching invasions into Goryeo. It was only in 1076, during the reign of its eleventh monarch, King Munjong (文宗, r. 1046-1083), that Goryeo was finally able to overcome such internal and external challenges and establish a strong, centralized monarchy supported by a bureaucracy. The next seventy years until the end of the reign of the seventeenth ruler – King Injong (仁宗, r. 1122-1146) – marked the heyday of the Goryeo dynasty, as reflected in an extended period of political and social stability and cultural florescence. Goryeo's considerable cultural development was in part due to the state's recognition of the munban (文班: civil officials). The high society's extravagant lifestyles displaying power and wealth produced a culture of aristocratic taste among the nobility; and the subsequent need to satisfy the demands of that society resulted in the further development of a multi-faceted culture and the production of high quality works of arts and crafts. To meet the aristocrats' insatiable demands, governmental workshops were set up inside the capital, staffed by skilled craftsmen who produced wares for exclusive government consumption. As in the case of cheongja (靑瓷: celadon stoneware), the most representative Goryeo craftwork influenced by the ceramics of the Song dynasty, Goryeo craftsmen themselves strived to acquire the latest techniques from more advanced countries. At Yeseong-hang (禮成港), Gaeseong's port of entry, trading ships from Song China, Japan, and even as far as Arabia dropped anchor, bringing rare and precious goods from all over the world. These imported luxury goods were destined for Gaeseong, the center of the ruling class, enriching the monarchy and the nobility. In turn, skilled craftsmen were able to make creative and refined goods based on the precious raw materials that had been imported. These various types of elaborate luxury items were not solely intended for the royal family and the aristocracy but were also used in foreign diplomacy as gifts and for general export, helping the economy of Goryeo to grow. Goryeo produced numerous refined works of art and displayed excellent craftsmanship during its golden age, from the second half of the eleventh century to the first half of the twelfth century. The standards were set by the quintessential Goryeo Buddhist paintings, by metalwork decorated with delicate inlaid silver lines on a black/brown metal surface and by the clear beauty of the indefinable bisaek (翡色: jade-green color), winning universal admiration and attesting to the high level of artistic taste and the innately Korean aesthetic that the Goryeo people espoused. The exquisite najeonchilgi (螺鈿漆器: lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl) also represents the epitome of Goryeo craftsmanship. Only a few pieces are still extant today, but in the mysterious radiance that jagae (자개: fragments of mother-of-pearl) emit, one can almost see the effort and the passion of the craftsmen of Goryeo to achieve refinement and beauty. II THE ORIGIN OF GORYEO NAJEONCHILGI During this golden age of Goryeo, in 1123, the first year of King Injong's reign, corresponding to the fifth year of the Xuanhe era, Xu Jing (徐兢), a member of the embassy sent by Emperor Huizong (徽宗, r. 1101-1126) of the Northern Song dynasty, visited Goryeo. Xu Jing stayed in the capital Gaeseong for a month, closely observing the affairs of Goryeo at height of its prosperity. Upon his return, Xu submitted to the emperor a detailed report on all that he had observed while in Goryeo. The report is called Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經: An Illustrated Account of an Embassy to Goryeo in the Xuanhe Era). Unfortunately the illustrated portion of the work was lost in the first year of the Jingkang (1126) era, during the war with the Jin that led to the fall of the Northern Song dynasty. However, copies of the manuscript describe the establishment of Goryeo, its royal palace, personalities, religion, geography, etc. in forty juan (comprising some 300 paragraphs), providing details of Goryeo from the perspective of the Chinese of the Song dynasty. The book refers to objects made with mother-of-pearl as follows: “the saddles and saddle cloths of the cavalry are extremely exquisite; the saddles are decorated with mother-of-pearl (騎兵所乘鞍韀極精巧螺鈿爲鞍)”2 “the lacquering itself is not all that well done, but items made of mother-of-pearl are extremely refined and to be treasured (用漆作不甚工 而螺鈿之子 細密可貴)”3 Although these references consist of only two sentences, Xu Jing's choice of words such as “extremely exquisite (極精巧)” and “extremely refined and to be treasured (細蜜可貴)” confirms today's understanding of Goryeo chilgi, and shows that Xu Jing had a favorable opinion about contemporary Goryeo wares inlaid in mother-of-pearl. In the Yuanyou reign (元祐, 1086-1093) of the Northern Song dynasty, Fang Shao (方勺) wrote in the Shiwuyuanhui (事物原會: Treatise on Things) chapter of his book, Bozhaibian (泊宅扁), describing works inlaid in mother-of-pearl as a craft of Japanese origin: “Najeonchilgi originated in Japan and they appear ever-changing and show excellent craftsmanship (螺鈿漆器本出倭國物像百態頗極工巧).” The passage reveals the general misunderstanding at that time which considered Japan to be the origin of mother-of-pearl craftsmanship, since Chinese mother-of-pearl craftsmanship had by then declined so much relative to that of Japan, that the splendor and exquisite skill of the golden age of the Tang dynasty had been forgotten. Therefore, Xu Jing's impression of Goryeo najeonchilgi when he saw it for the first time with his own eyes must have been considerable. From Xu Jing's description, Goryeo najeon craftsmanship had certainly reached a high level by the early twelfth century; but the kind of craftsmanship that comes to be described as “extremely refined, to be treasured” is not achieved overnight. Traditions accumulate over a long period: a cultural environment that is conducive to their development, and especially, highly skilled craftsmen are necessary to achieve such a level of craftsmanship. As two centuries had passed since the founding of the Goryeo dynasty, some essential conditions could have been met by this time. As mentioned above, however, the first century of the Goryeo dynasty was marked by political and social instability and the new dynasty would have required a long period of gestation for all the conditions to be in place for the attainment of such a high level of craftsmanship. Most likely, the seeds of the craftsmanship that flowered in the early twelfth century had actually been sown during the Unified Silla period (668-935). They were, in all likelihood, well nurtured even during the chaotic last period of Silla and the beginning of Goryeo, and were later to blossom in the aristocratic culture of Goryeo in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Moreover, considering the fact that it was during the golden age of the Tang dynasty (618-907) that mother-of-pearl craftsmanship first flourished, China's very close relationship with Unified Silla should also be taken into consideration. Unfortunately, no material evidence that can be confirmed to be of the Unified Silla has ever been found; the closest is just one bronze mirror inlaid with mother-of-pearl dated to the Tang period. Nevertheless, we can inquire about the general situation of the period surrounding overall lacquerware production. As it is clearly written in the Samguksagi (三國史記: History of the Three Kingdoms), Unified Silla had an office of lacquerware production named Chiljeon (漆典) as recorded thus: “In the reign of Gyeongdeogwang, Chiljeon became Sikgibang before being restored to Chiljeon (漆典景德王改爲飾器房後復故).” (Vol. 39, Miscellaneous Records [雜誌] 8, Palace Service [職宮中]). For a long time, however, no chilgi or lacquer ware that could be of this period had ever been found, leaving a big void in the history of Korean lacquer crafts. This void has been recently filled with the artifacts excavated from Anapji (雁鴨池: Anap pond), the igung (離宮: secondary palace) of Unified Silla that is renowned for its grand scale. Excavation was carried out from March 1975 to December 1976 and yielded about 30,000 pieces of artifacts and various fragments from the seventh to the ninth centuries when the igung was being used. They include many pieces of lacquer crafts like furniture, vessels, and ornaments, indicative of the popularity of lacquer ware during the Unified Silla period. Of special note among the excavated items were the several pieces of lacquerware with orange and brown colored design on black background and a number of pieces of eunpyeongmungi (銀平文器: lacquerwares inlaid with patterns of silver leaf), which were discovered in Korea for the first time.4 These lacquer pieces show the same techniques that were used in chilhwa (漆畵: lacquer painting) artifacts excavated from the tombs of early Silla, indicating a carryover of the old tradition, and the those decorated with silver leaf show new characteristics of lacquer craft adopted from the Tang dynasty. The term pyeongmun (平文 or 平脱, heidatsu) indicates flush surface decoration of lacquer objects by a thin leaf of gold or silver cut in a certain design, a technique which was popular in Tang China. Although further research on the production site of these specific pyeongmun pieces from Anapji needs to be conducted, the technique itself reveals that they are the fragments of the highest quality wares of the golden age, comparable to the treasures in the Shoso-in (正倉院: the Imperial Repository of Todai-ji, Nara). Even if these wares had been made in Silla, there is no doubt that they must have been influenced by the Tang technique. Although their place of discovery is not certain, two lacquered mirrors with flush gold and silver decoration of bosanghwamun (寶相華文: stylized floral motif), housed in the National Museum of Korea, are good examples of such pieces (Plates 1 and 2). It is regrettable that no najeonchilgi have been found in Anapji, but the excavation of pyeongmun artifacts with flush silver and gold decoration implies the transfer of lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl from Tang to Silla as this was also a good example of a decorative technique imported from Tang China along with pyeongmun. ( Plate 1 ) Lacquered mirror with gold and silver decoration of stylized floral motif Unified Silla Diameter: 18.2 cm National Museum of Korea (donation by Lee Hong-geun) ( Plate 2 ) Lacquered mirror with gold and silver decoration of stylized floral motif Unified Silla Diameter: 15.3 cm National Museum of Korea An evidential piece of such technology transfer is a lacquered mirror with mother-of-pearl decoration of flower and animal pattern, purportedly excavated from a Gaya tomb (Plate 3). Although there needs to be further detailed analysis on whether this mirror is truly from Gaya since there was no scholarly analysis before and immediately following the discovery, there is no question that it is from Korea. Furthermore, the mirror is decorated with flat fragments of mother-of-pearl, in a manner that is typical of the baoshijing (寶飾鏡: mirror with jewel ornaments) of the Tang period, with lapis-lazuli or turquoise dotting the background. This strongly indicates that the seeds of Goryeo's najeon craftsmanship had already been planted in the cultural soil of Unified Silla based on the mother-of-pearl technique of Tang China. ( Plate 3 ) Lacquered mirror with mother-of-pearl decoration of flower and animal pattern 8th-10th century Diameter: 18.6 cm National Treasure No. 140 National Museum of Korea III DESIGN AND ORNAMENTATION TECHNIQUES OF GORYEO NAJEONCHILGI 01 DECORATIVE DESIGN As seen from Xu Jing's comment on Goryeo najeonchilgi, describing it as “refined and to be treasured,” it is evident that the technique of najeonchilgi of Goryeo had already reached its pinnacle by 1123, the first year of King Injong. But it was only about 80 years ago that earnest discussion on its unique value and the technical characteristics based on studies of real artifacts began. As Yoshino Tomio (吉野富雄) pointed out, the catalyst for better understanding Goryeo najeonchilgi occurred by accident when a lacquered box inlaid with mother-of-pearl of chrysanthemum design and a lacquered case with lid with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine pattern (Plate 4) were excavated from tombs of the Goryeo period and temporarily transferred from the Yi Royal Household Museum to Japan in 1924 for repairs. ( Plate 4 ) Lacquered box with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum, broken Goguryeo Yi Royal Household Museum (former National Museum of Korea) At the time in Japan, there were a few pieces that were similar in technique and design to these two pieces of najeonchilgi. However, without any recognition of the najeonchilgi of Goryeo, people automatically perceived them as exotic lacquerwares inlaid with mother-of-pearl of whatever origin—whether from Japan or from China could not then be determined. But with the discovery of these najeonchilgi from a Goryeo tomb, bona fide Goryeo najeon made its first appearance and a definite understanding of Goryeo najeon became for the first time possible. Needless to say, najeonchilgi that were similar to these two items and had been transferred from Korea to Japan suddenly came under the spotlight. Regrettably, however, the very items that first brought attention to Goryeo najeon are no longer available as the box (Najeon daemochil gukmun sangja) was broken to pieces and the case (Najeonchil gukdangcho hapja) was lost during the Korean War. It is only fortunate that Mr. Yoshino, who had examined the najeonchilgi in person, left a detailed written description.5 The relevant parts of his paper read as follows: “Heukchilipguk sannajeondaemo susang (黑漆立菊散螺鈿玳瑁手箱), bottom box (H: 11.2 cm, W: 20.0 cm, D: 13.6 cm); lid H: 2.3 cm (upper part), 1.2 cm (lower part); body H: 7.6 cm. It is a rectangular box (入角形, ipgakhyeong) with a perpendicular flange (塵居, jingeo) to fit into the flat lid (蓋甲, gaegap) – a common characteristic of wares of the Song and Yuan dynasties. There are five rows of decoration, which seem unique to those who are used to various Japanese styles. Moreover, the lid is of a robust angular shape with parallel twisted wires of brass to form a band (9 mm in width) of chrysanthemum and vine scroll design, which surrounds the edges. Parallel lines of twisted wire and a band of beads follow along the inner side of the band of chrysanthemum scrolls, and profile patterns of open cross-shaped chrysanthemum are placed here and there inside the border where two twisted brass wires are placed to form a four-leaf pattern with roof-shaped, colored tortoiseshell around the center point. Surrounding these are mother-of-pearl patterns of weeping willow, flower trees, and a maple that make up a landscape. This ware with okhyeong in the middle and a nine-petal chrysanthemum was made by daemobokchae (玳瑁伏彩: colored tortoiseshell) in the same way as the yeomjuhap (念珠盒: rosary case) in the Taima-dera (當麻寺) (Plate 5). The patterns on the four edges in particular are similar to those on the lid. But around the flat face of the lid above the jingeo, there was a line of gukdangchomun. The upper portions of the lid as well as two corners that the three-lobed box makes were decorated with a band of naejeon in a chilbo (七寶: seven jewels) pattern. Moreover, in the lower portion of the body, square pieces of mother-of-pearl are placed to make rows of flower pattern. Here again the lines of twisted brass wire divide the decorations. As observed, this ware, along with other excavated items, features refined patterns that well reflect a kind of national dignity and it displays a superior technical dexterity. The box seems to be a creation of the early period of Goryeo mother-of-pearl.” ( Plate 5 ) Lacquered case for rosary beads with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Korean, Goryeo, 12th century H: 4.5 cm, Diameter: 12.4 cm Important cultural property of Japan Taima-dera, Nara With respect to the Najeonchil gukdangchomun hapja (Plate 4) Yoshino continued as follows: “Huekchil gukdangcho najeon jubin hapja (黑漆菊唐草螺鈿洲濱盒子),” 1 hap, maximum width: 9.4 cm. It is a hapja (盒子: small box to be put inside the main box) placed on hyeonja (懸子: a board or shelf inside the main box on which to place small boxes). The lid features refined gukdangchomun and the jingeo or vertical flange displays a band of crisscross mother-of-pearl decoration skillfully inlaid. This box is severely damaged to the extent that it is virtually impossible to recognize its original beauty. However, as it shares the same style as the Heukchil gukdangcho najeon hyanghap (黑漆菊唐草螺鈿香盒, Lacquered incense case inlaid with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and floral scrolls) (Plate 6) handed down over generations in Japan and housed in the Keishun-in (桂春阮) in Kyoto, it was once a [part of a] splendid set of boxes decorated with tortoiseshell painted on the underside as well as mother-of-pearl.” ( Plate 6 ) Lacquered mojahap (incense container) inlaid with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Korean, Goryeo, 12th century H: 3.5 cm, W (max): 9.3 cm Keishun-in, Kyoto The primary reason that the above box and case are considered to be of Goryeo origin is that they were excavated from Goryeo tombs, but the crucial factor to note is the similarity between their inlaid patterns and those of Goryeo inlaid celadons. Najeon daemochil gukmun sangja was mostly decorated with crisscross chrysanthemum design inlaid in a sageokjamun (斜格子文: oblique lattice pattern) and the lid has its center divided to make a four-leaf pattern, inside which a landscape was engraved. Meanwhile, this chrysanthemum design seen here provides an important clue as to determining the production time of this box since the design was also commonly used in the sanggam inlaid celadon of Goryeo. Although no extant sanggam cheongja containing this design has an inscription detailing the year of production, the same type of inlaid celadon was excavated from a tomb along with an epitaph that, by providing information on the deceased, can serve as a important mark in determining the date of its production. The celadon bowl inlaid with chrysanthemum and vine design now in the collection of the National Museum of Korea (Plate 7) was found in the tomb of Mun Gongyu (文公裕) in Gaepung (開豊), Gyeonggi-do (京畿道) along with the epitaph that contained the information that Mun Gongyu died in 1159, the thirteenth year of King Uijong (毅宗, r. 1146-1170). This celadon bowl with the same chrysanthemum patterns (in black and white inlay) as that on the Najeon daemochil gukmun sangja is, therefore, a valuable source for studies on the earliest Goryeo inlay technique as the celadon is one of the oldest examples of inlaid Goryeo celadon. It is highly possible that the Najeon daemochil gukmun sangja was produced around the same period as the celadon wan since they share the same pattern. ( Plate 7 ) Celadon bowl inlaid with chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Goryeo, 12th century Excavated from the Tomb of Mun Gongyu, Jangdan, Gaepung, Gyeonggi-do H: 6.2 cm, Diameter: 16.9 cm National Museum of Korea Moreover, the Cheongja sanggammun wan (靑瓷象嵌文盌: a celadon bowl with inlaid patterns) that displays the same type of chrysanthemum design was also found in Jireung (智陵), the tomb of King Myeongjong (明宗, r. 1170-1197, died in 1198) located at Jangdan (長湍), Gyeonggi-do.6 The chrysanthemum pattern was evidently popular in the twelfth century, especially toward the closing years of the century. With the Najeon daemochil gukmun sangja damaged, the only example of najeonchilgi with chrysanthemum design presently available is the Najeonchil gukhwamun gyeongjeonham (螺鈿漆菊花文經典函: Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum design) (Plate 8), originally owned by Mori Family and now housed in the Tokyo National Museum. Nonetheless, the rarity is not a great impediment to studying Goryeo najeonchilgi because the chrysanthemum pattern of numerous petals—the most prominent feature of this pattern—is indeed similar to the gukdangchomun most widely found on surviving najeonchilgi. The shape of the flower is almost the same and the only difference is found in the number of petals, demonstrating that the two patterns are closely related. ( Plate 8 ) Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum design Goryeo, 12th century H: 26.0 cm, W: 37.8 cm, D: 19.2 cm Important cultural property of Japan Tokyo National Museum of Japan In fact, there are other characteristic features common to Goryeo najeonchilgi. The technique of using tortoiseshell painted on the underside shown in the Najeon daemochil gukmun sangja is also manifested in other pieces including the rosary case of Taima-dera, Japan. It was so popular a technique that it can be said to be representative of this particular age. There are also instances of the moranmun (牡丹文: peony design) (traditionally used as peripheral decorations on the outer edges of chests) assuming the main pattern in place of the gukdangchomun as in a series of sutra boxes (gyeongjeonham) with peony design as seen in the Najeonchil moran dangchomun gyeongjeonham (螺鈿漆牡丹唐草文經典函: Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of peony vine design) of the Kitamura Art Museum (北村美術館) (Plate 9). The metal wires that are used to describe the vines and surrounding foliage were also popular at this time. These unique methods are consistently applied to all types of Goryeo najeonchilgi and are the chief decorative characteristics from which a variety of other patterns derive. ( Plate 9 ) Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of peony and vine scroll pattern Korean, Goryeo, 13th-14th century H: 22.8 cm, W: 41.8 cm, D: 20.4 cm Important cultural property of Japan Kitamura Art Museum, Kyoto As mentioned above, there were already a few examples of Goryeo najeonchilgi in Japan when the existence of Goryeo najeonchilgi was confirmed from excavations in Korea. Only a few have been discovered since then and there are mere ten pieces known to the world with only one piece kept in Korea, at the National Museum of Korea. It is the Najeon daemochil gukdangchomun bulja (螺鈿玳瑁漆菊唐草文拂子: Lacquered whisk handle with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum and vine design) (Plate 10) but its provenance is uncertain as there is only an oral account referring to a certain temple as its origin without any information on specific routes of transmission. The other extant najeonchilgi remain dispersed in Japan, Europe, or the United States, transported at some time via unknown routes from somewhere in Korea. ( Plate 10 ) Lacquered whisk handle with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Goryeo, 12th century Length: 42.7 cm, Diameter: 1.6 cm National Museum of Korea For this reason, previous studies on Goryeo najeonchilgi have almost all been conducted by Japanese scholars and most of the studies have focused mainly on the patterns. There are fifteen najeonchilgi estimated to be of the Goryeo period and they are classified in Table 1. The categories (A, B, C, D) listed in the second column follow those established by Okada Jo (岡田讓),7 who divided the artifacts into four chronological categories, primarily on the basis of their patterns. ( Table 1 ) Extant Goryeo najeonchilgi categorized by Okada Jo No. Category Artifact name Pattern Size Collection Plate No. 1 A Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum design On lid: gukhwamun in bird's-eye view; on sides: gukhwamun in side view H: 26.0 cm; W: 37.8 cm; D: 19.2 cm Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo Plate 8 2 B Lacquered case for rosary beads with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukhwamun H: 4.5 cm; Diameter: 12.4 cm Taima-dera, Nara Plate 5 3 Lacquered whisk handle with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun Length: 42.7 cm; Diameter: 1.6 cm National Museum of Korea, Seoul Plate 10 4 Lacquered three-lobed incense case inlaid with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun; Secondary: band of beads; crisscross H: 4.1 cm; W: 10.2 cm Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 5 Lacquered incense container inlaid with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun; Secondary: band of beads, crisscross H: 3.5 cm; W: 9.3 cm Keishun-in, Kyoto Plate 6 6 Lacquered incense container with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun H: 4.1 cm; W: 10.2 cm Private collection (Dajima Mitsuru [田島充]), Japan Plate 11 7 Lacquered case in flower shape with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum vine scroll pattern Main gukdangchomun H: 4.4 cm; W: 9.3 cm Diameter: 11.5 cm Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 8 Lacquered box with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun; Secondary: band of beads, crisscross Okura Shukokan Museum of Fine Arts, Tokyo 9 C Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun; Secondary: band of beads and morandangchomun H: 26.1 cm; W: 47.2 cm; Tokugawa Reimeikan, Tokyo Plate 12 10 Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun; Secondary: band of beads and morandangchomun H: 25.6 cm; W: 47.3 cm; D: 25.0 cm Private collection, Kyoto 11 Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun; Secondary: band of beads and morandangchomun H: 25.9 cm; W 47.4 cm; D: 24.9 cm British Museum, London 12 Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun; Secondary: band of moranmun, gukhwamun, and beads H: 26.4 cm; W: 47.3 cm; D: 25.3 cm Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo 13 Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun Secondary: band of moranmun, gukhwamun, and beads H: 25.8 cm; W: 47.2 cm; D: 24.8 cm Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 14 Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun Secondary: band of moranmun and beads H: 34.0 cm; W: 47.0 cm; D: 25.0 cm. Bottom parts repaired (H: 47.0 cm; W: 25.0 cm) Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam 15 C′ Panel from a lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Main: gukdangchomun Secondary: band of moranmun and beads H: 17.5 cm; W: 21.6 cm. One side of the case has been misused to decorate the drawer front of a bookcase. This case is decorated with the same pattern as Nos. 9, 10, 11, and 14. Private collection, Kyoto Plate 13 16 D Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of peony and vine scroll pattern moranmun; Secondary: lines of swirling hemp pattern and hexagonal tortoiseshell pattern H: 22.8 cm; W: 41.8 cm; D: 20.4 cm Kitamura Art Museum, Kyoto Plate 9 The artifacts discovered from Goryeo tombs such as the Najeonchil gukdangcho hapja and Najeon daemochil gukmun sangja are not included in the table but have been described above by Yoshino and are also introduced in Anthology of Ancient Places of Korea (朝鮮古蹟圖譜).8 There are also a few extant wares estimated to have been made during the transitional period from Goryeo to Joseon, which will be addressed at the end of this paper. No. 15C′ in the Table (Plate 13) is an ornamental panel believed to be one side of a sutra case inlaid with mother-of-pearl with chrysanthemum design, now in a private collection in Kyoto, and misappropriated to decorate the front of a drawer in a small bookcase. Considered as a part of the sutra case, this najeon panel is listed following the six sutra cases classified as category C. The classifications of the Najeon daemochil gukdangchomun mojahap in No. 6B and of the najeon panel detached from a sutra case in 15C′ have been added by this author. ( Plate 11 ) Lacquered mojahap (incense container) with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Korean, Goryeo, 12th century H: 4.1 cm, W: 10.2 cm Private collection, Dajima Mitsuru ( Plate 12 ) Lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Korean, Goryeo, circa 13th century H: 26.1 cm, W: 47.2 cm, D: 25.0 cm Tokugawa Reimeikan, Nara ( Plate 13 ) Panel from a lacquered sutra case with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern Korean, Goryeo, 13th century H: 25.6 cm, W: 47.3 cm, D: 25.0 cm Private collection, Kyoto Okada believed the Mori family's sutra case in the Tokyo National Museum (No.1A, Plate 8) to be the oldest extant najeonchilgi and dated it to the mid-twelfth century. He considered that the sutra cases in category C were products of the thirteenth century created under the auspices of the Bureau of Sutra Case Production, which was newly established to oversee the production of ham (函: boxes) for Daejanggyeong (大藏經: Goryeo Tripitaka) in the thirteenth year (1272) of the reign of King Wonjong (元宗, r. 1259-1274). On the other hand, Okada classified the wares that were produced using both daemobokchae and najeon techniques under category B and dated them between A and C. He dated the wares of category D to the fourteenth century, toward the end of the Goryeo dynasty, based on the similarity of their designs with the najeonchilgi of Yuan China. However, his classification is not based on definitive facts but on assumptions: The Najeonchil gukhwamun gyeongjeonham is listed as 1A as the earliest example only because the inlaid celadon bowl that was excavated from the tomb of Mun Gongyu with clear information on its date is conveniently similar in the placement of chrysanthemum flowers in an oblique crisscross pattern, and the more delicate and elaborate chrysanthemum or peony designs are assumed to be of a later period in view of the natural development of patterns. For example, the inner base of the hyeonja of the Najeonchil myogeum chomoksugeummun hyansangja (螺鈿漆描金草木水禽文香箱子: Lacquered incense case with mother-of-pearl and gold decoration of flowers, trees, and waterfowl) (Plate 14) excavated from a Goryeo tomb and now in the National Museum of Korea actually has the chrysanthemum placed in the same way as that on the surface of the sutra case classified as 1A. However, the chrysanthemum pattern applied on the edges of the top and bottom of this lid also shares similarities with the pattern found in the lower body of the sutra case No. 9C (Plate 12), which, according to Okada's classification, was made a century later. In other words, Okada's classification is not always chronologically precise. ( Plate 14 ) Lacquered incense case with mother-of-pearl and gold decoration of flowers, trees, and waterfowl Goryeo, circa mid-12th-13th century H: 11.2cm, W: 29.1 cm, D: 18.8 cm National Museum of Korea Although there is no known study on the production date of this box, it may safely be attributed to the twelfth century considering the fact that the chomoksugeummun (草木水禽文) featuring the weeping willow, common reed, bamboo, wild geese, and duck was popular in this period, as seen in the bronze kundika with silver inlay of waterside landscape design in the National Museum of Korea (circa 11-12th century) or the fine celadon kundika inlaid with waterside landscape design in the Gansong Museum of Art (circa mid-12th century). In short, Okada's classification of the decoration is ambiguous and needs to be further revised. Moreover, Okada's presumption that the use of similar patterns can indicate a similar production date is not always true and should be tested. Although the two techniques are very different from each other, it is very possible that the najeon pattern embedded on the surface of a lacquer artifact may be viewed as a kind of inlay pattern and, in that case, it is possibly najeon (which considerably predates celadon inlay as a decorative technique) influenced the development of the sanggam inlay technique. If this is the case, the manufacturing date of the earliest sutra case (No.1 in the table) may be far earlier than the mid-twelfth century. As supportive evidence, Xu Jing's Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing mentions najeon but not inlaid celadon. It implies that najeonchilgi had by then reached a high level of refinement, whereas the craft of inlaid celadon was only in its formative stage and therefore would not have gained the attention of a visitor from Song China. 02 DECORATIVE TECHNIQUES The most distinctive and yet universal feature of najeonchilgi of the Goryeo period discussed here is the extremely fine pattern called jeolmun (截文) made by the jureumjil (주름질: patterns cut out by hand) technique. Each of the countless jeolmun made from a sheet of najeon was in itself not an independent pattern but a component of a larger pattern that is only achieved by numerous jeolmun of various shapes meticulously placed in a uniform manner. Most amazingly, the individual mother-of-pearl pieces on these najeonchilgi are all less than 1 cm in diameter. Xu Jing's comments on Goryeo lacquerwares inlaid with mother-of-pearl, "refined and to be treasured," must reflect his impression of these painstakingly embedded najeon pieces that created an exceptional design as well as requiring skilled hands. The second distinct feature of the najeon technique lies in the metal wire which is combined with the najeon pattern. A variety of metals were used for the lines including silver, bronze, and brass, but there were two ways of applying the wires: a single wire and two wires twisted together, namely chakseon, as mentioned above. The former was typically inserted as branches or vines of flower patterns, while the latter was used around the outer circumference or the edges of an object to reinforce the frame or as a border line to separate the surface into sections to be decorated. At times, a pair of lines as a set would make a line pattern that looks like the feathers at the end of an arrow (矢羽, siu) on the lacquered surface. In this author's judgment, these metal lines were extremely thin as well as even in width, and the cross-section of both the single and double wires was probably circular. These wires, together with slips of mother-of-pearl, were transformed into fern-like stems and branches and glued to the primed surface before being coated with lacquer. Then the surface of the lacquered object was rubbed to reveal the pattern and to flatten the wires. The third characteristic is the combined use of daemobokchae with najeon. Although the main purpose of this technique was to utilize the semitransparent, glossy quality of tortoiseshell, it also served as a colorful protective layer. By coloring the underside of the shell, which was cut into shape by means of the jureumjil technique, and by gluing it onto the surface with the underside down, the color is effectively protected. A prototype of this is the rosary beads box listed as No. 2, Najeon daemochil gukdangchomun yeomjuhap (螺鈿玳瑁漆菊唐草文念珠盒: Lacquered case for rosary beads with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell inlay of chrysanthemum scroll design) (Plate 5) of Taima-dera, Nara. Inside the case is a line of amber rosary beads (yeomju), and the beauty of amber and tortoiseshell combined with the mysterious iridescence of najeon make this the essence of extreme brilliance and magnificence. Its beauty truly attests to the high aesthetic standards of the Goryeo people. Regrettably, however, there remains only one piece in Korea that demonstrates such a sophisticated technique of combining najeon, daemobokchae, and metal wires. It is the Najeon daemochil gukdangchomun bulja (Plate 10) listed as No. 3. It was purportedly once a personal item of a monk and has been handed down in temples through the ages. Nonetheless, all the najeonchilgi classified in the B category by Okada feature the same splendid tortoiseshell decoration pattern displayed in the rosary beads case, implying that such an elaborate pattern was in style at that time. Moreover, in the lacquer artifacts of this category, the mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell produce almost the same decorative effect. In truth, both the mother-of-pearl (najeon) and the tortoiseshell (daemo) techniques were already present in the craftsmanship transmitted from Tang China since the Unified Silla period. The two co-existed as traditional decorative techniques until daemo gradually fell out of use and najeon became the only decorative technique. One of the reasons for this is that the source of quality daemo was the southern seas, which meant that the trade was dependent on imports from China, and Goryeo was unable to meet the demand for it. In this regard, the najeonchilgi listed by Okada in the B category may have chronologically preceded the sutra case (gyeongjeonham) listed under category A, of which only the pistil of the chrysanthemum flower gukhwamun is made of red daemobokchae and the use of the daemo was only supplementary. The detailed and refined najeon of Goryeo made a strong impression on Xu Jing probably because it exhibited distinctive characteristics that were absent even in the inlaid mother-of-pearl lacquerware of Tang China. This distinctiveness may be the manifestation of a unique Korean tradition and aesthetic. In the case of the mokji (木地: wood core) najeon technique of Tang, which consisted mainly of inlaying mother-of-pearl on wood like red sandalwood (紫檀, zitan), it was simply impossible to produce such wares decorated with refined jureumjil patterns of Goryeo. Moreover, because the beauty of the ever-changing multi-colored najeon is especially effective on the highly polished black lacquer surface, the true artistry of najeon in the Goryeo period may not have flowered without the long tradition of lacquer craftsmanship in Korea. In fact, in Korea many lacquer wares of the Han dynasty have already been excavated from the ruins of the Nangnang (樂浪) site in present-day North Korea. Excavations since 1988 in particular have yielded numerous lacquer wares mostly painted in black. The artifacts excavated from the tombs of Daho-ri (茶戶里), Changwon (昌原), Gyeonsangnam-do (慶尚南道) - dated to the late first century BC because of findings of osujeon (五銖錢: coin in use during the early Han period; wu zhu qian in Chinese) and seongwungyeong (星雲鏡: bronze mirror; xing yun jing in Chinese) - are among the discoveries. There has been no shortage in the discoveries of lacquer wares from the post-Three Kingdoms Period and the lacquer wares excavated from Anapji truly exemplify the prevalence of lacquer craftsmanship in Korea during that time. There is also a long tradition of precision engraving in Korea. The first known instances are gold items excavated from the tombs of Baekje and Silla during the Three Kingdoms Period. For example, the personal accessories decorated with gold wires demonstrate the exceptional skills of the craftsmen who strove for precision. The reason that the twisted metal wires were widely used in the najeonchilgi of Goryeo, but were never used in contemporary Tang China, is due to the tradition of precision gold handicraft of the Three Kingdoms Period. The Goryeo aesthetic and craftsmanship of precision in dealing with najeon is also closely related to such a tradition. IV FOREIGN INFLUENCES AND UNIQUENESS FOUND IN GORYEO NAJEONCHILGI It is now clear that the Goryeo najeon craftsmanship is based on that of Tang China and developed during the Unified Silla period. As discussed above, the Najeondan hwageumsu mungyeong (Plate 3) excavated from an old Gaya tomb was a typical example of bosikgyeong of Tang, decorated with thin, flat najeon. But are there any other examples that reflect in greater detail the close relationship between Goryeo and Tang craftsmanship? Najeon craftsmanship involves mokhwa (木畵), carving and inserting into a surface another material of a different color and texture for decorative effect. This technique was presumably transmitted from the West to China a long time ago but it was certainly in Tang that the technique was in full bloom. The main use of mother-of-pearl during the Tang dynasty was as inlay on wood by carving, while patterns were mainly engraved on mother-of-pearl but also on other materials. For instance, the mother-of-pearl pieces in the Shoso-in, Japan, such as Raden saitan gogen biwa (螺鈿紫檀五絃琵琶: a five-stringed biwa with mother-of-pearl decoration), Raden saitan genkan (螺鈿紫檀阮咸: a four-stringed genkan with mother-of-pearl decoration), Raden gyokudai bako (螺鈿玉帶箱: a box for a jade belt), and Raden daimai hakaku bako (螺鈿玳瑁八角箱子: an octagonal box with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell decoration), all feature materials other than the main decorative material of najeon. Some mother-of-pearl patterns also feature jade or amber and tortoiseshell. The use of such translucent materials contrasted with and accentuated the splendor intrinsic to the opaque mother-of-pearl, bringing out the glitter of all the different colors. Obviously, the Goryeo najeon decorated with daemobokchae, the splendid pattern on the rosary box (yeomjuham) at Taima-dera, in particular, is in line with the mother-of-pearl craft of Tang China mentioned above. An important item in explaining the 200 years gap from the end of Unified Silla under the peak of Tang najeon influence to the first appearance of najeon in the age of Goryeo is the four-stringed genkan with mother-of-pearl decoration (Plate 15)9 kept in the Northern Repository (Hokugura, 北倉) of the Shoso-in. This corresponds to the record of the 21st day of the sixth month, in the eighth year of Denbyo Shoho (天平勝寶, 756) stated in the chapter of “Gokugatsin Hocho” (國家珍寶帳, Records of Select Treasures) in the Todaiji Kenhucho (東大寺獻物帳: Records of National Treasures in Todai-ji): ( Plate 15 ) Four-stringed genkan with mother-of-pearl decoration, back Supposedly Chinese, Tang, circa 8th century H: 100.7 cm, W: 39.0 cm Northern Repository of Shoso-in, Nara “…the lacquered genkan has a hanbal (plectrum guard) decorated with patterns in green… (螺鈿紫檀沅咸一面緣地畵捍撥緣臈納紫綾袋).” Among the known genkan with a clear history, this lute is the oldest piece in the world and thereby an important historical article. The instrument consists of various parts such as the lower body (槽), the top where the strings are tied (鹿頸), and the upper body (頭), and they are all made of red sandalwood from Southeast Asia, while the center (腹板) is made of wild walnut tree. The glittering patterns all across the instrument are evocative of Tang court instruments. On the bottom border (落帶) are depictions of figures playing instruments and splendid flowers of miltahoe (密陀繪: litharge painting; Chinese: mituohui). The most beautiful feature is the decoration of sanggam inlay with valuable foreign materials like najeon, daemo, and amber which is found on the reverse side. Tang China was the only country in the world at that time sufficiently cosmopolitan to attract and amalgamate such rare foreign goods, and it was in Chang'an (長安), the capital, that such refined wares were made by Tang craftsmen. The cosmopolitan adoption of foreign influences in Tang culture is evident in various forms: for example, in the Western-derived pattern of parrots flying around flowers while holding a sprig in their beak, and the mokhwa patterns, which were a conventional Western decorative technique, especially on lute instruments. To scrutinize further, it was not just najeon, daemo, or amber that were carved onto the sandalwood surface. The eight lotus petals incised on the lower part, the bead-shaped decoration that covers the edges of the petals, the lines surrounding the edges of the four petals on the sides, and the dangchomun on the neck were all inlaid with metal wire. All the decorative techniques above are featured in the Taima-dera yeomjuhap, excluding the twisted metal wire and the amber. Along with the bokchae coloring technique Goryeo najeon embody the tradition of Tang lacquerwares inlaid with mother-of-pearl as manifested in the artifacts of the B category that purportedly represent the oldest decorative techniques. Between the two categories, there is a time lag of some 300 to 350 years. But in the decorative technique itself, there is no substantive difference. At the same time, on appearance alone, it is evident that there are differences in the overall pattern. The same basic craftsmanship notwithstanding, the decorative patterns represent particular ethnic characteristics and aesthetics, which also changed with time. Such changes in taste can either be evolutionary or revolutionary. Although this is mere speculation, I believe that it must have taken a long time for the najeon craftsmanship that was first adopted from Tang to develop distinct Korean characteristics. Since the initial transfer of the craft took place when Silla was in decline, the further refinement of the alien craft took place after a period of gestation in the Goryeo era. In the meantime, one can imagine that a mark of distinct Korean craftsmanship gradually developed during this period of gestation. The process accelerated during the golden age of Goryeo culture in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and reached full flower. The Najeon daemochil danchomun yeomjuhap at Taima-dera, despite its meticulous and elaborate patterns, is not from this golden age. At the same time, it embodies the emerging distinct Korean aesthetic while it faithfully represents the traditional Tang mother-of-pearl craftsmanship. V THE GYEONGJEONHAM OF GORYEO WITH DANGCHOMUN AND THE MOTHER-OF-PEARL LACQUERWARE OF YUAN AND MING The majority of extant najeonchilgi today are gyeongjeonham. As is evident in the Tripitaka stele, Daejangjeonbi (大藏殿碑) at Jikjisa (直指寺), Gimcheon (金泉), Gyeongsangbuk-do (慶尚北道), which was erected in the fifteenth year of King Myeongjong (1185) - “the three boxes in Jeondeung Temple are decorated with najeon, red lacquer, or gold … (以傳燈三函祖以螺鈿或以朱漆或口金而粧飾…)” - and in the section pertaining to the installation of the Jeonham joseongdogam (鈿函造成都監: Bureau of Sutra Case Production) in the thirteenth reign year of King Wonjong (1272) in the Goryeosa (高麗史: History of Goryeo), Volume 27, these kinds of najeon gyeongjeonham were deemed particularly suitable for storing grand gyeongjeon (經典: sutras). For this reason, sutra cases were used to store the Goryeo Tripitaka, and demand led to their mass production. The eight extant sutra cases may generally be classified into three types, following Okada. Among the three types, the Najeonchil gukhwamun gyeongjeonham (No. 1A, Plate 8) of the Tokyo National Museum is undoubtedly the oldest, and is believed to be from the twelfth century. There still remains the question of its chronological classification in relation to the wares featuring colored tortoiseshell (daemobokchae) that Okada listed in the B category. The sutra cases listed in the C category feature the same main pattern of chrysanthemum scrolls as the one in the Tokyo National Museum. Despite some minor differences in the detail of the patterns and in the production sites, it is reasonable to consider that they are from the same period as those listed in the A category. Okada claimed that the sutra cases of this category were made by the Jeonham joseongdogam, the state bureau installed in the thirteenth year of Wonjong (1272) for overseeing the mass production of sutra cases for the purpose of storing the Goryeo Tripitaka. In view of the fact that six among the eight extant sutra cases fall under the C category, Okada's proposition is certainly a reasonable one. Needless to say, the mass production of sutra cases featuring such exquisite decorative details could not be possible without a corresponding organizational support and technology. In that regard, the establishment of the Jeonham joseongdogam reflects the peak of Goryeo inlaid mother-of-pearl production in both quality and quantity. On the other hand, the decline of the Goryeo state during the fourteenth century led to a decline also in the cultural realm, and najeon craftsmanship lost some of its vitality as a result. If the sutra case in the collection of the Kitamura Art Museum (No. 16D, Plate 9) is from the fourteenth century, as it is thought, then this should be considered the last example of the splendor of Goryeo najeon. On the point of technical craftsmanship, the jureumjil (주름질) technique using very small pieces of mother-of-pearl became more and more refined with time. The lotus which forms the main pattern in the sutra case of the D category had been used only as a complementary pattern in the sutra cases of the C category, in combination with petals in the shape of a gingko leaf. But in the sutra case of the Kitamura Art Museum (Plate 9), the edges of the leaf are curved delicately in a fern-like shape, and the numerous leaves on the metal wires have changed from the typical Goryeo najeon style seen in the C category to a more realistic and complex shape. To place the exceedingly small fragments of mother-of-pearl into such complex patterns would have been immensely challenging with traditionally known skills. Perhaps a technical breakthrough had taken place in the meantime. The new technique was also reflected in the patterns themselves. The practice of dividing each section of the sutra case into two circles with either a metal wire or a bead line pattern and inserting a flower vine pattern growing out of a metal wire inside the inner circle as the main pattern is the same for the sutra cases of both the C and D categories. But on the frame-like outer circle surrounding the main pattern, lines of swirling hemp pattern and geometric flowers and hexagonal tortoiseshell patterns are incised by an entirely new technique named ggeuneumjil (끊음질) using jeolpae (切貝: mother-of-pearl cut in narrow strips). These kinds of geometric patterns are found in inlaid lacquer objects of Yuan and Ming China. Either the najeon craftsmen of Goryeo learned this new technique in China, or, considering the close nature of the bilateral relationship between the two countries, the technique may have been transmitted from Goryeo to China. Moreover, gold intaglio lines arranged like a painting as well as the continuous tortoiseshell pattern made by cut gold sheets had already been introduced into Korea as seen in the pillows and foot supports of kings and queens excavated from the tomb of Muryeongwang (武寧王, r. 501-523) of Baekje. Closer in time, similar patterns are also found from time to time in the Buddhist paintings of Goryeo. Therefore, it may be said that there was already in place within the arts of Goryeo an indigenous source that could generate such geometric patterns. This kind of refined technique that requires meticulous attention to detail can also be found in the mojo (毛彫: feather-like fine lines) patterns that were incised on lacquer objects inlaid with mother-of-pearl. For instance, the simple lines and angles found in the artifacts of the C category have changed into exquisitely elaborate patterns in the sutra cases listed in the D category. Although only a few remain today, in the case of the sutra cases made to contain the Goryeo Tripitaka alone, a great number must have been created during this golden age of Goryeo najeonchilgi. Many undoubtedly ended up in China, and Yuan craftsmen would certainly have taken note of such Goryeo mother-of-pearl pieces. As is apparent from the inscriptions on several qiangjin jingdianhan (戧金經典函: sutra cases made with the qiangjin technique of engraving and filling with gold pigment) made in the second year of Yanyou (延祐) (1315) of Yuan China that had made their way into Japan, it would not have been difficult for Yuan workshops, with their advantage in number and organization, to produce artifact inlaid in mother-of-pearl superior to those made in Korea. The sutra case in the Kitamura Art Museum which exhibits the most refined characteristics of Goryeo najeonchilgi is significant as a means of comparison between the najeon craftsmanship of Goryeo and Yuan. As lacquer craft originated in China, the common assumption is that most technical aspects of the craft also originated in China. However, it is not unreasonable to consider that even techniques that originated in one country may at times go through a period of maturation and take on new and innovative characteristics in another country, and in time influence the craft of the mother country. VI FROM GORYEO NAJEON TO JOSEON NAJEON: CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TRANSITIONAL PERIOD The mass production of sutra cases for the Goryeo Tripitaka under the auspices of the Jeonham joseongdogam made a significant contribution to the further development of najeon craft in Goryeo. The enterprise called for the employment of numerous craftsmen working under the institutional support of a state bureau. The refined techniques developed at the Jeonham joseongdogam resulted in the making of the finest najeonchilgi of the Goryeo period, as evinced by the sutra case in the Kitamura Art Museum (Plate 9). However, the lack of artifacts or literary references with which to establish the chronological development of najeon of the late or post-Goryeo period has thus far been a serious impediment to the study of the subject. The decline of a particular craft after reaching its peak is a phenomenon that is certainly not limited to Goryeo najeon. In fact, it is not difficult to imagine that the collapse of the Goryeo dynasty in the fourteenth century may have brought about a precipitous decline in the once flourishing craft. At the same time, considering the revival of najeon craft in the Joseon dynasty, the century-long transitional period between the decline of the Goryeo monarchy in the second half of the fourteenth century and the emergence of a new dynasty in the first half of the fifteenth century may also have been a transitional period for the emergence of a new style of Korean najeon. Although the tradition of najeon craftsmanship may have inevitably declined during that interval, the transitional period may also have been a period of gestation for a new form of najeon craftsmanship. For instance, there are clear differences between the refined and precise peony scroll patterns on the sutra case in the Kitamura Art Museum, and the free and unregulated peony scrolls that are thought to have emerged sometime around the sixteenth century and which characterize the typical pattern of Joseon najeon. The big differences between the two are rooted in the change in the decorative technique. For instance, the traditional technique behind the metal wire scrolls of Goryeo came to be replaced by a variation on the ggeuneumjil technique of the vine spray line pattern of Joseon. The change from metal wire scrolls to mother-of-pearl sprays meant that the vine stems became thicker, influencing the whole design. Flower patterns became bigger, and their numbers fewer, while complicated leaf patterns all but disappeared and a new scroll pattern with fewer and simpler leaves came to be adopted. On the one hand, the delicacy of Goryeo najeon became obsolete, while on the other, the free and bold curves of the new scrolls accentuated by the black ground was a style and technique that was found nowhere else but in Korean najeon. This new bold pattern came to define the new and original aesthetic of Joseon najeon. The following are noteworthy examples of najeon wares of this transitional phase: the lacquered box with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and scroll design in a private collection in Kyoto, which retains the tradition of chrysanthemum vine scroll pattern but has visibly shed the vitality of the golden age, and displays some variation in the overall shape; the lacquered box with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern in a private collection in Hyogo is evocative of Goryeo najeon yet also gleams with the dynamism of a new pattern; and the circular lacquered case decorated with mother-of-pearl in chrysanthemum scrolls of the Tokyo National Museum; and the lacquered box with mother-of-pearl decoration of chrysanthemum and vine scroll pattern owned by the Ministry of Culture (presently kept in the Kyushu National Museum). Thus far, there has been no information with which to date these four objects inlaid with mother-of-pearl and decorated with chrysanthemum. But considering the patterns and techniques common to these wares, the fifteenth century seems the most likely. The first two feature almost the same chrysanthemum scrolls, whereas that on the last one has a different flower pattern with the scrolling leaf pattern lacking crispness in its ornate configuration. There are only 20 extant Goryeo artifacts inlaid with mother-of-pearl (najeon) in the world today. Within Korea, the original center of its production, there is only one item, the fly-whisk (bulja) from a temple that is presently kept in the National Museum of Korea. The majority of the known Goryeo najeon are in Japan. Indeed, the najeonchilgi dispersed over Europe and America, variously kept in the British Museum, the Rijskmuseum Amsterdam in the Netherlands, the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, and the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, have all been transmitted from Japan in the twentieth century. The main reason for this lack of Goryeo najeon within Korea and its foreign dispersal is that the Joseon dynasty adopted Confucianism as the state ideology while persecuting Buddhism. That the eight sutra cases, the rosary box of the Taima-dera, Nara, and the mojahap that are believed to have contained incense, were all handed down as implements in Buddhist temples is further evidence of the close association between najeon artifacts and Buddhism.10

Writings on Korea are found in official Chinese historical records such as the Shiji (史記: Annals of History), the Hanshu (漢書: Han History), and the Weishu Dongyichuan (魏書 東夷傳: Record of the Foreigners in the East in the Wei History) in the Sanguozhi (三國志: Records of Three Kingdoms). These texts precede even the oldest remaining records in Korea, providing invaluable information about the politics, diplomacy, geography, culture, and customs of ancient Korea.1 In particular, these Chinese records on Korean customs and dress make repeated reference to Goguryeo (37 BC-668) people with feathers on their official headdresses, which indicate that this Goguryeo custom was well known in contemporary China. The Goguryeo headdress with feathers is first mentioned in the Weishu Dongyichuan, where the chapter on Goguryeo says, “... [the people] wear a headdress named jeolpunggeon (折風巾), which is pointed on top, and has feathers on the sides... there are differences according to one's social status ...”2 Further, the Zhoushu (風書: Zhou History) states, “... men wear long-sleeved jackets and wide trousers, with white leather belts and yellow leather shoes. Their headdress is called golso (骨蘇). It is mostly made of purple silk with intricate gold and silver decorations. The high officials show their status by wearing two feathers in their headdress ...”3 Similar records are also found in the Beishi (北史: History of Northern Dynasties), the Suishu (隋書: Sui History), the Jiu Tangshu (舊唐書: Tang History) and the Xin Tangshu (新唐書: New Tang History).4 Based on such Chinese records, the section of Saekbok (色服: dress codes and color protocols) in the chapter Japji (雜志: Miscellanea) of the Samguksagi (三國史記: History of the Three Kingdoms) by Gim Busik (金富軾), also contains the same description.5 As to Goguryeo's jougwan, Yi Yongbeom (李龍範) already suggested in 1956 that the custom of decorating one's headdress with feathers is related to the animism of Siberian nomadic tribes who worshipped birds,6 which has been widely accepted in the study of the history of dress and ornaments ever since.7 This paper shall not elaborate in detail the widely-known depictions of Goguryeo people wearing jougwan in the tomb murals of Ssang-yeongchong (雙盈塚) and Muyongchong (舞踊塚) (Plates 1 and 2). In the case of the Baekje kingdom, the Zhoushu and the Beishi describe Baekje (18 BC-660) dress as being similar to that of Goguryeo, although in Baekje the feathers were put on the headdress in the presence of the king at official meetings called johoe (朝會: court ceremonies), baerye (拜禮: ritual bows), or jesa (祭祀: ancestral rites); and while playing musical instruments, but not during military events.8 In Silla, too, the influence of the jougwan is found in gold crowns, which, once again, can be traced back to Goguryeo customs. ( Plate 1 ) A man wearing headdress crowned with two feathers Goguryeo, 6th century, wall painting Ssang-yeongchong (雙楹塚), Pyeongyang ( Plate 2 ) A horse rider wearing headdress crowned with two feathers in Ssang-yeongchong Goguryeo, 6th century, wall painting fragment National Museum of Korea, Seoul The mural painting, Reception of Foreign Envoys depicted on the entrance wall in the tomb of Li Xian (also known as Prince Zhanghuai [章懷太子], 651-684) of the Tang dynasty (618-907), has long drawn academic attention with particular respect to one of the foreign emissaries, who wears two feathers on his headdress, as being of probable Korean origin (Plate 3).9 Li Xian, the second son of Emperor Gaozong (高宗, r. 649-683) and Empress Wu Zetian (則天武后, r. 690-705), died in 684 and was reburied in 706 after Empress Wu's death. Princess Yongtai (永太公主, d. 701) was reburied in the same year and Li Chongrun (李重潤: Crown Prince Yide [懿德太子], 682-701) in 711. All three had died young during the empress's usurpation of the throne. Although a jougwan-styled official headdress had long been considered a characteristic of Goguryeo dress, the emissary in the tomb painting was assumed to have come from Unified Silla as the state of Goguryeo had collapsed in 668, and by the time of Prince Zhanghuai's death, Silla had unified the peninsula. However, it remains unclear whether the mural is based on the actual historical presence of a Silla emissary at his funeral. ( Plate 3 ) A Goguryeo envoy in Reception of Foreign Envoys Chinese, Tang, circa 706, wall painting Tomb of Prince Li Xian (Prince Zhanghuai), near Xi'an Another example of a Korean emissaries wearing a similar jougwan was found in the mural of Foreign Emissaries (使節圖, Shijietu) in the western wall of Room 1 at the ruined site of a palace in the Afrasiab plateau near Samarkand, Uzbekistan (Plates 4-1 and 4-2). This site is the remains of the ancient kingdom of Sogdiana, known in China as Kangguo (康國), which during the Sui and Tang dynasties flourished as a commercial center on the Silk Road. It is recorded that the Tang emperor Gaozong, during the Yonghui (永徽) era (650-655), appointed the Sogdian king Varxuman (拂呼縵) as governor of Kangju (康居都督),10 and there is an inscription in Sogdian language on the tomb mural that confirms this: “four geese to King Varxuman of the Unasi tribe.”11 Therefore, it would be safe to assume that the mural was completed between the late seventh century and the year 712, when the kingdom was plundered in the wake of the Arab invasion. This mural, thought to have been painted in the mid-seventh century within the private quarters of King Varxuman, contains what appears to be the reception of foreign emissaries from Chaganian of west Tokharia, Turks, Gaochang (高昌) in Central Asia (西域) or China, and India, as well as scenes of religious ceremonies and the paradise of gods to celebrate the glories of the king and to reinforce the king's authority. ( Plate 4-1 ) Outlined envoys in Foreign Emissaries, detail ( Plate 4-2 ) Goguryeo envoys wearing feathered headdresses in Foreign Emissaries Late 7th century-early 8th century, mural Western wall of Room 1, Afrasiab, Samarkand, Uzbekistan A report on this mural from the former Soviet Union interprets two figures in the mural, wearing round-collared jackets, circle-headed swords, and headdresses with two feathers, as Korean. Like the speculations surrounding Prince Zhanghuai's tomb mural, Kim Won-yong considered the depicted figures as likely to be from Silla, but did not exclude the possibility of them being envoys from Goguryeo.12 Anazawa Wako suggests that the two emissaries wearing jougwan were most likely of Goguryeo origin.13 Based on the characteristics of the Tang Chinese dress depicted in the mural, Anazawa dates the mural to the mid-seventh century coinciding with the rise of Empress Wu Zetian. It was a time when Goguryeo maintained close diplomatic relations with western Chinese states, ever since it dispatched an envoy to Tuque (突厥: Turks) during the Sui (隋) dynasty (581-618). Along similar lines, Roh Taedon (盧太敦) has suggested that the two figures probably were emissaries from Goguryeo who, facing an imminent war with Tang China at the time, were desperate to find military allies in continental Asia.14 It is difficult to conclude at this point whether the figure wearing jougwan in the tomb of Prince Zhanghuai was in fact a visiting emissary from Goguryeo or whether his headdress was depicted as a typical characteristic of Koreans as perceived by contemporary Chinese. However, considering the historical context of the time, contemporary historical records on Goguryeo dress, and the depiction and inscription of people in jougwan in Chinese paintings to be discussed later, it becomes clear that the people portrayed donning jougwan were from Goguryeo rather than Silla.15 II GOGURYEO ENVOYS WEARING JOUGWAN IN DUNHUANG WALL PAINTINGS The wall paintings of the Dunhuang caves are a rich source of the few surviving paintings of the Tang dynasty. Besides the diverse representations of Buddhist iconography, they provide a rare insight into the religious life of the time as well as the development of pictorial art, such as landscapes and portrait paintings. The depictions of the various figures appearing in narrative Buddhist stories in addition to illustrations of male and female donors provide invaluable historical information on costumes and customs of the time. Among the many wall paintings of Dunhuang that contain figures wearing jougwan, this paper focuses on three in particular. The first is Cave 220, depicting the paradise of Amitabha on the south wall, the paradise of Bhajsajyaguru on the north, and three Buddhas accompanied by Bodhisattvas on the east, above the entrance.16 Inscriptions on the northern wall and below the central Buddha depicted on the east wall indicate that the cave was completed in the year 642, the sixteenth year of the Zhenguan (貞觀) reign (627-649), and was the votive cave of the Zhai family.17 On either side of the entrance wall, there is a mural that features a scene from the Vimalakirti Sutra in which the Bodhisattva of wisdom, Manjusri (文殊菩薩, Wenshupusa), visits a Buddhist layman Vimalakirti (維摩居士, Weimo jushi), who has fallen ill, and both have entered into a discussion of the purity of the Buddha land and ‘non-duality' in the teachings of the Buddha. Just below the representation of Manjusri on the left, there is a depiction of the audience, including the Tang emperor and his officials. On the right, along with the representation of Vimalakirti, foreign emissaries in various different attires are portrayed, among whom one is wearing a jougwan. Preceded by a small person carrying an offering on a tray over his head, two people in short trousers carrying lotus flowers, and a person in a long Chinese costume, is a person wearing a jougwan decorated with two long feathers (Plate 5). Although further details of the headdress are not clearly recognizable, the features of this person in a blue jacket and wide trousers with his hands gathered together are similar to those of the emissary identified wearing jougwan in the tomb mural of Prince Zhanghuai. ( Plate 5 ) Foreign emissaries attending the debate between Vimalakirti and Manjusri Chinese, Tang 642, wall painting Eastern wall of Dunhuang Cave 220, Gansu According to the Vimalakirti Sutra, the visit of Manjusri Bodhisattva is said to have been accompanied by many sovereign kings. The mural depicts the Tang emperor flanked by foreign emissaries, who probably represent the sovereigns or envoys of Tang China's peripheral states. Therefore, the Tang emperor and foreign emissaries depicted in the wall paintings should be understood to have gathered to seek an audience to the conversation between Vimalakirti and Manjusri and to listen to the debate on the teachings of the Sutra and to reaffirm faith in Buddhism. The Zhenguan reign (627-649) under Emperor Taizong is when Tang China built the largest empire to date with the conquest of a number of states in western China, thus succeeding in identifying itself as the center of the universe. Zhang Yanyuan (張彦遠) in his Lidai minghuaji (歷代名畵記: Record of Famous Paintings of Successive Dynasties, 847) records that Taizong commissioned the court painter Yan Liben to paint portraits of visiting foreign emissaries.18 The fact that the wall paintings of Cave 220 show much more detailed illustrations of foreign emissaries than earlier murals of Dunhuang could be understood in the context of this record. Compared to the wall paintings of Caves 420, 314, and 380 from the Sui dynasty that depict scenes from the Vimalakirti Sutra, the wall paintings of Cave 220, which are representative of the early Tang period, exhibit a much more sophisticated composition and finer, more dynamic illustrations of the figures.19 In particular, the depiction of the emperor in his red garb with the imperial crown shows similarity in dress and crown with the portrait of Emperor Wendi (文帝, r. 581-604) of the Sui dynasty by Yan Liben, now housed in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Therefore, the portraits in Dunhuang murals, which are contemporary with Yan Liben, are an invaluable source for the study of portrait paintings of that era.20 The Xuanhehuapu (宣和畵譜: Catalog of Paintings during the Xuanhe Era) records that Yan Liben worked on two portraits of Vimalakirti,21 which suggests that the Dunhuang murals were probably influenced by Yan's paintings, and that the new style of painting apparent in these murals emerged at that time. Another example of the foreign emissary wearing jougwan is found in the wall painting of Cave 335 in Dunhuang (Plate 6). This cave postdates Cave 220 as identified by the inscription “Chuigong (垂拱) second year” (686) on the east wall.22 The scene of Manjusri visiting Vimalakirti from the Vimalakirti Sutra covers the whole of the north wall of this cave and is known to be the largest in scale among such scenes illustrated in the Dunhuang caves. ( Plate 6 ) Foreign envoys on the northern wall of Dunhuang Cave 335 Chinese, Tang 686, wall painting Here, two people with feathers on their headdresses are portrayed just below Vimalakirti on the right, above the other visiting sovereigns. The two figures appear to be in conversation with one another. Their headdresses with two feathers are fastened by a wide headband run over both ears and tied in a bow under the chin. Although the painting is dark and it is difficult to recognize the details, these figures certainly wear the similar shape of jougwan depicted on the mural painting in the tomb of Prince Zhanghuai in Xi'an. Duan Wenjie (段文杰), formerly Director of the Dunhuang Research Institute (敦煌文物硏究所) has already noted the illustration of a person with jougwan in the wall painting of Vimalakirti and Manjusri in Dunhuang Cave 220,23 and Gwon Yeong-pil (權寧弼) has also written about the two people wearing jougwan in the mural of Cave 335.24 Compared to the scene depicted in Cave 220, the scene in Cave 335 has a more complicated, albeit similar, composition, and is more stylized in detail. This raises the possibility that there was an original version of this subject matter before the mid-seventh century on which the painting of Cave 335 was based, or that it was modeled on the painting in Cave 220 with some added variations. As the painting in Cave 335 is dated to 686, many years after the collapse of Goguryeo, it is conceivable that the Korean emissaries depicted were from Silla. However, if the painting is indeed based on the earlier model in Cave 220, it would make sense that the Koreans in cave 335 wearing Goguryeo-style garb represent emissaries from Goguryeo. As these foreign guests in the wall paintings were depicted as representatives of neighboring states attending the conversation between the retinues of Bodhisattva Manjusri and Vimalakirti along with the Tang emperor, it is possible to conjecture that the Koreans among them were portrayed in Goguryeo outfits based on the typical image of Koreans held by the Chinese, even sometime after the collapse of the Goguryeo state. This hypothesis carries more weight when we consider two factors: first, it is unlikely that Silla would feature in Tang cave paintings as one of the peripheral states of Tang; second, there is no known Chinese record of Silla people wearing jougwan, whereas the jougwan had been regularly recorded in ancient Chinese texts as a feature of Goguryeo dress. The Korean emissary in the tomb mural of Prince Zhanghuai can also be understood in the same way. As there is no evidence that the mural depicts an actual historical event, it is more likely that the emissary was portrayed according to the typical image of Koreans held by the Chinese, rather than based on a clear distinction of outfits between Goguryeo and Silla. Lastly, I have added another example of Goguryeo envoys wearing the same jougwan on the north wall of Cave 332, dated to 698 (Plate 7).25 They are present in the same scene painted in a near-identical composition and style, as seen on the north wall of Cave 335. This particular depiction has only been reproduced in a brief sketch and is only partially visible behind the big Buddha triad on the same north wall.26 However, I noted their presence in cave 332 during a workshop in Dunhuang in the summer of 2003 and reconfirmed my views during my recent visit to Dunhuang in June, 2008. ( Plate 7 ) Foreign envoys, from the painting on the northern wall of Dunhuang Cave 332 Chinese, Tang 698, wall painting After Dunhuang was occupied by the Tibetan state, Tufan (吐蕃), in the late eighth century, paintings of Vimalakirti Sutra continued to be commissioned. In those murals, the king of Tufan is depicted in his traditional garb but Goguryeo figures wearing jougwan are not found among the foreign emissaries.27 However, a painting of the Vimalakirti Sutra on silk, now a part of the Stein Collection in the British Museum, shows the Tibetan king at the front of the foreign emissaries and a Goguryeo person appears to be wearing jougwan at the left side of the painting. The two feathers on the headdress are arranged in a similar way as those illustrated on the wall in Cave 220 (Plate 8, see also Plate 5 for comparison).28 Apparently, the motif of foreign envoys produced in the seventh century seems to have continued into the late eighth century. ( Plate 8 ) Foreign Envoys, detail of the Vimalakirti Sutra Chinese, Tang, late 8th Century, ink and color on silk British Museum (Stein Collection 57 Ch.00350) Image from Roderick Whitfield, The Art of Central Asia: The Stein Collection in the British Museum, vol. I, Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1982, pl. 20. III GOGURYEO ENVOY DEPICTED ON SCROLL PAINTINGS IN THE NATIONAL PALACE MUSEUM, TAIPEI Two scroll paintings in the National Palace Museum of Taipei lend further credence to the suggestion that the Korean emissaries wearing jougwan in the Dunhuang wall paintings were of Goguryeo origin. One is Emperor Taizong Meeting with Foreign Envoys by Yan Liben of Tang (唐閻立本王會圖, Tang Yan Liben Wanghuitu, hereafter “Wanghuitu”), which portrays twenty-six foreign emissaries in color on silk along with the names of their respective countries. The other scroll, Foreign Envoys Paying Tribute to Emperor Yuandi of Liang State copied by Gu Deqian of Southern Tang (南唐顧德謙摹梁元帝蕃客入朝圖, NanTang Gu Deqian mo Liang Yuandi Fanke ruchaotu, hereafter “Fanke ruchaotu”), which is an ink drawing copied by Gu Deqian, depicts thirty-one foreign emissaries.29 These two works include emissaries from Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla, among whom only the emissary from Goguryeo is wearing jougwan.30 In Wanghuitu, a Goguryeo emissary appears in a red jacket, wide green trousers with red trim, and a headdress decorated with feathers secured to the head with a band (Plate 9). Fanke ruchaotu also depicts a Goguryeo emissary, painted only in ink, wearing a headdress with two feathers (Plate 10). These two pictures are significant in that both contain an inscription that defines the emissaries wearing jougwan as being from Goryeo (高麗 which means Goguryeo [高句麗] then). ( Plate 9 ) Foreign emissaries from Emperor Taizong Meeting with Foreign Envoys painted by Yan Liben of Tang Chinese, Tang, 8th century or later copy, color on silk National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan ( Plate 10 ) Foreign emissaries including a Goguryeo envoy, from Foreign Envoys Paying Tribute to the Emperor Yuandi of Liang Dynasty, copied by Gu Deqian of Southern Tang Chinese, Five Dynasties, 10th century, ink on paper National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan Although it is difficult to date these paintings with precision, they are undoubtedly copies of the original Painting of Tribute Bearers to the Liang State (梁職貢圖, Liang zhigong tu), such as the one in the Nanjing Museum. Copies of artwork can in some cases prove to be a valuable source of information for the missing originals. Furthermore, these scroll paintings give a glimpse of the international nature of Tang culture of the time. Wanghuitu is dated to the late seventh century or is possibly a later copy, while Fanke ruchaotu dates to the tenth century. The fact that foreign emissaries of similar attire appear in many Dunhuang wall paintings highlights that the tradition of making copies was in practice for quite some time. Furthermore, the reason that the Dunhuang wall paintings contain only Goguryeo emissaries wearing jougwan demonstrates that this was the typical Chinese image of Koreans even after the collapse of the Goguryeo state. IV GOGURYEO PEOPLE ON THE COVER OF A SIX-LOBED SILVER BOX, AND TWO SARIRA RELIQUARIES The two scroll paintings in Taipei strongly indicate that the foreign emissaries wearing jougwan depicted in the wall paintings of Prince Zhanghuai's tomb, the Dunhuang caves, and the Sogdian palace were also from Goguryeo. In a similar vein, further details of Goguryeo people can be seen in other forms of Tang Chinese art. In 1979, a small silver box was excavated in Xi'an, near the grounds of Jiaotong University (文通大學). The silver box, now housed in the Bureau of Cultural Relics and Gardens (文物園林局) in Xi'an, was introduced in 1984 as Duguan qigeguo liuban yinhe (部管七箇國六瓣銀盒: Six-lobed silver box representing seven neighboring states under Chinese governance).31 It has also been displayed in the exhibition, Hidden Treasures of Chang'an in Japan in 1992 (Plate 11-1).32 Inside the lobe on the lid of this silver box are portrayed people wearing jougwan with an inscription 高麗國 next to them, providing essential information of the nationality of the people with feathers on their headdress (Plate 11-2).33 ( Plate 11-1 ) Six-lobed silver box representing seven neighboring states under Chinese governance Chinese, Tang, late 7th to early 8th centuries Discovered from Baoyingsi temple site in Xi'an in 1979 H: 5 cm, W: 7.5 cm, Weight: 121 g Office of Culture and Garden in Xi'an ( Plate 11-2 ) Five Goguryeo people wearing hat crowned with two feathers and inscription of “Goryeo State,” 高麗國, detail Photograph by Felix Schoeber The lid of the silver box is in the form of six oval-shaped petals with a pointed hexagonal compartment in the center. Against a background of eojamun (魚子文: punched ring patterns), each compartment has embossed images of neighboring states identified by names such as Poluomenguo (婆羅門國), Tufanguo (土蕃國), Shuleguo (疏勒國), Gaoliguo (高麗國), Baituo􀆶guo (白拓􀆶國), and Niaomanguo (鳥蠻國) with Kunlunwangguo (崑崙王國) at the center. In the seventh century, these neighboring states were under the political influence of the Tang empire, as confirmed by the inscription of 部管七箇國 (duguan qigeguo meaning seven states under governance) in the middle of the lid, and 將來 (jianglai meaning brought [as tribute]). The inscriptions conform to historical facts of territorial expansion undertaken by Tang and the practice of establishing regional governing posts in the neighboring states of the great Tang empire. Under the reign of Emperor Taizong and Gaozong, the Tang empire occupied the largest territory in its history and established its governing bodies, such as Anxi Duhufu (安西都護府) in Kashgar (疏勒) in the farthest west, Yingzhou Dudufu (營州都督府) in the northeast, and Andong Duhufu (安東都護府) in Pyeongyang, the capital city of Goguryeo, which was later moved to Liaodong (遼東). Turning to the details of the seven compartments on the lid of the silver box, one finds the following. In the hexagonal compartment at the centre, along with the inscription duguan qigeguo and Kunlunwangguo (崑崙王國) on its right side, six people in total are embossed including one riding an elephant in the center followed by another person holding a parasol high over him as well as the mahout sitting on the elephant's head. They are wearing short dresses that only cover their waists, suggesting that they come from a warm region. Kunlun refers to a tribe of people with dark skin color, as recorded in the Nanmanzhuan (南蠻傳: Record of Barbarians in the South) in the Jiu Tangshu: “the people with curly hair and dark skin in the south of Linyi (林邑) are generally called Kunlun.”34 The term seems loosely to refer to the Malays who lived scattered around the south Pacific and at the time possibly formed a small kingdom in a region between present day Sri Lanka (獅子國) and Canton (廣州).35 Inside the oblong compartment facing the elephant in the centre are five people wearing headdresses decorated with two long rabbit ear-shaped feathers – apparently jougwan – along with the inscription 高麗國. With a person slightly bigger in size on the left and the other four people facing him, all five people are clearly wearing jougwan of Goguryeo. As already mentioned above, the Goguryeo outfit is typically described in old Chinese records as a long-sleeved jacket with wide trousers, a leather belt, leather shoes, and a headdress decorated with feathers as seen on this silver box. In the petal to the right, the name of a state (白拓口國) is inscribed next to two people. An old man is sitting on a large, rectangular-shaped woven straw mat to the left, with a boy to the right presenting an offering to him. The name of the state has not been identified as the third character is missing.36 In the next petal to the right, under the inscription 鳥蠻國 are two people with their hair in topknots standing with backpacks on the left, and on the right three people seem to be receiving guests while standing. Niaoman (鳥蠻) is related to a contemporaneous tribe called Nanzhao (南詔), referring to a state, which existed in the northwestern region of Vietnam or the eastern region of Myanmar.37 The next petal has an inscription of 婆羅門國, which seems to refer to today's India. On the left stands a monk in his robe, holding a cane, and on the right are two people seemingly having a conversation with a long bottle between them. The bottle has a narrow neck and a round body with something long sticking out of its mouth. The scene seems to depict a certain religious ceremony. The next petal to the right illustrates 土蕃國, present-day Tibet. Two people are herding a yak, which is dashing forward at a gallop. This seems to symbolize the wildness of the Tibetan plateau. Tufan (土蕃) maintained a special relationship with Tang since 641, in the reign of Emperor Taizong, when a Tang princess Wencheng married the Tibetan emperor, and introduced Buddhism to that country. The last petal is engraved 疏勒國, today's Kashgar, where Anxi Duhufu was placed in the wake of Taizong's western expedition. Two people are standing on the right holding long swords and, on the left, is one person holding a sword and another, a bow, illustrating the militaristic ethos of the west Chinese tribes. This silver box was previously thought to have been used to contain perfumery or medicine on the assumption that it was found in the grounds of Xingqing Palace (興慶宮). However, as the excavation site was recently confirmed as the site of Baoyingsi (宝[寶]應寺: Baoying Temple) founded in 767 and which once stood in front of the palace, the decoration on the box is now assumed to be depicting the distribution of sariras.38 Among the artifacts displayed during the exhibition Hidden Treasures of Chang'an in Japan was yet another example of Goguryeo people wearing jougwan. It is a reliquary for sariras made of marble, found in 1990 in the historic site of Fachi-si (法池寺), a Tang Temple located in Caiguaicun (蔡拐村), Lantian (藍田), Shaanxi Province (陕西省). This marble casket, 33 cm long on all sides, portrays two people wearing feathers on their headdresses, sitting with other foreign guests (Plate 12-1).39 The scene depicts the distribution of sariras (舍利分配圖). In front of a person with a crown sitting inside a building with a rounded roof, an old man with a topknot and short trousers is portrayed as if he is taking something out of a big jar, probably a relic container. In front are three people sitting on each side, among whom, on the left, are two people wearing jougwan next to a short man who is probably from western China or Kunlun. On the right are two people wearing hats and an old man with a beard. These visiting foreigners seem to be sitting there to receive sariras taken from the jar. Further, a series of scenes such as the carrying of sariras on an elaborately decorated vessel (Plate 12-2), the burial of sariras in deep mountains, and the reception of sariras in a remote fortress are carved in low relief on the other three sides of this reliquary. ( Plate 12-1 ) Reliquary for sarira Chinese, Tang late 7-8th century, marble Unearthed at the temple site of Fachi-si, Caiguancun, Lantian, Shaanxi Province in 1990 H: 32 cm, W: 32 cm, Depth: 32 cm Cultural Relics Center of Lantian, Shaanxi ( Plate 12-2 ) Placement of sariras into a Jar, one side of the reliquary The style of the relief carving on the casket indicates that it dates from the early Tang and the foreign guests depicted on this marble reliquary share similar features with the figures illustrated in the silver box discussed above.40 Therefore, it is possible to conclude that the people wearing jougwan were also from Goguryeo who were included among the guests to receive sariras from the neighboring states of Tang. This assumption is further supported by the fact that an outer stone casket for a sarira reliquary in the Sumitomo collection, Senoku Hakukokan (泉屋博古館), Kyoto, known to have been brought from Shandong area in China, also shows three emissaries from Goguryeo in its depiction on all four sides of foreign envoys receiving sariras (Plate 13). The inscription on one side of the casket reads “Qianyuan Xiaoyi Huangdi baguo deng” (乾元孝義皇帝八國王等: Qianyuan reign of Emperor Xiaoyi and Kings of Eight States), alluding to the scene related to the distribution of the sariras to eight nations after the cremation of the Buddha. As the Qianyuan reign covers the period between 758 and 760, the date of this casket is of the mid-eighth century.41 ( Plate 13 ) Outer casket for sarira reliquary Chinese, Tang, 758-760, limestone H: 65.6 cm, W: 45.6 cm, Depth: 61.4 cm Sumitomo Collection Senoku Hakukokan, Kyoto, Japan V THE EXISTENCE OF LESSER GOGURYEO It is written in Tang records that the Goguryeo refugees stayed in the Liaodong region until the early ninth century and were governed under the lineage of Bojangwang (寳藏王: Silla king, r. 677-682) who had been appointed by the Tang Emperor. It is now time to look into the historic context in more detail. A number of Chinese historical texts record the fact that after Goguryeo's collapse in 668, refugees settled in the Liaodong region, where the state persisted in another form in the area under the protection of Tang. While the Jiu Tangshu only records the history of Goguryeo until the time of Empress Wu Zetian,42 the Xin Tangshu states that a reconstituted Goryeo (meaning Goguryeo) existed in Liaodong as a peripheral state of Tang until it was absorbed into Balhae (渤海, 698-927; Chinese: Bohai), which was founded by a Goguryeo descendant, Daejoyeong (大祚榮, r. 699-719).43 The Samguksagi records the same facts in the chapter on Goguryeo.44 From this viewpoint, when it comes to Tang artists' propensity to draw images of Koreans paying tribute to Tang in the manner of Goguryeo people wearing jougwan, the following argument can be laid out. In the wake of the collapse of Goguryeo in 668, refugees were scattered over various areas. Unified Silla absorbed some of them, while captured officials and members of the Goguryeo royal family lived in Chang'an (present Xi'an). Others joined the Tang military to protect the western frontiers or were dispersed across China. Some people became a part of Balhae as it established itself into a new state while others joined ethnic tribes in Liaodong and nomadic Mongolia. There were also some who went to Japan. This paper is primarily interested in the refugees in Liaodong.45 After the fall of Goguryeo, Tang established the satellite regime of Andong Duhufu in Pyeongyang, with ambitions to rule the old territory of Goguryeo as well as Silla. But Silla put up a fierce resistance both by land and sea. When Goguryeo refugees in Liaodong sought to re-establish their state, Silla and Tang gathered forces to crush the movement. However, after their joint victory, Silla and Tang came into conflict again and this led Tang to relocate permanently its satellite governing post from Pyeongyang to Liaodong in 676. After that date, Goguryeo refugees in Liaodong were granted a broader range of autonomy, although they remained as Tang subjects and under Tang control. In order to strengthen the governance of the Goguryeo refugees in Liaodong, Tang appointed in 677 Gaozang (高藏: Bojangwang, the last king of fallen Goguryeo) as the governor of Liaodong as well as the king of the refugees. Tang also had Goguryeo refugees who had previously been sent to inner Tang territory in 669 relocated to the area. Bojangwang's jurisdiction fell well within the control of Andong Duhufu, a title given to the head of a peripheral tribe rather than an official of the Tang empire. Therefore, Bojangwang was a symbolic head of Goguryeo refugees within the hierarchy of Andong Duhufu. Despite Tang's efforts to maintain its stronghold in Liaodong, it proved to be a difficult task. Tang appointed Go Bowon (高寶元, dates of birth and death unknown), Bojangwang's grandson, new king of the peripheral state in 686 in the wake of the discovery of Bojangwang's collusion with the Mohe (靺鞨) tribe. In 698 Tang appointed Go Bowon zhongcheng guowang (忠誠國王: loyal king) with a view toward maintaining control over the Goguryeo migrants in Liaodong, but to no avail. However, Tang China was still able to maintain indirect control of Liaodong through granting the Goguryeo's royal family exile in the capital, Chang'an. In 699, Tang downgraded Andong Duhufu to Andong Dudufu (都督府) and appointed Bojangwang's son, Go Deokmu (咼德武, dates of birth and death unknown), as governor. Hino Kaizaburo (日野開三郞) considers this point in time as the start of the state of Lesser Goguryeo (小高句麗) that was led by Goguryeo's royal family.46 It is generally considered that the new state could have survived due to the fact that the Liaodong region played the role as a buffer between Tang and Balhae, which was established in 698, following a series of military conflicts in the region.47 Moreover, Tang selected another colonial government of Xiongjin (熊津) Dudufu in Jian'an (建安) of Liaodong to govern the refugees of Baekje, appointing Prince Buyeoryung (夫餘隆) of Baekje as the Governor King Daifang (熊津都督帶方郡王). But Prince Buyeoryung died in 682 while in exile in Goguryeo.48 Moreover, it is recorded that in 725 the King of Goguryeo as well as Governor King Daifang of Baekje were present in the religious ceremony of Emperor Xuanzong (玄宗) as officials of peripheral localities (內臣之蕃, neichen zhifan).49 This suggests that Goguryeo was considered as a locality of the Tang empire inhabited by ethnic minorities. In contrast, the same text records Tuque, Japan, and Silla as peripheral states paying tribute (朝獻之國, chaoxian zhiguo), indicating that they were autonomous states, albeit under the political influence of Tang. Goguryeo's tributary mission toward the end of the Yuanhe (元和 806-821) reign is recorded in the Xin Tangshu,50 which the Samguksagi correspondingly records as having taken place in the year 818.51 This suggests that the state of Lesser Goguryeo was established in Liaodong and that it had a semi-autonomous status, paying tribute to Tang until the early-ninth century. Lesser Goguryeo was, however, absorbed into Balhae during the reign of its tenth king, Daeinsu (大仁秀, r. 813-840). In summary, Tang seems to have paid respect to the royal family of Goguryeo by appointing Go Bowon as King of Goguryeo in 686, and Go Deokmu as the governor representing Goguryeo refugees. But Tang in fact kept them both in Chang'an in order to maintain indirect control of Liaodong. Roh Taedon's analysis summarizes well the peripheral status of Lesser Goguryeo: the members of the royal family in exile were used to keep up the imperial appearances of the Tang dynasty and reinforce its authority. In other words, they were asked to appear in official ceremonies to manifest externally to the kings of vassal states the power and benevolence of imperial China, and internally to show Tang subjects the imperial dominance and charismatic influence of the moral Son of Heaven (天子, tianzi) over its numerous neighboring states.52 VI CONCLUSION This paper has considered Goguryeo's presence from the late seventh century to the early-ninth century as a peripheral vassal state of Tang. Some of the remaining refugees of Goguryeo served the Tang military and contributed to the Tang expedition as far as to Sogdiana as led by the General Gao Xianzhi (Go Seonji, 高仙芝, d. 755), who was himself a Korean from Goguryeo. On the other hand, the Goguryeo people also played an important political role in Liaodong, maintaining a complex diplomatic relationship with the neighboring states of Qidan (契丹), Tuque, and Mohe, and establishing a new state of Balhae at the end of the seventh century. Returning to the discussion on the portraits of people wearing jougwan, this paper proposed that the wall paintings in Dunhuang Caves 220, 335, and 332 are likely to have depicted emissaries of Goguryeo, a powerful neighboring state, in the presence of the Tang emperor. Before its fall, Goguryeo was the strongest of the Three Kingdoms and had fought against the Chinese armies of Sui Yangdi and Tang Taizong and had defeated them. Therefore it seems to be natural that even after Goguryeo fell in 668, the Tang Chinese still continued to keep in their minds the Goguryeo envoy with feathered hat as a stereotypical image of Koreans. It is therefore likely that the tomb murals or wall paintings were either based on a model of well-established images at the time or were copied after the event, rather than the artists' keen understanding of history or political knowledge regarding the neighboring states. The fact that even after the collapse of Goguryeo, the remaining royal descendants were appointed to rule Liaodong in the form of a peripheral state of the Tang empire strongly suggests that the artists of the time were likely to have depicted Goguryeo people as emissaries from neighboring states. In particular, the silver box of Xi'an and the two scrolls Wanghuitu by Yan Liben and Fanke ruchaotu copied by Gu Deqian in Taipei clearly state in the inscription that the people in jougwan are from Goguryeo. This recognition in the appearance of Goguryeo people with the characteristic feature of the feathered hat, also applies to the identification of the figures with jougwan at the scene of the distribution of sariras to neighboring kings carved on the stone reliquary in Senoku Hakukokan.

Among the Buddhist architectural ruins of Goguryeo (高句麗, 37 BC-668) available for examination, only four temple sites provide relatively clear information on the layout of the buildings within each site. They include the Cheongam-ri (淸岩里) and the Sango-ri (上五里) temple sites, which were surveyed by Japanese scholars circa 1940, and the Jeongneung (定陵) and Toseong-ri (土城里) temple sites, which were investigated by North Korean scholars after the liberation from Japanese colonialism in 1945. A report on the Wono-ri (元五里) temple site written during the Japanese colonial era also remains, but lacks information on the ground plan. For this reason, it will not be considered in this paper. Since the reports on these temple sites were compiled on the basis of archaeological excavation alone, there is no reliable information on the architectural styles of the buildings themselves, and it is thus only possible to imagine parts of the buildings by examining the remains of stone platforms, gutters, foundations, cornerstones, and the like. This paper draws on the extraordinarily dynamic changes in East Asian site plans. It should be emphasized, however, that its goal is to note changes in the architectural placement of structures and buildings, rather than to define the characteristics of above-ground architecture for restoration purposes. In East Asian architecture changes in the layout of buildings rather than changes in architectural style provide a more accurate reflection of the historical architectural trends of the time. Yet, there is a tendency to classify all ancient Buddhist architecture collectively and to understand their structures under a category easily identifiable to us, for example as a certain type of “pagoda” or as a “golden hall” (金堂, geumdang: the central image hall in a Buddhist temple where Buddhist images or statues are enshrined). On close scrutiny, however, we find that within the same classification of architectural forms there lie distinct differences, reflecting a consistent pattern of change in Buddhist aesthetics and ideology. Rather than theoretical studies on architectural form, a more significant focus of inquiry, therefore, would be to identify the substance of these changes and to address the causes that lie behind them. In the case of some temple sites, it is possible to ascertain a clear reconstruction of the site plan to a reliable degree even when there are no surviving above-ground architectural remains. This paper begins with an analysis of the data on Buddhist temple sites of Goguryeo, followed by an attempt to identify specific changes in the layout of temple buildings and other structures. The final part of this paper puts forward an assessment of the date of each temple site together with explanations as to why changes in site plans occurred. There are a number of assumptions that can be made about Goguryeo temple sites built around the fifth century AD, which are supported by documentary evidence. Documents exist which record that Buddhism and Buddhist architecture of ancient China had already reached full bloom by the fifth century and that by this time Goguryeo's absorption of Buddhism from Former Qin (前秦, Qianqin, 351-394) of the Northern Dynasties (北朝, Beichao, 386-535) had been completed. In the fifth century, during the time of the Southern and Northern Dynasties (南北朝, Nanbeichao, 386-589), China consisted of several states that espoused Buddhism and competed in the building of Buddhist temples. More significantly, the flowering of Buddhism in China in the fifth century had a profound influence on Goguryeo. There are, however, no excavation reports on Chinese Buddhist temples of that period and, thus, the evolution of Goguryeo temples and related findings of temple sites are key not only to understanding Goguryeo architecture but also to assessing broader trends in ancient East Asian Buddhist architecture. Furthermore, findings on Goguryeo Buddhist temple sites also serve as an essential template for understanding the Buddhist architecture of Baekje (百濟, 18 BC-660) and Silla (新羅, 57 BC-654). With respect to this thesis, I have already presented a paper on the Sango-ri temple site1 in which I attempted to analyze the dates and sequence of construction by comparing Sango-ri with other sites. This paper, by contrast, seeks to complement it by providing a conclusive conceptual framework. Indeed, sometime after the publication of my earlier paper, a newly excavated temple site in North Korea was reported, the discovery of which made it incumbent on me to reassess my previous work. It has become necessary to take a general overview of all such temple sites in order to be able to compare them within a single genealogical framework, as well as to compare each site individually and to gauge the differences between them in a more objective and quantifiable manner. Such a holistic view of all temple sites lends itself to a more effective evaluation of the chronology and the overall pattern of development of Buddhist temple site plans of the Goguryeo period. II TEMPLE SITES OF THE GOGURYEO PERIOD Although there are several documentary reports about Goguryeo temple sites available, for the purpose of my overall argument I have chosen to outline below the salient features of each temple. The best-known Goguryeo temple site is the Cheongam-ri temple site (Plate 1). It is located on a hill north of the Daedonggang (大同江: river in Pyeongannam-do), about three kilometers northeast of Pyeongyang (平壤). Three buildings, each thought to be a golden hall, surround an octagonal pagoda.2 An entrance site (門址, munji) to the south of the pagoda site (塔址, tapji) has also been discovered. ( Plate 1 ) Cheongam-ri temple site No definitive evidence distinguishing the name and date of the temple at the Cheongam-ri temple site has been found, but most scholars agree that it is Geumgangsa (金剛寺: temple),3 built during the reign of Munjawang (文咨王, r. 491-516) of Goguryeo.4 The basis for this consensus is threefold, namely that the reported location of this temple is the same as the location of the Cheongam-ri temple site;5 that remains that bear the word “Geumgang (金剛)” are found around the site;6 and, finally, that according to Goryeosa (高麗史: History of Goryeo), King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1095-1105) visited Geumgangsa and viewed the remains of the old pagoda.7 It has also been found that each side of the stylobate or pillar foundation for the wooden octagonal pagoda measured about 9.5 meters while the temple's eastern and western buildings each measured about 13 by 23.5 meters. In addition, an entrance site or munji was found south of the pagoda site. Although there is as yet no conclusive evidence of a corridor surrounding the pagoda and the three golden halls, it is almost certain that it did exist. The remains of a separate building were discovered north of the three golden halls,8 and there was a large enough space for a corridor between that building and the golden halls. A separate temple site called Wono-ri Temple was also surveyed around the same time as the Cheongam-ri temple site. However, since not even an outline of the ground plan could be determined from this particular site, it is not useful for the purpose of this paper to elaborate on it.9 Another temple site surveyed by the Japanese is Sango-ri Temple (Plate 2), but unlike the Cheongam-ri temple site, it did not undergo formal excavation and analysis. The site lay in limbo after an initial survey and it was only later that a sketch plan of it was produced.10 ( Plate 2 ) Sango-ri temple site The Sango-ri temple site is located at Imwon-myeon (林原面), Daedong-gun (大同郡), northeast of Pyeongyang, and about two kilometers northwest of the Cheongam-ri temple site. The name of the temple and the date of its construction remain unknown. An octagonal pagoda and the foundations of buildings to the east and west of the pagoda have been discovered, but whether or not there existed a building to the north of the pagoda is uncertain. Each side of the stylobate of this pagoda measured about 8 meters and the buildings east and west of the pagoda each measured 12.6 by 25.8 meters. Compared with the Cheongam-ri temple site, the pagoda is slightly smaller while the eastern and western buildings are longer. The most significant difference between the two sites, however, is the distance between the pagoda and the eastern and western buildings. At Cheongam-ri temple site this is 10 meters while at Sango-ri temple site it is 4 meters, less than half. In addition to the two temple sites of Cheongam-ri and Sango-ri surveyed by Japanese scholars sometime around 1940, two other Goguryeo temple sites investigated by North Korean scholars have come to light in more recent years. One is the Jeongneung temple site and the other is Toseong-ri temple site. The Jeongneung temple site is located at Jinpa-ri (眞坡里), Jeonghwa-gun (中和郡). The contours of the entire temple site have been confirmed by excavation (Plate 3). The octagonal pagoda in the center has the same features as those of other temple sites, the scale of the stylobate being also similar to those of others (the outer row of pillars measuring 8.4 meters on each side and the inner row 7.3 meters). The most significant difference here is that while the pagoda was also flanked on its east and west by buildings, unlike in other temple sites, these adjacent buildings are not symmetrically aligned. Moreover, the pagoda is located to the east of the center of the ground plan and a corridor that surrounds only the pagoda and the eastern and the western building remains. To the north, the remains of three separate buildings surrounded by another corridor were found, and still further north are the foundations of three other buildings: the ones at either side, to judge from the plans of the pillar bases, are almost certainly a bell tower (鐘樓, jongnu: a tower or a two-storey structure) and a sutra pavilion (經樓, gyeongnu); it is less clear what the one in the center may have been, although the site plan suggests that it is a golden hall.11 ( Plate 3 ) Jeongneung temple site The temple name is inscribed on tiles discovered at the site. The tomb of Dongmyeongwang (東明王陵: Dongmyeong wangneung) is located to the north of Jeongneungsa. Concerning this location, scholars take the view that when Jangsuwang (長壽王, r. 413-497) transferred the capital from Tonggu (通溝) to Pyeongyang, he had the tomb of the founder of the dynasty, Dongmyeongwang (r. 37–19 BC), moved from Ji'an (輯安), Manzhou (滿洲) to the new capital and built Jeongneungsa as a prayer hall (願刹, wonchal: a hall to pray for the well-being of the royal household) for his own longevity and the peace and security of his nation. Thus, the date of the construction of Jeongneungsa is considered to be circa 427, the year that Jangsuwang moved the capital. In short, Jeongneungsa is a temple of the early fifth century, built some seventy years earlier than Cheongam-ri Temple. The most recently excavated temple site is Toseong-ri (Plate 4). While other temple sites are in the vicinity of Pyeongyang, the Toseong-ri temple site is located at Toseong-ri, Bongsan-gun (鳳山郡), Hwanghae-do, to the south of the city. The scale of the stylobate of the octagonal pagoda is similar to those mentioned above (the outer row of pillars measuring 9.1 meters on each side and the inner row 7.7 meters). The foundations of the western building measure 18 by 9 meters and stands 7.4 meters away from the pagoda. The ground plan of the eastern building is assumed to be aligned symmetrically with that of the western building, although the disturbed conditions of the ground surface do not allow for this to be verified. The foundations of another building are located north of the pagoda, but information on it exists only to the extent that the building's southern stylobate has been identified. It is noteworthy that that the latter is located 27.3 meters away from the center of the pagoda. The date of construction and the name of the temple are as yet unknown. ( Plate 4 ) Toseong-ri temple site III ANALYSIS OF CHANGING PATTERNS OF SITE PLANS All the ground plans for the four temple sites discussed above are different from one another. On the one hand, this makes it challenging to understand the characteristics of Goguryeo Buddhist temples. On the other hand, the differences point to certain historical processes of change in the construction of Goguryeo Buddhist temples. Among the four temple sites, the Cheongam-ri and Jeongneung sites are the only ones for which we have approximate dates of construction. The differences in layout between Jeongneung and Cheongam-ri provide evidence for the evolution of temple plans from the early fifth century to the late fifth century. The next task is to place the Sango-ri temple site and Toseong-ri temple site within a time frame in relation to the Jeongneung temple site and Cheongam-ri temple site. Such a chronological framework for all four sites will enable us to discern patterns of change in Goguryeo temple layouts over time. The most important elements of a Buddhist temple are naturally the pagoda and the golden halls. Among the four temple sites there are no distinguishing differences in the features of the pagoda stylobates. They are all octagonal and their construction methods are quite similar to each other. The pagodas are also generally similar in size with only slight variations of scale: the outer measurement of each side of the octagonal stylobate of the Cheongam-ri temple site measures 9.5 meters; that of the Sango-ri temple site 8 meters; that of the Jeongneung temple site 8.4 meters; and the Tosheong-ri temple site 9.1 meters. A pattern of gradual increase in the dimensions of the stylobates emerges from the Sango-ri temple site to Jeongneung, to Toseongri, and to Cheongam-ri, although any minor difference is possibly due to differing points of reference in measuring them. The dimensions of the eastern and western golden halls of the Sango-ri temple site are 12.6 by 25.8 meters whereas Toseong-ri measures 9.1 by 18 meters and Cheongam-ri 12 by 21 meters. The dimensions of the Jeongneung temple site's eastern golden hall are 13.4 by 20.5 meters, and those of the western golden hall are 13.8 by 22.8 meters.12 Since the eastern and western golden halls of the Jeongneung temple site are different from each other in size, it is not useful to compare them with the dimensions of the golden halls at the other three sites. What is discernible among the three remaining sites, excluding the Jeongneung temple site, is the decreasing size of the foundations of the eastern and western buildings: from Sango-ri (325 m2) to Cheongam-ri (252 m2), and to Toseong-ri (163 m2). Furthermore, a decreasing order in the ratio of length and width (longer side/shorter side) is also found from Sango-ri (2:1) to Toseong-ri (1.97:1), and to Cheongam-ri (1.75:1). In other words, the structure of the eastern and western golden halls has gradually changed from a long and narrow rectangle to a shorter and broader rectangle. A comparison between Jeongneungsa and the others shows that the scales of both the eastern and western golden halls of Jeongneung lie between those of Sango-ri and Cheongam-ri, and that the ratio between length and width of the buildings at Jeongneung temple site is smaller than that of Cheongam-ri. The four sites also demonstrate considerable variation in the distance between the pagodas and the eastern and western golden halls. The distance at the Sango-ri temple site is 4 meters; at Toseong-ri it is 7.4 meters; and at Cheongam-ri 10 meters. The distance from the pagoda of the Jeongneungsa to the foundations of its eastern golden hall is 5.5 meters, and to the foundations of the western hall it is 9.2 meters. Taking into account only the distance between the eastern golden hall and the pagoda at the Jeongneung temple site, the following increasing order of distance appears: Sango-ri – Jeongneung – Toseong-ri – Cheongam-ri. The rate of increase in distance from one site to the next is also relatively constant. The distance between the pagoda and the golden halls at Cheongam-ri is more than twice that of Sango-ri. If we are to assume that the Sango-ri temple site also had the same structure of three golden halls as the Cheongam-ri temple site, then the eastern and western golden halls in the former would be clustered so close to the pagoda that there would not be sufficient space for a northern golden hall. Therefore, it is more reasonable to assume that only the pagoda and the two golden halls of the Sango-ri temple site were surrounded by a corridor, especially considering the fact that, in the case of the Jeongneung temple site, its pagoda and eastern and western golden halls are also cordoned off by a corridor. This structural pattern is also present in the Toseong-ri temple site. The eastern and western golden halls of the temple are very close to the pagoda, indicating an intimate flow of worshippers between the two halls, but the temple's northern golden hall is so far removed from the pagoda as to give the impression of being a structure altogether separate from the golden halls. On the other hand, the three golden halls and the pagoda of the Cheongam-ri temple site are placed within an integrated ground plan. This layout seems to have developed from the ground plan of the Sango-ri temple site. Chronological changes in temple site plans are also found in the northern golden halls and corridors. In the case of the Sango-ri temple site, no remains of a northern golden hall have yet been found. At the Jeongneung temple site, on the other hand, a small-scale northern hall is located in the space between the bell tower and the sutra pavilion. At the Toseong-ri temple site, the northern golden hall is larger than the eastern and western halls and thereby can be considered to be a golden hall in its own right. However, because it is located further away from the pagoda than the eastern and western halls, visually it appears isolated. On the other hand, at the Cheongam-ri temple site, the location of the northern golden hall is in natural harmony with the eastern and western halls as well as with the pagoda. The structural form of the corridor may also be explained in this context. As discussed above, at the Sango-ri temple site, the pagoda and the eastern and western golden halls are assumed to have been surrounded by a corridor, as in the case of the Jeongneung temple site. Judging by the distance between the northern golden hall and the pagoda at the Toseong-ri temple site, it is fair to assume that, in keeping with the tradition of Jeongneungsa, a corridor was built between them. This distance is difficult to explain otherwise. Yet the large scale of the northern golden hall at Toseong-ri distinguishes it from that of Jeongneungsa. If this analysis is valid, the Cheongam-ri temple site is the first to feature a single corridor surrounding all three golden halls and the pagoda. This hypothesis cannot be verified beyond doubt until a full excavation of the area surrounding the corridor is carried out, yet it seems highly probable when we consider the locations of the pagoda and the golden halls that have been discovered so far. From the above analysis we can see a clear pattern of change in the Goguryeo temple form. First, there is a chronological correlation between the practice of constructing larger pagodas and the custom of extending the distance between the pagoda and the eastern and western golden halls, as evidenced in the following ascending order: Sango-ri temple site – Jeongneung temple site – Toseong-ri temple site – Cheongam-ri temple site. Secondly, this also coincides with the order of increasing size of northern golden halls, coupled with a corresponding order of decreasing size of eastern and western golden halls, as well as a decrease in the ratios of length and width of the latter. Rather than dismiss these patterns as a coincidence, therefore, we should understand them as a series of changes caused by clearly defined motives and aims. Above all, this analysis offers a more plausible assessment of the construction dates of each temple. If the construction date of Jeongneungsa is set to 427, then Sango-ri Temple, which preceded Jeongneung, can be dated to be sometime in the early fifth century or the late fourth century, and an estimate of circa 400 appears to be reasonable. Moreover, since Toseongri Temple must have been built after Jeongneungsa and before Cheongam-ri Temple, its construction is assumed to have taken place in the middle or late fifth century. Even if these estimated construction dates are not wholly accurate, with such clearly definable patterns of change discernible in the site plans, the chronological development of structural changes is irrefutable. Therefore, the next task is to examine the causes behind such patterns of change. This may be a more challenging endeavor than the above analysis of structural changes, as it would require a more subjective interpretation of Buddhist history and aesthetics. It would, however, also impart more significance to the findings. IV CONCLUSION: INTERPRETATION OF CHANGING PATTERNS The practice of building larger pagodas should be considered the most central pattern of change to emerge in Goguryeo Buddhist temple designs. Considering that the pagoda was the main focus of Buddhist temples of that era, we can assume that the religious symbolism and relative importance of pagodas had been steadily on the rise throughout the Goguryeo period. We can also see from various records that from the earliest days of ancient Buddhist architecture represented in the form of pagoda temples (塔寺, tapsa), the pagoda was the sole structure inside the central cloister.13 The presence of eastern and western golden halls, located to the left and right of the central pagoda at the Sango-ri temple site is a dramatic departure from the previous pagoda-oriented temple plan. This new ground plan is thought to have been influenced by the contemporary style of palace architecture that placed eastern and western halls on the left and right of the “main hall of a palace” (正殿, jeongjeon: the central administrative building of the royal palace, used for formal occasions such as coronations).14 Moreover, the demand for eastern and western golden halls probably arose from the need for space to install various Buddhist statues in line with the doctrines of Mahayana Buddhism at that time. The new structure with eastern and western golden halls would inevitably have impinged upon the space available on both sides of the central pagoda. They might have had the effect of reducing the scale and spatial boundaries of the pagoda of earlier times that occupied a large space and stood alone within the temple. However, the constant increase in the size of pagodas from the period of the Sango-ri temple site to that of the Cheongam-ri temple site illustrates the fact that the pagoda remained the central feature within a temple at least until the fifth century. In other words, the central importance of the pagoda increased rather than decreased during that period. However, from the sixth century on, this pagoda-centered layout began to change, with the size of the pagoda diminishing and the pagoda itself displaced from the central axis.15 In the light of this we may assume that the centrality of the pagoda in the temple layout began to decline around the late fifth century or the early sixth century, and that the Cheongam-ri temple site marks a turning point in this decline). In the sixth century, the eastern, western, and northern golden halls that had been introduced in the fifth century laid the basis for such a move away from the pagoda-centered layout. On the one hand, the eastern and western golden halls decreased in scale almost immediately after their very introduction, a pattern evidenced by their disappearance from the temple layout by the sixth century.16 On the other hand, the northern golden hall started out small in scale, as seen in Jeongneungsa, and gradually increased in scale and importance. Despite such a trend, even by the time of the construction of Toseong-ri Temple, the northern golden hall still lay outside the corridor. However, by the time of Cheongam-ri Temple, the northern golden hall came to be situated within the corridor and became the central and largest of the golden halls. By the sixth century, the northern golden hall had become the only golden hall within the temple and the eastern and western halls had become obsolete. The northern golden hall came to occupy a position equal to that of the pagoda, and after the mid-sixth century the importance of the northern golden hall in the temple layout came to eclipse even that of the pagoda. This change in hierarchical placement toward a plan centered around a northern golden hall was already underway in the fifth century, as reflected in the gradual transition from Jeongneungsa to Toseong-ri Temple, and to Cheongam-ri Temple, signaling the changes to come in the sixth century. The Cheongam-ri temple site should be viewed less as a prototype of Goguryeo Buddhist temples, as has so far been the case, and rather as a transitional temple layout at a stage of development in the fifth century, built on a long process of evolutionary change. If the Jeongneung and Toseong-ri temple sites are viewed as developmental stages in that lengthy process, then the Sango-ri temple site might be taken as its starting point. Undoubtedly, the Chinese temple layout of a pagoda with surrounding corridors had already been in place long before Sango-ri Temple was built, and temple layouts in the Korean peninsula continued to change after the Goguryeo Cheongam-ri Temple. When examining the specific changes in the architectural formation of Goguryeo Buddhist temples, it is possible to establish a chronological sequence according to the changing scale and location of the buildings and structures, and the proportional space between each structure. However, we should consider these structural changes in the context of a broader evolution of ancient Buddhist architecture. These changes mainly resulted from an ongoing conflict, a dynamic functional clash between the symbolic position that stupas in Indian Buddhism held as containers for sariras and the newly emerging function of Buddhist temples as a sanctuary for the worship of Buddhist statues. In effect, the temple sites of Goguryeo represent the last phase of the primary symbolism of the pagoda in Buddhist ideological and aesthetic thought. Even in the face of limited information from excavations, it can be argued that the Sango-ri temple site, Jeongneung temple site, Toseong-ri temple site, and Cheongam-ri temple site of Goguryeo each represents a developmental stage of Buddhism within the broader context of dynamic change in Buddhist ideology and aesthetics around the fifth century.

The majority of the gungjung girokhwa (宮中記錄畫: court documentary paintings) of the Joseon dynasty are commemorative paintings of state ceremonies presided over by the king. Until the early eighteenth century, the themes of the gungjung girokhwa did not diverge far from the following: various kinds of palace banquets, ceremonies for the Giroso (耆老所: Office of the Elders), and administrative ceremonies, that is, the rites of the Board of Personnel (吏曹, Ijo) and the Ministry of War (兵曹, Byeongjo). In other words, early Joseon gungjung girokhwa did not necessarily depict ceremonies concerned with the Crown Prince (王世子, wangseja). However, during the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724-1776), who took much interest in visually recording the official events and ceremonies over which he himself presided, the themes of the gungjung girokhwa became more diverse than ever before. Since the late eighteenth century, realistically depicted gungjung girokhwa mainly featuring the donggung-uirye (東宮儀禮: court ceremonies related to the Crown Prince) were more frequently produced. The Joseon Crown Prince was obliged to undergo a series of initiation ceremonies from birth to enthronement, such as education as the wonja (元子: eldest royal son), appointment as the wangseja, entrance to the Seonggyun-gwan (成均館: National Confucian Academy), seoyeon (書筵: formal court lessons given to the seja), gwallye (冠禮: coming-of-age ceremony granting formal admission into adulthood), and garye (嘉禮: royal nuptials).1 The education of the Crown Prince was of pivotal importance and deemed to be directly relevant to the fate of the nation since what the Crown Prince learned or did not learn would determine whether peace or disorder would befall the nation. Thirteen Joseon paintings recording donggung uirye are known (see Table 1), the earliest painted in 1535.2 All thirteen are commemorative paintings of the administrative offices. In content the paintings are either recordings of court rites or ceremonial invocations of good auspices. The former were mostly produced by the Seja sigang-won (世子侍講院: Tutorial Office for the Crown Prince, hereafter “Sigang-won”), responsible for educating and serving the Crown Prince, while the latter were produced by various offices such as Chaegnyedogam (冊禮都監: Superintendency of Royal Investiture Ceremony), Seonjeon gwancheong (宣傳官廳: Spokesperson's Bureau), and Sansilcheong (産室廳: Royal Maternity Directorate). ( Table 1 ) List of gyechuk, gyecheop, and gyebyeong pertaining to the wangseja Title Date of production Ritual type Contents Participants Format Number of leaves Jungmyojo seoyeon-gwan sayeondo 1535 Seoyeon-gwan sayeon Sayeon Seoyeon-gwan, Gyeong-yeon-gwan, Chunchugwan Hanging scroll (original) Painting album (present) 17 Simindang yadaejido 1663 Yadae Yadae Sigang-won Hanging scroll 18 Simindangdocheop 1670 Gwallye Gwallye Sigang-won Painting album 13 Wangseja chaegnyedogam gyebyeong 1690 Chaegnye Sansu Chaegnyedogam Eight-fold screen 2 Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong 1784 Chaegnye Chaegnye Sigang-won Eight-fold screen 1 Wangseja chaegnye gyebyeong 1800 Chaegnye Yojiyeon Seonjeon-gwancheong Eight-fold screen 3 Wangseja tanganggyebyeong 1812 Tan-gang Yojiyeon Sansilcheong Eight-fold screen Wangseja iphakdocheop 1817 Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan Sigang-won Painting album 6 Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong 1819 Gwallye Jinharye Dangsang at Seungjeong-won Eight-fold screen 15 Sugyodocheop 1819 (?) Gwallye none) Painting album 12 Hoegang banchadocheop Early 19th century Hoegang (none) Painting album 11 Wangseja tan-gang gyebyeong 1874 Tan-gang Jinha Sansilcheong Ten-fold screen 20 Wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong 1879 Recovery from smallpox Chaekbong/ Jinha Owidochongbu/ Wijangso Ten-fold screen/ Eight-fold screen 4, 5 This paper focuses on paintings of the former category and examines ceremonial documentary paintings that depict in realistic detail the chaekbongnye (冊封禮: investiture ceremony), iphagnye (入學禮: ceremony for the commencement of learning), and gwallye of the Crown Prince. It analyzes in particular the motives behind their creation and their motifs. Artistically, the following paintings represent well the three wangseja-related ceremonies: Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong (文孝世子冊禮契屛: Folding Screen of Munhyo Seja's Investiture Ceremony); Wangseja iphakdocheop (王世子入學圖帖: Painting Album of the Commencement of Learning for the Crown Prince); Hoegang banchadocheop (會講班次圖帖: Painting Album of the Review Session); and Sugyodocheop (受敎圖帖: Painting Album of Receiving the Royal Edict). These paintings have yet to undergo a thorough scrutiny and this paper is an attempt at that task. The paintings listed above all depict donggung uirye in graphic detail and were all produced by the Sigang-won. Furthermore, it is significant that four paintings are related to Hyomyeong Seja - who ruled as regent for King Sunjo (r. 1800-1834) from 1827 to 1830.3 This paper seeks to answer why these court documentary paintings produced by the Sigang-won share common characteristics, and also why paintings related to Crown Prince Hyomyeong were produced so often. II DONGGUNG UIRYE OF THE JOSEON DYNASTY: CHAEKBONGNYE, IPHAGNYE, AND GWALLYE 01 THE SIGANG-WON, TUTORIAL OFFICE FOR THE CROWN PRINCE The office (衙門, amun) charged with educating the Joseon Crown Prince was called the Sigang-won. This office was originally named Sejagwansok (世子官屬) when the dynasty instituted the government bureaux of civil and military officials during the first year of the reign of King Taejo (太祖, r. 1392-1398).4 At the time of its creation, the office was charged with the twofold mission of education and royal protection – ganghak and siwi. Considering that the name, Sigang-won, first appears in the record of the 2nd day of the sixth month of the twelfth year (1466) of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455-1468) in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, it is believed that the institution was established sometime between 1392 and 1466.5 The Gyeonggukdaejeon, Complete Code of Law prescribed the Sigang-won as an office of the sixth rank (jongsampum amun). The office was supervised by a sa (師: head teacher) and a bu (傅: deputy teacher), positions concurrently held by the yeong-uijeong (領議政: Chief State Councilor) and u-uijeong (右議政: Third State Councilor), respectively. Lower in the hierarchy was the position of yisa (貳師: assistant teacher), also a concurrent position held by the fourth and fifth chanseong (贊成: state councilor). Below yisa, there were also the honorary positions of jwabin- and ubin-gaek (左· 右賓客 : Sigang-won officials of the third rank invited to teach the seja the Confucian classics and morals) and their deputies jwabubin- and ububin-gaek (左· 右副賓客). The chief administrator of the Sigang-won was for practical purposes the bodeok (輔德: chief administrator of the Sigang-won, official of jongsampum [從三品: the sixth rank]). In the daily operation of the Sigang-won, the bodeok supervised staff consisting of pilseon (弼善) of the seventh rank (正四品, jeongsapum), munhak (文學) of the ninth rank (正五品, jeong-opum), saseo (司書) of the eleventh rank (正六品, jeongnyukpum), and seolseo (設書) of the thirteenth rank (正七品, jeongchilpum). According to the Sok-daejeon (續大典: Supplement to the National Code), compiled in 1746, gyeom (兼: adjunct position) for concurrent employment were created for each of these. Moreover, qualified members of the sallim (山林: out-of-office literati) class who had not passed the civil service examination (科擧, gwageo) could be appointed to other positions such as additional teacher (贊善, chanseon) of jeongsampum, the fifth rank, adviser (進善, jinseon) of the seventh rank, and clerk (諮議, jaui) of the thirteenth rank.6 With a view to strengthening the power of the sovereign, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo made concerted efforts to reinforce the function and prestige of the Sigang-won.7 To add prestige to the Sigang-won, King Yeongjo reinstated the practice of formal bows between the seja and his head and deputy teachers that had previously been abolished. King Yeongjo also established the new position of yuseon (諭善: chief administrator) of the fifth rank in the Seson gangseowon (世孫講書院: Tutorial Office for the Crown Prince's eldest son) in 1759, when he appointed Jeongjo, his grandson, as wangseson (王世孫: the eldest son of the Crown Prince and next in line to succeed to the throne). The intention was to reinforce the education of royal heirs across two successive generations. King Jeongjo also took several steps to strengthen the role of the Sigang-won immediately after the birth of his son, Munhyo Seja. It is significant that Jeongjo promoted bodeok and gyeombodeok from the sixth rank to the fifth-rank position of dangsanggwan (堂上官: official of the fifth rank with the authority to participate in the debates and banquets at the palace halls), when there was at the time no higher-ranking official within the Sigang-won.8 What is noteworthy here is that Jeongjo did this in 1784, even before the investiture of his son, Munhyo Seja. By this move, the Sigang-won was placed on the same rank as the Samsa (三司: Three Offices of Remonstrance). Moreover, Jeongjo's intention to improve and to stabilize the functions of the Sigang-won is apparent in the completion of the Sigang-wonji (侍講院志: Records of Sigang-won [Rules and regulations governing the Sigang-won's organization] in 1784), which had been in preparation when Jeongjo held the title of wangseson. The editor of the protocol was Yu Uiryang (柳義養, 1718-?), one of Jeongjo's tutors in the years when he was second in line to the throne as wangseson. The Sigang-wonji chronicles in detail the historical records related to the organizational regulations, ceremonies, and educational contents of the Sigang-won. 02 THE WANGSEJA'S CHAEGNYE AND GWALLYE In the case of an ordinary family, the customary age for holding gwallye or coming-of-age ceremony for a son is yakgwan (弱冠: twenty). In contrast, at the royal court, the rule was to hold the eldest son's gwallye at the age of twelve, according to the Uirye (儀禮: Book of Etiquette and Ceremonies). This early age of initiation was derived from the belief that the king was the source of the wanggyo (王敎: royal order) hence the code of the royal family should be different from that of other families. The primary reason that Koreans deemed the gwallye essential was the belief that only upon the performance of the ceremony could one come into one's own as a man of principles and establish ritual and proper etiquette.9 Regarding these ceremonies, the issues most often debated within the court were the proper age for the Crown Prince's gwallye and the proper order of performance of the chaegnye (冊禮: investiture ceremony), gwallye, and iphagnye. During the reign of King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469-1494) the proper age for the gwallye became a contentious issue, and during the reign of King Jeongjong (定宗, r. 1398-1400) and King Injo (仁祖, r. 1595-1649) the sequence between the gwallye and chaegnye was deliberated. During the reign of King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1659-1674) the proper age for the iphagnye and for the gwallye was debated.10 One reason for the frequent debate over the right age for these rites was that there were many instances in which the standard rule of age eight for the iphagnye and age twelve for the gwallye could not be met. For instance, Prince Haeyang (海陽大君, Haeyang Daegun, 1468-1469), who was to reign as King Yejong (睿宗, r. 1468-1469) underwent the iphagnye in the twelfth month of 1457, just ten days after he was invested with the title of seja, and his gwallye only about a month before his chaegnye. In other words, the daegun (大君: royal prince other than the seja) had the three ceremonies of chaegnye, iphagnye, and gwallye all within the same year; so did Sohyeon Seja (昭顯世子, 1612-1645). On the other hand, in the case of Sunhoe Seja (順懷世子, 1551-1563), the ceremonies were performed in the following unusual order: chaegnye, garye, gwallye, and iphagnye. Different again was the case of King Hyeonjong, who entered the Seonggyun-gwan one year after he had undergone all the ceremonies of chaegnye, gwallye, and garye in the third year (1651) of King Hyojong (孝宗, r. 1649-1659) (see Table 2). ( Table 2 ) Chaegnye, iphagnye, and gwallye undergone by the kings of the Joseon dynasty 11 Name as king with dates of birth and death (reign years) Chaegnye (Investiture Ceremony) with age; year/month/day (AD) Iphagnye (Commencement of Learning) with age; year/month/day (AD) Gwallye (Coming-of-age Ceremony) with age; year/month/day (AD) Garye (Royal Nuptials) with age; year/month/day (AD) Enthronement with age; year/month/day (AD) Taejo 太祖, 1335-1398 (r. 1392-1398) Age 58; Taejo 1/?/? (1392) Jeongjong 定宗, 1357-1419 (r. 1398-1400) Age 42; Taejo 7/8/? (1398) Age 42; Taejo 7/9/? (1398) Taejong 太宗, 1367-1422 (r. 1400-1418) Age 34; Jeongjong 2/?/? (1400) as seje Age 34; Jeongjong 2/?/? (1400) Prince Yangnyeong 讓寧大君, 1394-1462 Age 11; Taejong 4/8/? (1404) Age 10; Taejong 3/8/4 (1403) Sejong 世宗, 1397-1450 (r. 1418-1450) Age 22; Taejong 18/4/? (1418) Age 12; Taejong 8/?/? (1408) Age 22; Taejong 18/8/11 (1418) Munjong 文宗, 1414-1452 (r. 1450-1452) Age 8; Sejong 3/10/27 (1421) Age 8; Sejong 3/12/25 (1421) Age 24; Sejong 19/?/? (1437) Age 37; Sejong 32/2/23 (1450) Danjong 端宗, 1441-1457 (r. 1452-1455) Age 8; Sejong 30/04/? (1448) Age 8; Sejong 30/9/1 (1448) Age 14; Danjong 2/?/? (1454) Age 12; Munjong 5/18/? (1452) Sejo 世袓, 1417-1468 (r. 1455-1468) Age 12; Sejong 10/?/? (1428) Age 39; Danjong 3/intercalary 6/? (1455) Prince Uigyeong 懿敬世子, 1438-1457 Age 18; Sejo 1/intercalary 7/26 (1455) Age 16; Danjong 1/4/? (1453) Deokjong (德宗, posthumous title) Yejong 睿宗, 1450-1469 (r. 1468-1469) Age 8; Sejo 3/12/15 (1457) Age 8; Sejo 3/12/24 (1457) Age 8; Sejo 3/11/07 (1457) Age 11; Sejo 6/?/? (1460) Age 19; Sejo 14/9/07 (1468) Seongjong 成宗, 1457-1494 (r. 1470-1494) Age 13; Yejong 1/11/28 (1469) Yeonsan-gun 燕山君, 1476-1506 (r. 1495-1506) Age 8; Seongjong 14/02/? (1483) Age 12; Seongjong 18/2/? (1487) Age 19; Seongjong 25/12/24 (1494) Jungjong 中宗, 1488-1544 (r. 1506-1544) Age 18; Yeonsan-gun 12/9/2 (1506) Injong 仁宗, 1515-1545 (r. 1544-1545) Age 6; Jungjong 15/4/? (1520) Age 8; Jungjong 17/10/25 (1522) Age 8; Jungjong 17/10/19 (1522) Age 10; Jungjong 19/?/? (1524) Age 30; Jungjong 39/1/1 (1544) Myeongjong 明宗, 1534-1567 (r. 1545-1567) Age 12; Injong 1/7/6 (1545) Prince Sunhoe 順懷世子, 1551-1563 Age 7; Myeongjong 12/8/? (1557) Age 10; Myeongjong 15/9/12 (1560) Age 10; Myeongjong 15/08/29 (1560) Age 10; Myeongjong 15/7/20 (1560) Seonjo 宣祖, 1552-1608 (r. 1567-1607) Jungjong's 7th son's 3rd son Age 18; Seonjo 2/12/29 (1569) Age 16; Myeongjong 22/7/3 (1567) Gwanghaegun 光海君, 1575-164 (r. 1609-1623) Age 18; Seonjo 25/8/? (1592) Age 23; Seonjo 30/4/? (1597) Age 34; Seonjo 41/2/2 (1608) Injo 仁祖, 1595-1649 (r. 1623-1649) Age 16; Gwanghaegun 2/5/11 (1610) as Wonjong (元宗, 1580-1619)'s wonja Age 16; Gwanghaegun 2/5/6 (1610) Age 13; Seonjo 39/?/? (1606) Age 15; Gwanghaegun 1/?/? (1609) Age 28; Gwanghaegun 15/3/14 (1623) Sohyeon Seja 昭顯世子, 1612-1645 Age 14; Injo 3/1/27 (1625) Age 14; Injo 3/10/17 (1625) Age 14; Injo 3/1/21 (1625) Age 16; Injo 5/?/? (1627) Hyojong 孝宗, 1619-1659 (r. 1649-1659) Age 27; Injo 23/9/27 (1645) Age 27; Injo 23/10/12 (1645) Age 27; Injo 23/09/27 (1645) Age 31; Injo 27/5/13 (1649) Hyeonjong 顯宗, 1641-1674 (r. 1659-1674) Age 9; Injo 27/10/21 (1649) as seson Age 11; Hyojong 2/8/28 (1651) as seja Age 12; Hyojong 3/4/12 (1652) Age 11; Hyojong 2/8/9 (1651) Age 11; Hyojong 2/8/28 (1651) Age 19; Hyojong 10/5/09 (1659) Sukjong 肅宗, 1661-1720 (r. 1674-1720) Age 7; Hyeonjong 8/1/22 (1667) Age 9; Hyeonjong 10/8/25 (1669) Age 10; Hyeonjong 11/3/? (1670) Age 11; Hyeonjong 12/3/22 (1671) Age 14; Hyeonjong 15/8/23 (1674) Gyeongjong 景宗, 1688-1724 (r. 1720-1724) Age 3; Sukjong 16/6/16 (1690) Age 8; Sukjong 21/3/12 (1695) Age 8; Sukjong 21/4/18 (1695) Age 9; Sukjong 22/5/19 (1696) Age 33; Sukjong 46/6/13 (1720) Yeongjo 英祖, 1694-1776 (r. 1724-1776) Age 28; Gyeongjong 1/9/26 (1721) as seje Age 29; Gyeongjong 2/9/18 (1722) Age 11; Sukjong 30?/? (1704) Age 11; Sukjong 30/?/? (1704) Age 31; Gyeongjong 4/8/30 (1724) Hyojang Seja 孝章世子, 1719-1728 Age 7; Yeongjo 1/3/20 (1725) as Yeongjo's wonja Age 9; Yeongjo 3/3/19 (1727) Age 9; Yeongjo 3/9/09 (1727) Age 9; Yeongjo 3/9/29 (1727) King Jinjong (眞宗, posthumous title) Jangheon Seja 莊獻世子, 1735-1762 Age 2; Yeongjo 12/ 3/15 (1736) as Yeongjo's 2nd son Age 8; Yeongjo 18/3/26 (1742) Age 8; Yeongjo 18/3/17 (1742) Age 10; Yeongjo 20/?/? (1744) King Jangjo (莊祖, posthumous title) Jeongjo 正祖, 1752-1800 (r. 1776-1800) Age 8; Yeongjo 35/intercalary 6/22 (1759) as seson Age 10; Yeongjo 37/3/10 (1761) Age 10; Yeongjo 37/3/18 (1761) Age 11; Yeongjo 38/?/? (1762) Age 25; Yeongjo 52/3/10 (1776) Munhyo Seja 文孝世子, 1782-1785 Age 3; Jeongjo 8/8/02 (1784) as Jeongjo's wonja Sunjo 純祖, 1790-1834 (r. 1800-1834) Age 11; Jeongjo 24/2/2 (1800) performed later Age 11; Jeongjo 24/2/2 (1800) performed first Age 13; Sunjo 2/?/? (1802) Age 11; Jeongjo 24/7/04 (1800) Hyomyeong Seja 孝明世子, 1809-1830 Age 4; Sunjo 12/?/? (1812) as Sunjo's wonja Age 9; Sunjo 1 Age 11; Sunjo 19/3/? (1819) Age 11; Sunjo 19/10/? (1819) King Ikjong (翼宗, posthumous title) Heonjong 憲宗, 1827-1849 (r. 1835-1849) Age 4; Sunjo 30/9/15 (1830) as seson Age 8; Sunjo 34/?/? (1834) Age 11; Heonjong 3/?/? (1837) Age 8; Sunjo 34/11/18 (1834) Cheoljong 哲宗, 1831-1863 (r. 1849-1863) Age 19; Heonjong 15/?/? (1849) Age 21; Cheoljong 2/?/? (1851) Age 19; Heonjong 15/6/9 (1849) Gojong 高宗, 1852-1919 (r. 1863-1907) Age 12; Cheoljong 14/?/? (1863) Age 15; Cheoljong 17/?/? (1866) Age 12; Cheoljong 14/?/? (1863) Sunjong 純宗, 1874-1926 (r. 1907-1910) Age 2; Gojong 12/2/18 (1875) Age 9; Gojong 19/1/10 (1882) Age 9; Gojong 19/1/20 (1882) Age 9; Gojong 19/2/21 (1882) Age 33; Gwanghui 1/?/? (1907) King Jeongjo, based on the precedent set in 1651, tried to introduce an efficient way of implementing the ceremonies for the chaegnye, gwallye, and garye of Crown Prince Sunjo. First of all, Jeongjo created the office of superintendency (都監, dogam) of gwallye, and united it with the existing superintendency of chaegnye.12 Moreover, arguing that it was “to relieve the burden of his descendants,” Jeongjo worked toward reducing expenses and bringing efficiency and simplicity to the elaborate rituals by holding the chaegnye, gwallye, and garye all at the same time. In fact, King Jeongjo held Sunjo's chaegnye and gwallye on the second day of the second month (1800) with plans to hold Sunjo's garye in the twelfth month. However, Jeongjo was unable to carry out his plans in full due to his own unexpected death in the sixth month of that year. Of note in this regard are Hyojang Seja (孝章世子) and Sunjong, who had the iphagnye, gwallye, and garye all in the same year, during the reigns of King Yeongjo (1727) and King Gojong (1882), respectively. As seen above, the age for being appointed seja, Heir Apparent, differed from case to case. In some cases, a prince would be enthroned as daegun before having been bestowed the formal title of wangseja, Crown Prince. In short, there was no fixed order or age for holding a wangseja's initiation ceremonies. Rather, until the time of King Hyojong, each case was sufficiently different from one another to the extent that any consistency in the order of the performance of ceremonies was not readily apparent. However, from the time of his successor King Hyeonjong, the sequence of first chaegnye, then iphagnye, followed by gwallye, and finally garye, became the norm. That is, after the mid-seventeenth century, from the time when the future King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674-1720) was the seja, this sequence of performance became the customary practice within the Joseon court. 03 THE EDUCATION OF THE CROWN PRINCE AND THE IPHAGNYE The Sigang-won had exclusive institutional responsibility for the education of the wangseja. The seja of the Joseon dynasty, upon being invested with that title, underwent the state ceremony of iphak or commencement of learning at the Seonggyun-gwan in accordance with the code of the iphagnye as stipulated in the Gukjo oryeui (國朝五禮儀: Book on the Five Rites of State).13 From the time of being designated as the eldest son, the wangseja would have studied Chinese characters and have had formal meetings with his tutor. He would also have read the Chinese classics in formal court lessons. The wangseja's entrance to the Seonggyun-gwan was a symbolic ritual showing his loyalty to the study of the Confucian ethics in order to realize, as the heir apparent responsible for preserving the foundation of the state, the political ideals of Confucianism. King Taejong (太宗, r. 1400-1418) was the first to preside over the iphagnye. In 1402, by his edict, a hakgung (學宮: special hall for royal study) was completed inside the Seonggyun-gwan.14 The following year, Taejong had the iphagnye for his first son, Prince Yangnyeong (讓寧大君), performed at the newly-built hakgung. The first to undergo the iphagnye as Crown Prince was Munjong (文宗, r. 1450-1452). King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418-1450) invested the title of seja on Munjong in the tenth month of 1421 and held the iphagnye two months later. At that time, Sejong also legislated the Chaekbong-uiju (冊封儀註: Investiture Protocol) and the Gwanuiju (冠儀註: Notes on the Gwallye Protocol). Therefore, although the iphagnye was introduced during the reign of King Taejong, the formal implementation of the ceremony for the seja took place during the reign of King Sejong. The customary age for the iphagnye was eight, when one began the study of the Sohak (小學: Elementary Learning). However, it was often impossible to adhere to this standard age. In fact, there were only six kings who commenced learning at the age of eight: Munjong, Danjong (端宗, r. 1452-1455), Yejong, Injong (仁宗, r. 1544-1545), Gyeongjong (景宗, r. 1720-1724), and Jangjo (莊祖, also known as Sado Seja [思悼世子]). Some princes were already older than eight when they were appointed seja, and others, who acceded to the title of wangseja as a daegun, seje (世弟: the seja's oldest younger brother), or seson (世孫: eldest son of the seja), typically had their iphagnye when they were older than eight. In some cases, circumstances did not allow for the ceremony at all. During the iphagnye, a baksa (博士: academic counselor) would be temporarily appointed to guide the wangseja. The baksa was usually a senior tutor of the seja, selected among the current daejehak (大提學: academic director).15 The iphagnye whereby the wangseja entered the Seonggyun-gwan as a student was more a symbolic rite, while his actual education took place at the seoyeon under the auspices of the Sigang-won. The educational format of the Sigang-won included the daily routine of beopgang (法講: formal lectures held three times a day), in addition to formal court lessons sodae (召對: special lectures) and yadae (夜對: evening lectures), which were not constrained by time or frequency. Among the lectures, yadae were, just like sodae, provided only by special order of the king. During the yadae, the senior/junior tutors of the day and one official of the Seja igwisa (世子翊衛司: Guard Office of Crown Prince, hereafter “Igwisa”) were present in black official uniform (時服, sibok). At the end of the yadae, royal wine was given to the seoyeon officials who had participated in the evening lecture. The hoegang took place twice a month. In the late Joseon period, it was held on the second and sixteenth days of each month once the seja had reached the age of eleven.16 It took place only at the seoyeon, where the seja had to show what he had learned in front of his teachers and the entire officials of the Sigang-won and the Guard Office. Beyond this intent of academic review, the hoegang was also considered an essential means for cultivating the proper code of conduct for convening and closing the formal lessons, as well as for cultivating the proper ritual of bowing (揖, eup) and humility. Moreover, the hoegang also aimed at developing the seja's respect for his teachers and elders.17 III THE CHAEKBONGNYE AND THE MUNHYOSEJA CHAEGNYE GYEBYEONG Among the extant documentary paintings today, the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong (1784) is the earliest work to show the donggung uirye (Plates 1-1 and 1-2). There is no known earlier court ceremonial painting produced by the Sigang-won. The Simindangdocheop (時敏堂圖帖: Painting Album of Simindang) related to Yi Don (李焞, King Sukjong, r. 1674-1720) 's gwallye was produced in 1670, but this album is more an illustrated manual than a documentary painting intended for the realistic reproduction of a court function.18 There are also extant today the Wangseja chaegnyedogam gyebyeong (王世子冊禮都監契屛: Folding Screen Commissioned by the Superintendency of the Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony) (Plate 2), painted when Gyeongjong was invested with the title of wangseja at the age of three in 1690), and the Wangseja chaegnye gyebyeong (王世子冊禮契屛: Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony) of 1800. The former was, however produced by the Chaegnyedogam and the latter by the Seonjeon gwancheong. Their subjects – landscapes and the Yojiyeon (瑤池宴) or banquet of the Queen Mother of the West – have no relevance to the court ceremonies referred to in their titles.19 ( Plate 1-1 ) Chaekbongdo, 1st scene of the Folding Screen of Munhyo Seja's Investiture Ceremony Anonymous, 1784 Eight-fold screen painting, colors on silk H: 110.0 cm, W: 421.0 cm (overall) Seoul National University Museum ( Plate 1-2 ) Suchaekdo, 2nd scene of the Folding Screen of Munhyo Seja's Investiture Ceremony ( Plate 2 ) Detail of the Folding Screen Commissioned by the Superintendency of the Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony Anonymous, 1690 Eight-fold screen painting, colors on silk H: 116.0 cm, W: 53.0 cm (each panel) Private collection The Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is an eight-fold screen painting of the investiture ceremony of Munhyo Seja, the son of King Jeongjo and Lady Seong (宜嬪 成氏, Uibin Seongssi, ?-1786), held on the second day of the eighth month, 1784.20 Munhyo Seja, born on the 7th day of the ninth month of the sixth year of King Jeongjo (1782), was the first-born son of King Jeongjo21 and was officially designated as the wonja or eldest son on the 27th day of the eleventh month of that year.22 Invested as the wangseja when he was three years old, Munhyo Seja died just one week after contracting measles in the fifth month of 1785.23 The first panel of the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong contains the preface. The second through fourth panels contain the scene of the Crown Prince's investiture ceremony held at Injeongjeon (仁政殿: the Royal Audience Chamber) of Changdeokgung (昌德宮: palace built in 1405). The fifth, sixth, and seventh panels contain the scene of the investiture. The last panel lists the government officials related to the ceremony leaving no doubt that the folding screen painting was commissioned by the Sigang-won.24 The twenty-five officials included seven with the rank of bodeok, three of pilseon, five of munhak, four of saseo, and six of seolseo. The list contains more names than the actual number of officials at the Sigang-won as it also includes the names of former officials in addition to the ten officials then in post. It should be noted that the work of Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is an example of a folding screen commissioned by mid-level officials including bodeok, who were the ones actually responsible for the daily lectures for the seja. In the light of King Jeongjo's decision, mentioned above, to elevate the status of bodeok and gyeombodeok at the Sigang-won to the fifth-rank dangsanggwan in connection with the investiture of Munhyo Seja, the making of this folding screen was most likely triggered by the newly-elevated status of these officials of the Sigang-won. The fact that all former and current officials related with the ceremony are listed also strongly supports this theory concerning the circumstances behind the project. The regulations for the entire process of the investiture of the wangseja involved a total of nine ceremonies.25 Among these, the most significant was the second ceremony, seonchaek (宣冊: proclamation of the investiture) that proceeded in two phases: the reading of gyomyeong (敎命: royal decree) to appoint the wangseja at the royal court and the latter's receiving of the gyomyeong at the Donggung (東宮: Palace of the Crown Prince).26 The Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is a work depicting these two ceremonies (Plate 1-1). Upon announcement of the gyomyeong, the messenger on behalf of the king escorts the chaeyeo (彩輿: royal carriage used to carry valuable royal items) containing the gyomyeong, the jukchaek (竹冊: investiture book), and the ogin (玉印: royal jade seal) and delivers them to the wangseja who is waiting at the Junghuidang (重熙堂) in Changdeokgung. The second panel depicts the wangseja receiving the gyomyeong, the jukchaek, and the ogin in Junghuidang (Plate 1-2). Junghuidang was constructed as part of the Donggung in the 1782, the year that Munhyo was born. Inside the Junghuidang, there is a place prepared for the wangseja to receive the gyomyeong, the jukchaek, and the ogin as seen in the painting. Positioned around it are various officials from the Tongnyewon (通禮院: Office of Ritual Affairs), the Sigang-won, and the Igwisa (翊衛司: Guard Office of Crown Prince) to ensure that the ceremony involving the three-year old seja proceeded smoothly. Thus, the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is a faithful rendition of the most important ceremonial moments in the investiture ceremony. Again, the significant aspects of the folding screen painting are that it was supervised by the officials of the Sigang-won and that it reflects King Jeongjo's policy to elevate the status of that office. This screen greatly influenced subsequent works of the same genre by providing the basic model in style and composition as reflected in the two later versions of the Wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong (王世子痘候平復陳賀契屛: Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Crown Prince's Recovery from Smallpox) (Plate 3) from the nineteenth century.27 To celebrate Sunjong's recovery from smallpox in 1879, military officials at the Owidochongbu (五衛都摠府: Five Military Commands Headquarters) and its Wijangso (衛將所: Office of Palace Gatekeepers) commissioned these folding screens, which were not depictions of the ceremony itself, but borrowed images from the folding screen made during the reign of King Jeongjo. ( Plate 3 ) Detail of the Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Crown Prince's Recovery from Smallpox; Anonymous, 1879; Ten-fold screen, colors on silk; H: 133.8 cm, W: 42.0 cm (each panel); National Palace Museum of Korea IV THE IPHAGNYE, THE WANGSEJA IPHAKDOCHEOP, AND THE HOEGANG BANCHADOCHEOP 01 WANGSEJA IPHAKDOCHEOP - CONTENTS AND STYLE 1) Background The Wangseja iphakdocheop is a gyecheop (契帖: commemorative painting album for the participants of a ceremony) produced by the officials of the Sigang-won to commemorate the iphagnye held in 1816 to mark Crown Prince Hyomyeong's entrance to the Seonggyun-gwan. This album contains the uiju (儀註: ritual protocol) which is composed of six sequential phases: chulgung-ui (出宮儀: the rite of departure from the palace); jakheonui (酌獻儀: libation rite at the ancestral altar); iphagui (入學儀: the rite of commencement of learning) including wangbogui (往復儀: the rite of formal request for instruction); supyeui (脩幣儀: the rite of offering gifts); and suhaui (受賀儀: the rite of receiving congratulations).28 The album also contains six pictures illustrating the different phases of the ceremony. In the last part of the album, there is a collection of poems written by each of thirteen officials from the Sigang-won, offering felicitations on the occasion of the iphagnye.29 The last leaf contains an epilogue by Nam Gongcheol (南公轍, 1760-1840), who served during the ceremony as a former daejehak. Jwa-uijeong (左議政: Second State Councilor) Han Yonggui (韓龍龜, 1747-1828), who also held the title of bu, first proposed the iphagnye for Hyomyeong Seja when he turned eight years old in the sixth, lunar leap month, of 1816.30 However, in accordance with King Sunjo's directive, his iphagnye was postponed to the following year. On New Year's Day in 1817, the jwa-uijeong and u-uijeong Gim Samok (金思穆, 1740-1829) reintroduced the proposal for the seja's iphagnye, and discussions on an auspicious date and ceremony proceedings were held.31 The iphagnye in the end was held on the eleventh day of the third month, from 11 am to 3 pm.32 Before the actual ceremony, a preliminary rehearsal was held on the sixth day of the third month, followed by a final rehearsal on the tenth day, on the eve of the ceremony. Nam Gongcheol's epilogue indicates that the officials of the Sigang-won, although they had completed their duties as palace officials following the completion of the iphagnye, had decided to leave a pictorial record of this splendid event for posterity in a form of painting album. Along with the epilogue, Nam Gongcheol wrote a verse in the format of o-eon-yulsi (五言律詩: five-syllable quatrain) and instructed each official to compose another in the same format. The idea of replicating the entire iphagnye in six scenes - from the departure procession at the Donggung, to the iphagnye at the Seonggyun-gwan, and the congratulatory ceremony by government officials of all ranks - was conceived in the minds of the officials of the Sigang-won, the planners of this painting album. The illustrated scenes of the ceremony accurately reflect the ritual protocol and complement the text. 2) The First Scene: Chulgungdo (出宮圖: Departure from the Palace) The first painting illustrates Hyomyeong Seja's procession (in which the order of each official's position is exactly arranged according to his rank) as it leaves the palace toward the Munmyo (文廟: National Confucian Shrine), the location of the iphagnye (Plate 4-1). The procedure for Hyomyeong Seja's departure and return to the palace followed the protocol used in King Jeongjo's iphagnye in 1761.33 Riding in yeo (輿: royal sedan chair), Hyomyeong Seja departs from his residence in the Donggung, exits Junghwamun (重華門: gate in Deoksugung), passes by Igeukmun (貳極門), and arrives at Honghwamun (弘化門: the main gate of Changgyeonggung [昌慶宮: palace built in 1483]). Upon passing the Honghwamun, the seja changes from yeo to yeon (輦: royal palanquin), and arrives at the east gate of the Munmyo.34 ( Plate 4-1 ) Chulgungdo, 1st scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja Anonymous, 1817 Album leaves, colors on paper H: 33.8 cm; W: 45.2 cm (each scene) National Palace Museum of Korea Igeuk, literally “second highest” refers to the Heir Apparent and Igeukmun lies at the junction of the two Donggung areas, namely Changdeokgung with Junghuidang as its main building and Changgyeonggung where Simindang and the Sigang-won were located. Igeukmun burnt down during the reign of King Yeongjo, and King Jeongjo restored it in the eighth year of his reign (1784) to coincide with Munhyo Seja's chaekbongnye. The King even awarded the supervisor of the Igeukmun restoration project by including him in the list of those honored at Munhyo Seja's chaekbongnye.35 It was obviously one of the measures by King Jeongjo to reinforce the prestige of the wangseja in line with the construction of Junghuidang and the overall renovation of areas surrounding the Donggung. When compared with the Donggwoldo (東闕圖: Painting of the Eastern Palace) (Plate 5), it becomes clear how realistic in detail this painting, Chulgungdo is. In the painting, the wangseja's yeo has already passed through Junghwamun, which is located in the upper portion of the picture. The guard official ikchan (翊贊: guard of the eleventh rank in the Igwisa) carrying the royal seal (印, in) is about to exit Igeukmun located southwest of Junghwamun. Among the escorts of the wangseja leading the procession are two of the wangseja's bodyguards, seori (書吏: lower-ranking officials responsible for maintaining records) leading the inma (印馬: horse carrying the royal seal) and two gwoldalma (闕闥馬: saddled royal horse), through Igeukmun.36 Following these in the procession are various officials such as byeolgam ((別監: escort for the royal palanquin in royal procession) wearing jogeon (皂巾: black headdress), sabyeok (司辟: guard for seja) carrying an ojang (烏仗: black cane), chungchanwigwan (忠贊衛官: military officials) in sangbok (常服: regular uniform), and officials from the Sigang-won and the Igwisa wearing gibok (器服: military uniform). ( Plate 5 ) Detail of the Painting of the Eastern Palace, scene of Igeukmun Anonymous, 1828-1830 Sixteen album leaves, colors on silk H: 273.0 cm, W: 584.0 cm Korea University Museum In framing the scene, while adopting the traditional court painting style that places the King or Crown Prince near the top of the picture plane facing south, the painter discarded the simple symmetrical composition typical of paintings of royal processions in order to accentuate the immediacy of the seja's procession having passed through Igeukmun and arriving at Honghwamun located in the eastern section of the palace. Despite being the procession's main subject, the wangseja is depicted on a relatively small scale in the upper portion of the scene. This style was in fact first adopted in the late eighteenth century in Hwaneohaengnyeoldo (還御行列圖: Royal Procession of Returning to the Palace) from Hwaseong neunghaengdobyeong (華城陵幸圖屛: Screen Painting of King Jeongjo's Visit to His Father's Tomb, Hwaseong) (Plate 6). These compositional changes are clearly discernible when compared with earlier processional paintings like Eocheopbong-ando (御帖奉安圖: Procession for Enshrinement of King's Autograph Album) from Gisa gyecheop (耆社契帖: Album Commemorating King Sukjong's Initiation Ceremony to Office of the Elders), completed in 1720 (Plate 7). ( Plate 6 ) Royal Procession of Returning to the Palace, 7th scene of the Screen Painting of King Jeongjo's Visit to His Father's Tomb, Hwaseong Gim Deuksin, Lee Inmun, Choe Deukhyeon, Yi Myeonggyu, Jang Hanjong, Yun Seokgeun, Heo Sik, 1795-1796 Eight-fold screen, colors on silk H: 163.7 cm, W: 53.2 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art ( Plate 7 ) Procession for Enshrinement of King's Autograph Album, 1st scene of Painting Album Commemorating King Sukjong's Initiation Ceremony to Office of the Elders Gim Jinnyeo, Jang Taeheung, Pak Dongbo, Jang Deukman, Heo Suk, 1719-1720 Album leaf, colors on silk H: 43.9 cm, W: 67.6 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art 3) The Second Scene: Jakheondo (酌獻圖: Libation at the Ancestral Altar) The second scene depicts the wangseja's ritual offering of a libation in front of the ancestral tablet of Confucius at the Daeseongjeon (大聖殿: Hall of Confucius) in the Munmyo (Plate 4-2).37 After washing his hands, the wangseja walks up the eastern steps of the hall and, facing north, places a libation cup in front of the tablet of Confucius. The route of the wangseja is marked by a yellow line which cuts across the front wing of the shrine in the northeast quadrant of the canvas, and then takes a turn southward toward the designated position where the wangseja washes his hands, after which it connects with the designated position where the wangseja bows (marked by a yellow rectangle), and exits using the eastern stairs of the hall. ( Plate 4-2 ) Heonjakdo, 2nd scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja Inside the Daeseongjeon, officials holding incense burners, incense cases, and the libation cup are gathered in the center facing each other in front of the ancestral tablet of Confucius which is depicted by a white rectangle. Judging from the fact that the area where the wangseja makes his ceremonial libation is marked by a yellow rectangle, it may be assumed that this scene is a portrayal of the wangseja offering three bows while holding the incense, before lighting it. The white rectangles on the left and right inside the Daeseongjeon denote the memorial tablets of the four sages (四聖神位, saseongsinwi), while the yellow rectangles indicate the wangseja's position when offering the libation and bowing in front of the tablets of the four sages. The four men kneeling before the tablets of the four sages are a team of officials charged with the duty of assisting the wangseja. On the junso (尊所: offering table) on top of the platform with steps is a vessel filled with wine, and on top of the jonso for the hand-washing bowl are a ro (曇: jar) filled with water and a bi (篚: bamboo basket) for towels. The officials bearing the sanseon (繖扇: insignia) and the baewi (陪衛: escorts) wait outside the eastern gate, while students of the Seonggyun-gwan in their official blue uniforms (靑衿服: cheonggeumbok) stand inside the garden facing north. The three-storied Sinsammun (神三門), the main gate of the Daeseongjeon, is drawn on a large scale, and to its right is a building erected over the monument on which the history of the shrine is inscribed.38 The accuracy of the structures and locations of the buildings depicted in this painting can be confirmed by the Taehakji (太學志: Records of the National Confucian Academy), as well as in other paintings like Ban-gungdo (泮宮圖: Painting of the National Confucian Academy) and Taehak gyecheop (太學契帖: Painting Album of the National Confucian Academy), a work made in 1746.39 4) The Third Scene: Wangbokdo (往復圖: Formal Request for Instruction) The third, fourth, and fifth panels depict the central proceedings of the iphagnye as the wangseja formally seeks the approval of the academic counselor, baksa, to be accepted as his student, in the Myeongnyundang (明倫堂) of the Munmyo (Plate 4-3). Rather than compressing the entire iphagnye proceedings into one painting, the three scenes respectively depict in detail the following: the wangseja's wangbok (往復: formal request for instruction), seeking of approval of lessons from the baksa; supyeui, offering of gifts to the baksa; and iphak, the formal commencement of studies with the recitation and exposition of the classics.40 ( Plate 4-3 ) Wangbokdo, 3rd scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja Upon the completion of the libation before the memorial tablet of Confucius, the seja dons the official dress of a student and moves to the main gate (east of Myeongnyundang). The wangseja's pyeoncha (便次: temporary royal tent) and the palanquin are in place, while the wangseja's location as he awaits the baksa's approval is depicted as a yellow rectangle outside the main gate. The jangmyeongja (將命者: student messenger) goes back and forth between the wangseja, who is requesting to be accepted as a student, and the baksa, who is humbly declining the request claiming lack of virtue and knowledge. In the end, upon the wangseja's third request, the baksa approves. Judging from the positions of the baksa, who, dressed in an official red robe, stands facing west at the foot of the eastern steps, and of the official, who bears the gift, this painting captures the moment when the wangseja, upon learning of the baksa's approval, is about to enter through the East Main Gate. The route of the wangseja's movement from this point to Myeongnyundang, past the gate, and through the western staircase, is also marked here by a yellow line. 5) The Fourth Scene: Supyedo (脩幣圖: Offering of Gifts) This scene depicts the ceremony of offering gifts to the baksa. The wangseja offers the baksa a porcelain jug filled with 36 liters of wine, a vessel with five strips of dried beef, and three rolls of white ramie cloth (Plate 4-4). In front of the baksa at the stepped platform stand three officials in official red garb, each holding respectively a porcelain jug, a small dinner table, and a basket. The location where the wangseja is supposed to be is marked by a yellow rectangle, from which he will proceed to take his seat at the desk inside the Myeongnyundang and commence his lessons. ( Plate 4-4 ) Supyedo, 4th scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja 6) The Fifth Scene: Iphakdo (入學圖: Commencement of Learning) This scene depicts the wangseja receiving lessons from the baksa inside the Myeongnyundang (Plate 4-5). Having changed into a dark robe, the baksa sits facing the wangseja across a desk upon which is placed the textbook, Sohak.41 As in previous scenes, the figure of the wangseja is not actually portrayed. Instead, his presence is implied, once again, by a yellow rectangle. Since Sohyeon Seja's iphagnye in the third year of King Injo (1625), it became customary, despite the royal status of the wangseja, not to place the desk in front of him, in accordance with the regulations governing the relationship between a teacher and a student.42 The iphagnye concluded with the baksa reading the epigraph from the Sohak, the wangseja repeating after the baksa, and the baksa explaining the text. ( Plate 4-5 ) Iphakdo, 5th scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja 7) The Sixth Scene: Suhado (受賀圖: Receiving Congratulations) On the 12th day of the third month, the day after the iphagnye, King Sunjo received a jinharye (陳賀禮: rite of congratulations) at Injeongjeon from all his palace officials.43 On the same day, a separate jinharye was held in an abbreviated form to honor the wangseja. This relatively simple ceremony was attended by bodeok Seo Jeongbo (徐鼎輔, 1762-?) and eight officials of the Sigang-won.44 However, the painting album contains both a written record and a painting of the wangseja receiving a full formal congratulatory ceremony from all the palace officials (Plate 4-6). Therefore, this sixth and final scene stands contrary to the actual proceedings. ( Plate 4-6 ) Suhado, 6th scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja The venue for the abbreviated ceremony was the Seongjeonggak (誠正閣), near the Junghuidang. The Seongjeonggak was the traditional venue for the wangseja's formal court lessons before the Gwanmulheon (觀物軒) came to replace it in 1813.45 8) Artistic Characteristics The Wangseja iphakdocheop is a distinctive work of art that chronicles the proceedings of court ceremony and faithfully conveys the proceedings through a visual medium. The work is a good example of a court documentary painting in which annotations and pictures complement each other, but this division of the whole ceremony into stages and depicting each in turn is a style adopted more widely in the saga girokhwa (士家記錄畵: documentary painting of the gentry) of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century.46 Considering that most nineteenth-century court documentary paintings are folding screen paintings of formal palace banquets such as jinchan (進宴: formal royal banquets of medium scale), jinnyeon (進宴: formal royal banquets of large scale), and jinharye, the Wangseja iphakdocheop stands out as being quite unprecedented in both form and content. The depiction of the buildings in the background reflects well the features of the actual buildings, and the shape and distribution of the instruments used in the ceremony are also quite easily discernible. The physical features of the figures in the paintings are very similar to those of the figures in Wonhaeng eulmyo jeongniuigwe (園幸乙卯整理儀軌: Book of Court Rites on the Royal Visit to Prince Sado's Tomb). Traces of Gim Hongdo's distinct style can be seen in the round shape of the faces, the depictions of ears, eyes, mouths, and noses, and the clearly defined profiles of the figures. The natural depiction of the bowing figures is a style that emerges only in the second half of the eighteenth century. In addition to the copy of the Wangseja iphakdocheop used for this study, which is presently housed in the National Palace Museum of Korea, other similar copies of the album are kept in the National Library of Korea, Yonsei University Museum, Korea University Museum, and Kyungnam University Museum. Each of the thirteen officials of the Sigang-won who had written verses on the painting album would have received a copy for himself. Taking into account the copy to be kept at the Sigang-won and the copy for the palace quarters, it is likely that a total of at least fifteen copies were produced. The copies extant today vary from one another in detail and in the draft compositions. However, in the technique of mounting the pictures into an album, the style of depiction of the figures, buildings, flowers, and trees, and in the color selections, they all share a certain level of commonality and an artistic style of a particular period. At the same time, the copy presently kept in the National Palace Museum of Korea is the best version in terms of the precise representation of the ritual protocol, clear composition, and meticulous attention to detail. It was most likely produced either to be kept at the Sigang-won or displayed inside the palace quarters.47 02 THE HOEGANG BANCHADOCHEOP The Hoegang banchadocheop is a painting album housed at the Gyujanggak and consists of five pictures without any annotation. The word hoegang in the title offers the primary clue in ascertaining the subject matter of this painting album. Indeed, as the album fits with the ritual protocol of hoegang, its theme and content can therefore be argued to be the twice-monthly review sessions in the education of the wangseja. The word banchado (班次圖: painting of royal procession) in the title also indicates that the primary purpose of this album is to portray and to record the proceedings of the ritual protocol in the proper order rather than to convey artistic qualities. In the paintings themselves one can assess the purpose and the intended use of this painting album. The first scene depicts the seupgang (Plate 8-1) or meeting preceding hoegang, in which the seoyeon official of the day and officials of the Seonggyun-gwan confirm ahead of time the contents of the lecture for the wangseja. It generally took place about half an hour before the start of hoegang outside the entrance of the seoyeon. The scene depicts the seoyeon official reading before the sa and bu teachers the contents of the lesson for the wangseja inside a tent pitched outside the main entrance. Other figures depicted are officials of the Sigang-won and the Guard Office. ( Plate 8-1 ) 1st scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session Anonymous, the 19th century Album, colors on paper H: 41.0 cm, W: 66.4 cm Gyujanggak From the second scene onwards the entire proceedings of hoegang are depicted in sequence (Plate 8-2).48 The empty chair located in the eastern section of the hall signifies the Crown Prince's seat. The third scene depicts the latter waiting to greet his teachers (Plate 8-3). The protocol called for the wangseja to wait below the steps and escort the sa and bu teachers inside and offer first exchange of ritual bows.49 The two teachers are depicted facing the yellow rectangle denoting the wangseja's seat below the western steps. The path along which the Crown Prince should go in and out of the hall is depicted by a yellow line in the style of the Wangseja iphakdocheop. ( Plate 8-2 ) 2nd scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session ( Plate 8-3 ) 3rd scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session The fourth scene features the wangseja inside the hall bowing once again to his teachers and four bin-gaek (賓客: officials invited to teach), and receiving reciprocal bows (Plate 8-4). Officials of the Sigang-won below the rank of bodeok remain standing in a row outside in the garden. Once the seja, his sa and bu teachers, and the four bin-gaek are seated around the desk, officials of the Sigang-won enter the hall and seat themselves according to rank by the eastern wall while officials of the Guard Office stand to the east and west of the stone steps outside. The wangseja would typically first recite and translate into Korean the lessons from the previous day, after which his teachers would start the lesson. The fifth leaf depicts this scene (Plate 8-5). In terms of the order of the lesson, the teacher would read from the text selected for the day and the wangseja would repeat it after him. Afterwards, the teacher would explain the text and the wangseja would follow with his own interpretation. The lesson would conclude with the wangseja reading and interpreting the text once more.50 ( Plate 8-4 ) 4th scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session ( Plate 8-5 ) 5th scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session The Hoegang banchadocheop is similar to the Wangseja iphakdocheop in its visual depiction of the proceedings of the ceremony and repeated use of the same backdrop. The style of the figures, in particular their profiles, the method of depicting the building steps, eaves, and the hanging tablets, the shape and folds of the tent, the yellow and pinkish clouds, and the overall color of the painting are all very similar to the Wangseja iphakdocheop.51 Therefore, the two albums are close in date. However, in terms of accurately representing the ritual protocol and realistically recreating the ceremony, it falls short of the latter. In short, this album does not seem to have been created to commemorate a particular hoegang of a particular wangseja. Rather, it seems to have been created to familiarize the Crown Prince with the proceedings of hoegang through visual representation. In effect, this painting album was intended to be a sort of practical chart rather than a commemorative painting. V THE GWALLYE AND THE SUGYODOCHEOP 01 THE SUGYODOCHEOP: CONTENTS AND STYLE 1) History of the Sugyodocheop and the Simindangdocheop The Sugyodocheop is a painting album consisting of thirteen pictures without any annotation. The front cover is made of light green silk with peony scrolls, and in the upper-left corner the title Sugyodo (受敎圖: Picture of Receiving the Royal Edict) is neatly written in regular script style. The pictures in the album exhibit a high degree of artistic quality with their neat and clear compositions as well as vivid and elaborate drawing and colors. However, the absence of any inscriptions (other than the one on the cover) has long been an impediment to ascertaining this album's subject matter and intended purpose. To state the conclusion first, this painting album depicts the gwallye of the Crown Prince. Assuming that the title on the cover was relevant, the author looked up state ceremonies in the Gukjo oryeui that involved a male individual at the center and that required the king's edict. Upon review, the subject matter of the album could be narrowed down to the chaegnye or the gwallye, of which the latter clearly is better matched with the details of the album. The section, Wangsejagwanui (王世子冠儀: Crown Prince's Gwallye Protocol) under the chapter Garye in the Gukjo oryeui, stipulates the five rites in the entire gwallye for the seja.52 They consisted of visiting the ancestral shrine of the royal family, presentation of the king's edict to the bin (賓: representative of the guests) and chan (贊: representative of the state officials) at the royal audience chamber, putting on the seja's ceremonial headdress in the Donggung, hoebin-gaegnye (會賓客禮: rite of receiving bin-gaek), and joallye (朝謁禮: paying respects to the king). Another painting album that is strongly evocative of the Sugyodocheop is the Simindangdocheop. This album depicts the gwallye of Yi Don at age ten (Plates 9-1 and 9-2). The fifteen annotated pictures of the painting album resemble a pictorial reference book with schematic illustrations of ritual protocol presented in sequence. Excluding decorative and artistic depictions, the album focuses on visually conveying ritual protocol through simple sketches of only the contours of the buildings while the position and directions of the figures as well as the arrangement of furniture and instruments are explained in words. The fact that this painting album contains a list of the names of thirty five participants, including the central figure, the wangseja, and officials from the Sigang-won and the Guard Office, indicates that if was from the beginning intended as a gyecheop. ( Plate 9-1 ) 2nd scene of the Painting Album of Simindang Anonymous, 1670 Album, ink on paper H: 38.8 cm, W: 30.3 cm Jangseogak ( Plate 9-2 ) 10th scene of the Painting Album of Simindang The view that this painting album was made as a gyecheop after the completion of a particular ceremony is further supported by the following attributes: the locations and routes of the officials of the Sigang-won and the Guard Office are clearly defined; the names on the list of the seating arrangement are composed of the names of the officials of these institutions; and, finally, the name of the regular venue for congratulatory ceremonies, Seonjeongjeon (宣政殿: less-formal royal council hall in Changdeokgung), is listed as the title of the last scene. More importantly, this album is perhaps the only extant example of an illustrated manual containing no pictorial depictions of the participants, who are just referred to in words alone. This is the most distinct feature of this album and one that raises questions about its background and even whether it is in fact a completed piece of work.53 A banchado chronicling in words only the seating arrangement by rank like the Simindangdocheop was first made by Jeong Gyeongse (鄭經世, 1563-1633) in the third year of King Injo (1625) on the occasion of the gwallye of Crown Prince Sohyeon. According to custom the ritual protocol of the Gukjo oryeui was presented before the wangseja in advance of his gwallye. Jeong included this presentation for the young prince who may have had questions due to the complex language and details of the protocol. Jeong divided the ceremonial proceedings into seventeen stages, created a pictorial diagram for each stage and presented them to the wangseja for a successful ceremony held in accordance with protocol.54 This is an example of a gwallye in annotated pictorial form that served a very useful role as a visual aid. What is of particular note in this instance is that Jeong Gyeongse omitted the two stages at which the prince would not be in attendance, namely the myeongbinchan (命賓贊: the rite of ordering the bin and chan to perform the gwallye) and the hoebinchan (會賓贊: the rite of holding a celebratory banquet). In the end, Jeong's fifteen-part manual perfectly fits with the composition of the Simindangdocheop, excluding the scenes depicting the Simindang building itself. After 1625, the standard number of scenes for paintings of the gwallye came to be fifteen. A copy of the painting was probably kept at all times in the Sigang-won and the Guard Office and served as an important reference both when rehearsing the ceremony and during the actual ceremony itself. This kind of banchado is also found in the painting of the gwallye of Prince Sunjo in the Gwallyechaekjeodogam-uigwe (冠禮冊儲都監儀軌: Book of Court Rites on the Investiture and the Coming-of-Age Ceremony of the Crown Prince) in 1800. In this painting, the ritual protocols of the gwallye are compressed into a single scene (Plate 10),55 confirming the assumption that the Simindangdocheop is not a new creation but is based on a pre-existing baebando (排班圖: diagrammatic representation). (Plate 10) Gwallyedo from Book of Court Rites on the Investiture and the Coming-of-Age Ceremony of the Crown Prince Anonymous, 1800 Manuscript, ink on paper Gyujanggak 2) The First Scene: The King's Edict to Hold the Gwallye In this painting album, the scene of reporting to the ancestral shrine of the royal family is omitted. The first scene depicted is that of the king issuing an edict to perform the wangseja's gwallye to the bin and chan officials in his royal audience chamber (Plate 11-1). The highlight of this ceremony is the moment when the jeon-gyogwan (傳敎官: court herald) announces the king's edict, “Let the officials proceed with the ceremony for the conferral of the gwan (冠: ceremonial headdress) on the seja,” and when the bin receives the box containing the edict. ( Plate 11-1 ) 1st scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict Anonymous, the 19th century Album leaf, colors on paper H: 42.3 cm, W: 57.7 cm (each scene) National Palace Museum of Korea The royal throne and canopy are placed above the royal platform in the center of the king's audience chamber. Surrounding the throne are guards displaying the ritual sword (寳劍, bogeom) and blue fan (靑扇, cheongseon). Beneath the platform the seungji (承旨: royal secretary) and scribes prostrate themselves. There is also a box for the edict signifying the nature of this particular ceremony. The style of depicting the royal platform, canopy, throne, the bowing officials, and the placement of the ceremonial instruments throughout the hall is very similar to the style of the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong (1784) and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong (翼宗冠禮陳賀契屛: Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony for the gwallye of Ikjong, 1819) (Plates 1-1 and 12). The royal family and the civil/military officials are placed respectively on the eastern and western sides of the hall. The bin and chan, the jeongyogwan and jipsagwan (執事官: supporting staff) officials are featured among the rows of civil officials east of the pathway. The civil officials wear ceremonial court dress, while the military officials wear their regular official dress. 3) The Second Scene: Ritual Bows of the Palace Officials From the second scene on, the subject matter portrayed is the gwanui (冠儀) itself, and the venue changes to the Donggung (Plate 11-2). This scene depicts the wangseja receiving ritual bows (拜禮, baerye) each from the officials of the Sigang-won, the Igwisa, and their supporting staff. It is comparable to the second scene of the Simindangdocheop (Plate 9-1). The seat of the wangseja is marked by a rectangle close to the eastern wall facing west. The figure clad in gold headdress and ceremonial court dress in front of the seat is thought to be the pilseon of the Sigang-won, who is charged with the duty of announcing the next stage in the proceedings. He and the jang-wi (仗衛: chief guard), who protects and assists the wangseja at close hand, accompany the wangseja throughout the procession. ( Plate 11-2 ) 2nd scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict, detail 4) The Third Scene: The Ritual Bows from High-Ranking Officials and the Wangseja's Reciprocal Bows This scene depicts the royal family and civil/military officials of the fourth rank and above entering Donggung and bowing to the wangseja (Plate 11-3). The wangseja then offers reciprocal bows. The figures standing on top of the platform wearing ceremonial court dress are the inui (引儀: ceremony announcer) and chanui (贊儀: ceremony manager). In the courtyard in front of Donggung are officials of the Sigang-won and the Igwisa standing in rows facing each other. They will stay in these positions throughout the ceremony. ( Plate 11-3 ) 3rd scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 5) The Fourth Scene: The Wangseja Receives the Ritual Bows from Lower-Ranking This scene depicts the wangseja, now seated in a chair, exchanging reciprocal bows (再拜, jaebae) with civil/military officials of the fifth rank and lower (Plate 11-4). The figures are depicted standing in the garden in two columns, south of the officials of the Sigang-won and the Igwisa. Unlike the higher-level officials, they offer their ritual bows while in the courtyard without entering the chamber. ( Plate 11-4 ) 4th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 6) The Fifth Scene: The Wangseja Receives and Bows to the Sa, Bu, and Bin This scene depicts the wangseja receiving his sa and bu as well as bin below the steps of his chamber and offering them baerye (Plate 11-5). The location where the wangseja makes his bows is located in the eastern portion of the courtyard and faces west. The jang-wi and pilseon who had flanked the wangseja indoors escort him into the courtyard. The figures standing west of the pathway with their backs bent forward are the sa, bu, and bin. ( Plate 11-5 ) 5th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict, detail 7) The Sixth Scene: The Wangseja and the Host of the Ceremony Exchange Baerye Once the sa, bu, and bin stand behind the wangseja, the juin (主人: host of the ceremony) exits to a location west of the garden. When the wangseja offers his ritual bows, the juin reciprocates (Plate 11-6). ( Plate 11-6 ) 6th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 8) The Seventh Scene: The Wangseja Receives the Royal Edict This scene depicts the wangseja in the act of receiving the gyoseo (敎書: royal edict) (Plate 11-7). The location where the wangseja receives the document is marked by a rectangle facing north along the pathway in the middle of the courtyard. The box containing the edict, having been transported through the southern gate, is placed on top of the steps. Once the representative of the guests declares, “The edict has arrived,” the wangseja kneels down and remains kneeling as the bin reads out the gyoseo. ( Plate 11-7 ) 7th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 9) The Eighth Scene: The Wangseja Ascends the Stairs to Enter the Eastern Side Room Having received the gyoseo, the wangseja proceeds to ascend the stairs, enters into the eastern hyeopsil (夾室: side room), and waits to be crowned while wearing the ceremonial attire and headdress (Plate 11-8). In the room there is a chest that contains samgaboksik (三可服式: three sets of formal costumes and headresses), namely the gollyongpo (袞龍袍: royal robe for everyday wear), the gangsapo (絳紗袍: costume for special occasions such as the king's birthday and New Year's Day), and the myeonbok (冕服: costume for sacrificial rituals) prepared by the Sang-uiwon (尚衣院: Bureau of Royal Attire). The place where the Crown Prince is to change his attire is marked by a rectangle. In the center of the building is the place where the gwan ceremonial headdress will be placed on the wangseja. To its north stands the sa facing south. On the western side of the stepped platform inside a rectangle stands the bin, who will place the gwan on the head of the wangseja as the master of the ceremony. At the end of the eastern steps the gwansetak (盥洗卓: table with bowl for washing hands), where the bin and chan will wash their hands after combing and covering the wangseja's hair, can be seen. (Plate 11-8 ) 8th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 10) The Ninth Scene: The First, Second, and Third Ceremonial Headdresses This scene depicts the wangseja putting on different garments and headdresses. First, he is wearing his customary robe, gollyongpo and a chogagwan (初加冠: the first ceremonial headdress), next a special robe, gangsapo and a jaegagwan (再加冠: the second ceremonial headdress), followed by the robe for sacrificial rituals or myeonbok and a samgagwan (三加冠: the third ceremonial headdress) (Plate 11-9). This scene is evocative of the Samgado (三加圖: The Three Costumes and Headdresses), the tenth scene of the Simindangdocheop (Plate 9-2). Once the juin guides the wangseja to the ceremonial chair, the bin steps toward the wangseja with the hair cover and comb box in hand, whereupon he proceeds to comb and cover the wangseja's hair. Then the official carrying the chogagwan walks up the western stairs. The bin takes the chogagwan from him and places it on top of the head of the wangseja. Next, the juin guides the seja back to the side room, where the wangseja changes into gollyongpo. He steps back out and sits facing west. The jaegagwan is placed on his head. The wangseja once again retreats to the side room, changes into gangsapo, and then comes back out for the samgagwan. One last time, the wangseja goes back into the side room and changes into myeonbok, then steps out again into the hall. ( Plate 11-9 ) 9th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 11) The Tenth Scene: The Wangseja Receives Gamju (甘酒: Ceremonial Wine) This scene depicts the wangseja, upon the completion of samga, receiving gamju in the ceremonial seat prepared in the western quarters (Plate 11-10). At the western top of the stairs are depicted a wine jar and an official from Saong-won (伺饔院: Bureau for Overseeing Ceramic Production) overseeing it. To his east is a long table with various dishes on it. (Plate 11-10) 10th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict, detail 12) The Eleventh Scene: The Bin Confers Ja on the Crown Prince This scene depicts the bin (an official who teaches the seja the Confucian classics and morals) conferring, on behalf of the king, a ja (字: name given at gwallye) on the wangseja (Plate 11-11). The seja stands below the western steps facing south, while the bin and chan officials stand before him. The bin takes a step forward and announces the name from the king's statement. Facing west, the juin stands in the eastern courtyard, while the sa and bu and the bin-gaek who are all standing behind him observe the proceedings. ( Plate 11-11 ) 11th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 13) The Twelfth Scene: Joallye (朝謁禮: Paying Respects to the King) This scene depicts the wangseja paying his respects to the king on the day following the gwallye (Plate 11-12). The left half of the picture depicts the joallye, and the right half the wangseja's pyeoncha and the head of the guards. It has the same composition as that in the scene depicting the iphagnye in the Wangseja iphakdocheop (Plates 4-3, 4-4, and 4-5). Inside the palace the throne and the bowing officials can be seen. To the east of the pathway are depicted the north-facing location where the wangseja will deliver his ritual bows, as well as the officials of the Sigang-won lying prostrate, clad in gold gwan and ceremonial dress, and the officials of the Igwisa in official dress. The scene shares much similarity with the Wangseja iphakdocheop in the style of depicting the tent, the folds on the awning, the folded screens, the wangseja's carriage, and the nobu (鹵簿, adornments accompanying the procession). ( Plate 11-12 ) 12th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict ( Plate 11-13 ) 13th scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict 14) The Thirteenth Scene: The Juin Conducts Hoerye for the Bin-gaek This leaf depicts the hoebin-gaek (會賓客: reception of bin-gaek) scene (Plates 7 and 11-1). The building of the venue is unidentified, but it is apparent that it lies next to the gate of the building where the main ceremony had taken place. Inside a round tent made of white curtains and awning are placed a peony-patterned screen and a table with food and wine on top. To the east of the table stands the juin, and to its west stand the bin-gaek, facing each other. They conduct the hoerye (會禮: salutation ceremony) by performing the exchange of ritual bows and drinking the wine. At the end of the hoerye, the juin offers the bin-gaek a chest filled with rolls of silk (束帛, sokbaek).56 The performance of such proceedings is apparent from the depiction of servants (從者, jongja) carrying the chest. 15) The Artistic Characteristics of the Sugyodocheop The style of depiction of the figures in the Sugyodocheop, such as the figures' physical proportions, facial features, and garments folds have an intimate connection to the early nineteenth century documentary paintings such as the Wangseja of 1817, the Ikjong gwallyehujinha gyebyeong of 1819, and the Jodaebi sasunchinggyeongjinha gyebyeong of 1847 (趙大妃四旬稱慶陣賀契屛: Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony on the Fortieth Birthday of Queen Mother Jo, National Treasure No. 732) (Plates 4-1, 4-6, 12, and 13). When it comes to the sketching of the figures, the characteristics of a particular method and style become more apparent when the figures are presented in profile rather than in frontal or rear view, and also when they are sedentary or prostrated rather than standing. In case of the figures in the Sugyodocheop, for instance, the rear view of the sedentary figures wearing ceremonial court dress or official uniform, and the profiles of the prostrate figures and the folds of their garments are strikingly similar to those in the Ikjong gwallyehujinhagyebyeong. In particular, the style of the royal dais (御榻, eotap), on which are placed the throne, obongbyeong (五峰屛: Screen of Five Peaks), an abbreviation of irwol obongbyeong (曰月五峰屛: screen behind the royal throne, depicting the sun, the moon, and five mountain peaks), and royal guards, as well as the placement of various figures and ceremonial instruments throughout the palace hall in the first scene of Sugyodocheop are nearly identical to those in the Ikjong gwallyehujinhagyebyeong. The high degree of similarity in these two paintings becomes more apparent when compared with the royal dais that is presented in a frontal bird's eye view in the Jodaebi sasunchinggyeongjinha gyebyeong. In the end, the style of the Sugyodocheop suggests that it is of the early nineteenth century. The date of Sugyodocheop can be narrowed down to the early nineteenth century because, when compared to the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong of the late eighteenth century or the Wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong of the late nineteenth century, the differences in the style of the figures and instruments become very clear. ( Plate 12 ) Detail of the Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony on Gwallye of Ikjong Anonymous, 1819 Eight-fold screen, colors on paper H: 127.0 cm, W: 35.5 cm (each panel) Location unknown ( Plate 13 ) Detail of the Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony on the Fortieth Birthday of Queen Mother Jo Anonymous, 1847 Eight-fold screen, colors on silk H: 140.0 cm, W: 56.0 cm (each panel) Dong-a University Museum Since a list of names of the officials in attendance is attached, the Sugyodocheop, which comes with no supplementary record of its intended purpose, is assumed not to have been intended as a gyecheop. In that case, two possible intended objectives may be considered: the Sigang-won, charged with the mission of nurturing and enlightening the wangseja, may have produced the painting at some point as a reference to the ceremony, to be kept or displayed in the Sigang-won; or the Sigang-won may have created it sometime prior to the gwallye and offered it to the wangseja to help him understand the complex procedures of the ceremony. The fact that the title Sugyodo itself reflects the wangseja's perspective offers a light on determining the purpose of this painting album. Like the Hoegang banchadocheop, the intended purpose behind the creation of the Sugyodocheop seems the second of the two, that is, educational. It has already been seen in the Simindangdocheop that the conventional practice of the Sigang-won officials copying and submitting the ritual protocol on the eve of the gwallye had been replaced in the early seventeenth century by a fifteen-leaf album in the diagrammatic baebando style. The Sugyodocheop shows how this kind of baebando-style painting of the gwallye evolved into a more artistic rendering of court ceremony by the nineteenth century. With that in mind, a cautious inquiry into the background of the Sugyodocheop, namely, which wangseja's gwallye the painting depicts, follows. If the compositional style of the Sugyodocheop is of the first half of the nineteenth century, the possible candidates are Sunjo, Ikjong, Heonjong, and Cheoljong. First, Sunjo's gwallye, which was a combined ceremony in also incorporating the chaegnye, is far removed from what is represented in Sugyodocheop. Heonjong's gwallye was conducted during the period of national mourning in the wake of the death of King Sunjo in the 34th year of his reign (1834). As wangseson, the eldest son of the wangseja, Heonjong was unexpectedly required to undergo the gwallye in order to be eligible to succeed to the throne. Cheoljong, too, underwent his gwallye in haste in the sixth month of the fifteenth year of King Heonjong (1849) immediately after being designated Deogwan-gun (德完君). Such circumstances do not conform with the proceedings represented in the Sugyodocheop; nor were they conducive to the elaborate ceremony represented therein. Therefore, the most likely person who is represented as the central character in the Sugyodocheop is Ikjong, the seja of King Sunjo.57 In regard to Ikjong's gwallye in 1819, there are two extant gungjung girokhwa: the Wangseja iphakdocheop, which captures the entire proceedings of the ceremony, and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong, which depicts King Sunjo receiving the congratulatory rite from all his civil and military officials. As seen above, the close similarity in the painting styles of the Wangseja iphakdocheop, the Sugyodocheop, and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong all strongly support this possibility. VI THE CHARACTERISTICS OF JOSEON GUNGJUNG GIROKHWA CONCERNING THE WANGSEJA 01 PRE-EIGHTEENTH CENTURY WANGSEJA GIROKHWA'S EMPHASIS ON CAMARADERIE A survey of extant wangseja gungjung girokhwa shows that the late eighteenth century is a landmark by which certain salient characteristics preceding and following this time can clearly be identified. Today, there are only four extant examples pre-dating the late eighteenth century, which indicates the relative lack of interest in chronicling the ceremonies of seja before that time. This kind of lack of interest is also reflected in the scarcity of paintings prior to this date that relate to the wangdaebi (王大妃: the Queen Dowager, widow of the previous king), and the daewangdaebi (大王大妃: the Queen Mother, mother of the previous king).58 Until the seventeenth century, paintings pertaining to the wangseja are more in the style of the Donggwan gyehoedo (同官契會圖: painting to commemorate a gathering of scholar-officials of the same office) such as the Jungmyojo seoyeon-gwan sayeondo (中廟朝書筵官賜宴圖: Painting of the Banquet Bestowed by Jungjong for the Teachers of His Seja Injong) and the Simindang yadaejido (時敏堂夜對之圖: Painting of Evening Banquet at Simindang). The former is a painting of a banquet that King Jungjong (中宗, r. 1506-1544) held in 1535 (30th year of his reign) for the seoyeon-gwan (書筵官: officials in charge of the seja's education) of the seja Injong (Plate 14).59 King Jungjong showed great interest in the education of his seja. Each year, on the 3rd day of the third month and the 9th day of the ninth month, Jungjong held gyeong-yeon-gwanyeon (經筵官宴: banquet for officials in charge of the king's education), and sayeon (賜宴: banquet bestowed by the king) and food was granted to the seoyeon-gwan each time the seja had completed the lessons in a book.60 Apparently, the main purpose of the banquet was to honor the seoyeon-gwan, but the fact that gyeong-yeon-gwan (經筵官: officials in charge of the king's education) and officials at Chunchugwan (春秋館: Office for Annals Compilation) were included in the jwamok (座目: list of participants) of thirty-nine guests highlights the fact that the Jungmyojo seoyeon-gwan sayeondo was a type of gyechuk (契軸: commemorative hanging scroll for the participants of a ceremony) commemorating King Jungjong's benevolence in hosting the sayeon.61 ( Plate 14 ) Painting of the Banquet Bestowed by Jungjong for the Teachers of His Seja Injong Anonymous, 1535 Album, colors on paper H: 42.6 cm, W: 52.3 cm Hongik University Museum Simindang yadaejido too is a commemorative painting. The painting is in the typical style of a gyechuk including the title written in seal characters (篆書, jeonseo), the illustration of the scene, and the jwamok (Plate 15). Created five years after the event, this painting depicts the evening lecture held on the 27th day of the tenth month of the tenth year of King Hyojong (1657), when Hyeonjong was the wangseja.62 The tutors of the day were Song Siyeol (宋時烈, 1607-1689) and Song Jun-gil (宋浚吉, 1606-1672), both of the chanseon (fifth) rank, Yu Gye (兪棨, 1607-1684), seventh rank pilseon, and Jo Gwiseok (趙龜錫, 1615-1665), eleventh rank saseo. Song Siyeol, Song Jun-gil, and Yu Gye were all students of Gim Jangsaeng (金長生, 1548-1631), appointed to their respective official posts while they were independent scholars out of office. All of them had previously served as sallim scholars within the Sigang-won. (Plate 15) Painting of Evening Banquet at Simindang Anonymous, copied version Hanging scroll, colors on paper H: 158.0 cm, W: 66.5 cm National Museum of Korea At this evening lecture, King Hyeonjong is said to have demonstrated exceptional knowledge and many informed opinions as he enjoyed himself drinking wine with the four officials in a pleasant mood after the lecture. Five years later, the four officials once again gathered in Seoul. Recollecting that evening, they agreed to commemorate the lecture by documenting it in both painting and words.63 In the painting, the four officials are seated next to each other around a book table and a candlestick in the east chamber (東闇, donghap) of the Simindang. This scene is less a realistic representation of the evening lecture itself than an accentuated portrayal of the physical presence of the Simindang and other office buildings nearby like the Sigang-won and the Igwisa. This style reflects the trend in the late sixteenth to the early seventeenth centuries of paintings of gatherings of scholar-officials, which emphasized a wide view of the main building of the gathering place.64 In effect, the direct cause behind the creation of the Simindang yadaejido was to capture the strong comradeship of the seoyeon-gwan, rather than to commemorate the evening gathering per se. These four men shared the common experience of working together as sallim scholars as well as the same scholarly interests and ideology. In the same vein, the introduction to the Wangseja chaegnyedogam gyebyeong of 1690 states the intention to commemorate the camaraderie felt by the listed participants as officials of the same rank sharing the same role. In sum, until the late eighteenth century, paintings concerning the wangseja tended not to focus on the wangseja himself. Neither were such paintings bona fide documentary paintings. At the same time, it is a fact that the convention of creating gyechuk or gyebyeong in the aftermath of the completion of a ceremony or function related to the wangseja had, by the late eighteenth century, become an important custom. 02 GUNGJUNG GIROKHWA RELATED TO CROWN PRINCE HYOMYEONG AND THE STRENGTHENING OF THE KINGSHIP All post-eighteenth century girokhwa relevant to the wangseja were created during the reigns of Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong. All of these respective reign periods were a time of strengthening the authority of the king. This is reflected in the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong, which depicts in realistic detail the court ceremony of the eighteenth century. Moreover, it is also significant that the painting is the work of, among the many palace offices that played both direct and indirect roles in the ceremony, the Sigang-won alone. (Plates 1-1 and 1-2). Officials of the Sigang-won below the rank of bodeok, the chief administrator, behaved as friends rather than as subjects when coming into interaction with the seja, thereby cultivating with the seja mutual sincerity and empathy. Moreover, since the title of seoyeon-gwan was perceived as cheong-yojik (淸要職, honorable and important posts) that were relatively more advantageous for promotion to higher positions during the Joseon dynasty, the seoyeon-gwan's political influence was not to be overlooked. As mentioned earlier, King Jeongjo made great efforts in various ways to reinforce the prestige of the Sigang-won and to strengthen the status of the Crown Prince: the overhaul of royal ceremonies related to seja, the publication of the Sigang-wonji, the construction of Junghuidang, the renovation of Igeukmun, and the installation of the office of dangsanggwan within the Sigang-won. The creation by the Sigang-won of a commemorative screen (Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong) during King Jeongjo's reign is a case in point. In the same vein, the Wangseja iphakdocheop signified the Sigang-won's strong policy to reinforce the king's authority. The fact that, of all extant gungjung girokhwa pertaining to the wangseja, four in number or thirty percent, account for the iphagnye or the gwallye of Hyomyeong Seja reflects well the political will to enhance the status of the seja and to reinforce the kingship during the reign of Sunjo in the early nineteenth century (Table 3).65 These four documentary paintings are as follows: the Wangseja tan-gang gyebyeong (王世子誕降契屛: Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Hyomyeong Seja's Birth) of 1812, created by the officials of the Sansilcheong, who were in office at the time of Hyomyeong Seja's birth in 1809; the Wangseja iphakdocheop of 1817; the Sugyodocheop; and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong (Plate12). During the reign of King Sunjo in the first half of the nineteenth century, extraordinary efforts were made to strengthen the kingship and revive the monarchy, as well as display its stability and authority. These efforts were manifested in various ways: the performance of jeollye (典禮) or state ceremonies such as jinchan and gasangjonho (加上尊號: praise of the virtues of the king or queen); the publication of Uigwe (儀軌: Book of Court Rites); the staging of processions of officials and the conduct of military training.66 Hyomyeong Seja himself also played an essential role in the production of gungjung girokhwa. He introduced the practice of producing jinchan gyebyeong (進饌契屛: folding screens of formal royal banquets) on a regular basis in the nineteenth century and also played a decisive role in the production of large-scale gungjunghwa like Donggwoldo and Seogwoldo (西闕圖: Painting of West Palace).67 The fact that there were more gungjung girokhwa made illustrating the birth, gwallye, and iphagnye of Hyomyeong Seja than of any other wangseja correlates with his political standing. ( Table 3 ) List of gyecheop and gyebyeong of gungjung girokhwa pertaining to Ikjong (翼宗) Title Date of Production Ritual Type Contents List of Participants Format Wangseja tan-gang gyebyeong 1812 Tan-gang Yojiyeon Sansilcheong Eight-fold screen Wangseja iphakdocheop 1817 Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan Sigang-won Painting album Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong 1819 Gwallye Jinharye Dangsang at Seungjeong-won Eight-fold screen Sugyodocheop 1819 Gwallye Gwallye (none) Painting album There were three wangseja gungjung girokhwa made during the reign of King Gojong (r. 1863-1907). They are a folding screen made by officials of the Sansilcheong to commemorate the birth of the wangseja (Sunjong, r. 1907-1910) in 1874 (Plate 16) and two more folding screens made by military officials at the Owidochongbu and Wijangso to celebrate the wangseja's recovery from smallpox in 1879 (Plate 3). Although these three paintings are neither the creations of the Sigang-won nor about donggung uirye, they are, nonetheless, folding screens that celebrate the birth of the wangseja and his recovery from illness. ( Plate 16 ) Detail of the Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Hyomyeong Seja's Birth Anonymous, 1874 Ten-fold screen, colors on paper H: 101.2 cm, W: 41.4 cm (each panel) National Museum of Korea 03 DOCUMENTARY PAINTINGS OF THE SIGANG-WON RELATING TO THE WANGSEJA The most salient characteristics of nineteenth-century paintings of court ceremonies are the restriction of subject matter to jinchan or jinnyeon and their folding screen format. In that context, all the Wangseja iphakdocheop, Sugyodocheop, and Hoegang banchadocheop that the Sigang-won produced are unconventional in both format and content. These three works are not folding screens but painting albums with realistic depictions of court ceremonies relating to the wangseja. In particular, they are distinct from other contemporary paintings in that they are extraordinarily informative. They clearly exhibit thoughtful consideration behind the creation of an illustrative painting that the young seja could comfortably view and from which he could easily absorb the sequence of the ceremony procedures. Such considerations are amply evident in the depiction of key scenes from a particular ceremony in the order in which they are performed as well as in the convenient painting album format that these illustrations assume. This kind of special consideration for the young Crown Prince was possible precisely because it was the officials of the Sigang-won, who, as his closest assistants, were in charge of producing the documentary paintings. Such considerations on the part of the Sigang-won officials in devising a painting format conducive to easy understanding can also be found in earlier works. For instance, the Simindangdocheop of 1670, a gyecheop by the Sigang-won, originated from Jeong Gyeongse's schematic explanation of the ritual protocol governing the gwallye. In this light, it can be argued that the practice of visually illustrating ceremony proceedings in the form of painting albums was a time-honored documentary tradition of the Sigang-won. This tradition stands in contrast to the intention behind the making of the folding screen of Hyomyeong Seja's chaegnye in 1812 by former officials of the Sansilcheong or the folding screen in the wake of his gwallye in 1819 by officials of the Seungjeong-won (承政院: Royal Secretariat). The purposes behind the production of these gungjung girokhwa are apparent in the paintings themselves. The intentions of the officials of the Seungjeong-won who had commissioned the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong (Plate 12), which depicts all civil and military officials offering congratulations to the king, were quite different from those of the officials of the Sigang-won who had commissioned the Wangseja iphakdocheop, which shows the wangseja as the recipient of a congratulatory ceremony. In other words, the last scene of the Wangseja iphakdocheop depicts, instead of the wangseja performing a congratulatory rite for the king, the Crown Prince himself as the recipient of such a rite performed by all the palace officials. That the last scene is named Suhado in itself indicates what the purpose and use of this painting album were, which are quite different from those of the folding screen above. VII CONCLUSION The thirteen extant Joseon documentary court paintings relating to the wangseja range in date from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. They depict various momentous occasions in the life of the wangseja: tan-gang (birth), chaekbong (investiture), iphak (commencement of learning), seoyeon (court lectures), gwallye (coming-of-age), garye (nuptials), and recovery from serious illness, and are represented by hanging scrolls, albums, and screen paintings. This paper has analyzed, within the broader context of all court documentary paintings of the Joseon period, the characteristics and significance of some of these works - the scarcity of selections notwithstanding - that had been commissioned by the Sigang-won and that were essentially documentary paintings of actual court ceremonies. Though gungjung girokhwa pre-dating the eighteenth century did include the wangseja as a subject, it is likely that such paintings were close in style to the paintings of gatherings of scholar-officials that were popular during the sixteenth to the seventeenth centuries. The eight paintings created in the nineteenth century discussed in this article can be divided into two categories according to their intended use: first, folding screens (gyebyeong) of ceremonies commissioned by the relevant court bureau and second, albums (gyecheop) commissioned by the Sigang-won. The former are a product of the trend of the time in depicting jinharye on a large-scale gyebyeong while the latter are related to the wangseja's initiation and education. As discussed above, these paintings by the Sigang-won are clearly different in form, composition, and narrative illustration from contemporary folding-screen ceremonial paintings produced by other bureaux within the royal court. They are all instructional albums that depict various ritual protocols in sequence. In effect, these pedagogical illustrations are the product of the special consideration for the young wangseja on the part of the Sigang-won officials. The Simindangdocheop and the Wangseja iphakdocheop are albums made by the Sigang-won to commemorate a particular ceremony, while the Sugyudocheop and Hoegang banchadocheop are, the lack of documented evidence notwithstanding, most likely albums of the respective ceremonies prepared by the Sigang-won in advance and brought into the Donggung, the Crown Prince's quarters for instructional purposes. As of the seventeenth century, the Sigang-won's practice of producing illustrated paintings featuring ritual protocol with the purpose of simplifying the procedures for the seja was in place. This convention was a direct factor in the making of gyecheop by officials of the Sigang-won. Moreover, it was also proven that the hitherto unknown subject matter of Sugeyodocheop was the visual manifestation of ceremonial protocol. Not all ceremonial paintings commissioned by the Sigang-won were painting albums, however. For instance, the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong of 1784 is significant among the paintings commissioned by the Sigang-won for its realistic representation of a court ceremony. That it was created as a gyecheop rather than a painting album is due in large measure to King Jeongjo's policy of enhancing the prestige of the Sigang-won. In the same vein, it is important to note that post-eighteenth century gungjung girokhwa mainly feature Crown Princes in the reigns of Kings Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong. It means that girokhwa related to the wangseja are intimately tied to the politics of strengthening the kingship, enhancing the status of the Sigang-won, and expanding the political role of the seoyeon-gwan. The intermingling of these factors acted as a catalyst in the production of girokhwa during this time. As the production of gungjung girokhwa was initiated by officials of various court offices, the paintings closely reflect the political mood of the time, as well as any changes in the organizational structure or status of the different court offices. Such was certainly the case with the gungjung girokhwa related to the wangseja produced during the reigns of Kings Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong. Therefore, the correlation between the politico-social background behind gungjung girokhwa and the jwamok or the list of participants in the ceremony that these works contain is very important in the study of gungjung girokhwa. Further study of the subject from political and social perspectives lies ahead.

This paper deals with the Goryeo celadon wares discovered near Biando off the northern coast of Byeonsanbando, Okdo, Gunsan, Jeollabuk-do. The celadon wares were accidentally discovered in 2002 by a fisherman named Jo Dongseon. Upon Jo's notification to the authorities, an underwater inspection team from the National Maritime Museum of the Culture Heritage Administration of Korea was immediately dispatched to the site. The celadon wares appear to have lain for centuries hidden from view covered under a thick layer of sediment. The accelerated tides produced by the recent construction of the nearby Saemangeum embankment seem to have swept this sediment away, revealing the ceramics. The number of items discovered so far is 3,117 including the discoveries of 243 pieces by Jo and 211 by the inspection team (see Table 1). The remainder was recovered during five seasons of scientific underwater excavations conducted between May 2002 and September 2003. ( Table 1 ) Discoveries from Biando Source: National Maritime Museum of Korea. The Underwater Remains of Biando, Gunsan. Gunsan: National Maritime Museum of Korea, 2004 Vessel types Large bowls Bowls Mid-size bowls Plates Cups Lids Boxes Total Note Plate Small plates Cylindical cups Large cylindical cups Cups From initial report 87 - - 125 1 18 - 5 7 - 43 From initial inspection 86 - - 85 10 3 - 3 24 - 211 1st excavation 804 21 - 745 26 43 26 169 98 - 1,932 2nd excavation 220 - - 210 - 18 - 43 42 - 533 3rd excavation 8 - 1 54 - - - 2 26 9 100 4th excavation 21 1 - 102 - 1 - - 26 2 153 5th excavation - - - 4 - - - - 1 - 5 4 (wooden fragments) Subtotal 1,119 22 1 1,200 36 65 26 217 217 11 2,934 Total 220 22 1 1,325 37 83 26 222 224 11 3,117 II CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SHAPE, PATTERNS, AND PRODUCTION METHODS OF GORYEO CELADON WARES FROM BIANDO 01 SHAPES The shapes of the celadon wares from Biando vary from daejeop (大蝶: large bowls), jeopsi (蝶匙: plates and dishes), jan (盞: cups), hap (盒: lidded boxes), jeonjeopsi (展蝶匙: dish with flat rim), bal (鉢: mid-size bowls), tonghyeongjan (筒形盞: cylindrical cups), ttukkeong (gae, 蓋: lids), wan (盌: small bowls), to sojeopsi (小蝶匙: small plates), with daejeop and jeopsi forming the bulk of the discovery. There are also hwahyeong jeonjeopsi (花形展蝶匙: flat-rimmed plates of petalled shape), and gakjeopsi (角蝶匙: polygonal plates). In the case of the daejeop, the rims are mostly curved inward. Specimens of celadon bal and wan were found only in small numbers, while celadon jan and ttukkeong were rare. Celadon tonghyeongjan and hap are most noticeable pieces, especially for the black-and-white inlay decoration on celadon hap. 1) Daejeop (大蝶: large bowls) The rim of the daejeop is mostly curved inward while the body retains a curvature and the inner base is molded to make a circular bottom. The foot is short and tilted toward the center (Plate 1). Some daejeop have no decorative pattern at all, neither inside nor outside, while others have yeonpanmun (蓮瓣又: open lotus petal design) incised on the outside. A few daejeop are decorated with molded moranmun (牡丹文: peony design) with leaves all over the inside and others have molded yeonpanmun on the outside. However, daejeop typically have patterns only on one side of the vessel, either on the inside or on the outside. Vessels fired on naehwato bijim batchim have four spur marks on the foot and the inner base is mostly glazed. The colors range from greenish-brown and bluish-green and the body is thin and has a glossy surface (Plate 2). ( Plate 1 ) Celadon wan H: 8.0 cm; Diameter: 16.6 cm (rim), 6.0 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian H-038 and Bian B-384 ( Plate 2 ) Yeonpanmun celadon wan H: 7.2 cm; Diameter: 16.4 cm (rim), 6.2 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian E-006 2) Jeopsi (蝶匙: plates and dishes) Jeopsi form the bulk of the collection. They are mostly flat with a short foot which is slightly curved inward and has four spur marks. There are jeopsi with yeonpanmun incised on the outside, with aengmumun incised on the inside, or with no decoration at all. The colors are mostly greenish-brown and bluish-green, similar to daejeop. Some gakjeopsi are polygonal below the main body and have an outwardly curving mouth and a short and small foot. Some bear no design on the outside but on the inside are molded with yeonhwadangchomun (蓮花唐草文: lotus petals with arabesque designs) or moranmun. The polygonal jeopsi have four spur marks and many are of a deep bluish-green hue. Jeonjeopsi are small jeopsi with a diameter of about 10 cm and a flat rim. A few jeonjeopsi have a foot, which is flat and low, like that of the typical small round jeopsi. On the foot of jeonjeopsi, there are three spur marks and the color of the glaze is bluish-green. Hwahyeongjeonjeopsi are dishes with a flat rim with six grooves making a petal shape. The interior is encircled by a band of yeouidumun (如意頭文: ruyi pattern) and hwamun (花文: flower pattern) carved in relief throughout while the exterior has no decoration. The foot is carved out from the inside and has four spur marks. Many jeonseopsi are of a deep bluish-green color. 3) Jan (盞: cups) The celadon jan have an inwardly curved mouth and the body has an overall round shape. The foot is angled inward and has three spur marks. Some have no patterns, while others have yeopmun (葉文: leaf design) incised on the exterior; a band of noemun (雷文: thunder pattern) on both the interior and the exterior; or three floral sprays of gukhwamun (菊花文: chrysanthemum design) inlaid in black and white on the exterior. The glaze colors range from greenish-brown to bluish-green. A question still remains as to whether the jan were used without matching saucers or whether matching saucers had been produced but have yet to be discovered. Tonghyeongjan are special type of cup with a cylindrical body which has either no pattern or incised or carved yeonpanmun on the exterior (Plate 3). The latter have either yeonpanmun or gukhwamun on top or seonmun (線文: linear design) that depicts a flower petal and a sprout-like handle at the top center. Colors vary from deep bluish-green to greenish-brown and they have three spur marks on the foot. Many tonghyeongjan are of fine quality with an evenly applied deep bluish-green glaze. ( Plate 3 ) Celadon tonghyeongjan with molded yeonpanmun H: 8.2 cm; Diameter: 8.1 cm (rim), 5.6 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian B-384 4) Wan (盌: small bowls) Celadon wan are rare among the excavated pieces. They have no decoration on the curved body and the foot faces inward and is short in length. A mix of bluish-green and greenish-brown glaze is found on the surface and the foot shows traces of having been fired on a stand. Celadon bal were also found, but only rarely. Like the wan, the bal has no pattern but has an outwardly curved and relatively tall foot typically seen in sabal (沙鉢: small bowls for rice). A bluish-green glaze is applied evenly on the body and there are four spur marks. 5) Hap (盒: lidded boxes) The celadon hap are notable for their variety of incised patterns. Celadon hap with incised chrysanthemum flowers typically have a single chrysanthemum flower thinly incised on top of the lid with rows of smaller chrysanthemums clustered around it. A typical bluish-green glaze is evenly applied around the hap. The foot is curved inward and shows traces of having been fired on gyuseok batchim (硅石墊具: silica stone supports). The box and its matching lid were fired together with thin clay supports inserted between them. This particular lid of a celadon box with peony or moranmun inlay (靑瓷象嵌牡丹文盒) (Plate 4) has three spur marks. The surface is shiny and covered with a pale bluish-green glaze. The peony is simply drawn without any pattern band: the flower and bud in white inlay and the stems and leaves in black inlay. ( Plate 4 ) Celadon hap with moranmun inlay H: 3.5 cm; Diameter: 8.0 cm (rim), 4.5 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 3-063 The lid of another celadon box (Plate 5) carries five chrysanthemums in full bloom, with the flower and leaves inlaid in white and black. The lid is divided in black inlay into five parts, with each division featuring a single flower. The chrysanthemums are enclosed within two concentric circles in white inlay. The glaze is a deep bluish-green and the underside suggests that it was fired on a stand after it had been wiped clean of glaze. ( Plate 5 ) Celadon hap with gukhwamun inlay H: 3.5 cm; Diameter: 8.0 cm (rim), 4.6 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 3-100 Another box to note is one with a lid elaborately inlaid with chrysanthemum stems and flower buds. The pale bluish-green glaze gently has a slightly glossy surface. The underside of the lid shows that it was fired on a stand after it was wiped clean of glaze. Celadon hap are, for the most part, distinctively patterned with black and white inlay and adorned with incised chrysanthemums. Along with the patterns on the lids of cylindrical cups, the patterns on the lids of celadon boxes are the most artistic and representative inlay techniques of the early Goryeo period. 02 PATTERNS The most typical decorative pattern on the celadon wares from Biando is aengmumun or parrot design. Typically, a single parrot or a pair of parrots in flight is incised inside the wares. Sometimes there is only one parrot but more often two parrots appear in a symmetrical arrangement. This pattern is typically seen on many different kinds of Goryeo celadon open vessels such as jeopsi, daejeop, and wan to closed vessels such as hap, byeong (甁: bottles), and ho (壺: jars). However, among the items of the Biando discovery, aengmumun was only found incised on daejeop and jeopsi. Peony designs usually appear in the form of a single blossom or moranjeoljimun (牡丹折枝文: a design that features peony flowers with branches and leaves) produced by apchul (押出: molding). Incised details were added by hand (陽印刻, yang-ingak: relief carving), as exemplified on the gakjeopsi or polygonal plates. Some vessels have dull, uninteresting arrangements indicating the overuse of the pattern. Molded moranmun and incised aengmumun are the most frequent patterns on the Biando celadon wares. Yeonhwamun (蓮花文: lotus flower design) and yeonhwadangchomun are also found. On daejeop, jeopsi, and tonghyeongjan they were predominantly incised or carved, although a few molded designs have been found on jeopsi. Many jeopsi and daejeop carry combinations of incised and carved lotus leaves on the exterior and double rows of incised and carved yeonpanmun are commonly applied on tonghyeongjan. The lid of the hap is noteworthy for having fully open chrysanthemum or peony blossoms incised or inlaid in black and white. Typically, they are not confined within a border but are freely drawn, much like those in a painting. Less common patterns include bands of yeouidumun or ruyi pattern carved on the hwahyeongjeonjeopsi and bands of noemun or thunder pattern incised on the exterior of jan. Furthermore, there are examples of lines depicting flower petals on the lids of tonghyeongjan (Plate 6) and a simplified chrysanthemum design in black-and-white inlay on the exterior of some jan. ( Plate 6 ) Celadon jan with incised noemun H: 5.3 cm; Diameter: 8.1 cm (rim), 4.2 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian E-276 The most common patterns are the incised parrot design, the molded peony and chrysanthemum, and incised and carved lotus petals. Among the most noteworthy patterns are chrysanthemum and peony scrolls in black-and-white inlay. 03 FIRING TECHNIQUE The celadon wares discovered off the coast of Biando were most commonly fired on stands using naehwato bijim batchim which leave three or five spur marks on the mount or the base of the wares such as jeopsi, daejeop, wan, bal, jan, and tonghyeongjan, while some were fired on the thinner naehwato batchim. Furthermore, marks of meticulous firing using gyuseok batchim that leave three spur marks on the base of the ttukkeong of tonghyeongjan and the base of hap are found in the more refined examples. However, it is notable that the lids of tonghyeongjan and hap and the foot rims of jan show that naehwato bijim batchim were used (Plate 7). It indicates that the coexistence of different techniques. The naehwato bijim batchim is a firing technique introduced in the early-thirteenth century, quite distinct from the grayish-white naehwato batchim used from the early years of Goryeo until the late-twelfth century. Such a transition in firing technique in the early-thirteenth century is also apparent in gyuseok batchim, which had been used since the early-twelfth century for making refined pottery. By the early-thirteenth century the gyuseok batchim of the early years changed and became thicker (Plate 8). ( Plate 7 ) Base of celadon jan with gukhwamun inlay H: 5.1 cm; Diameter: 6.3 cm (rim), 3.0 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 2-322 ( Plate 8 ) Gyuseok batchim of celadon hap with gukhwamun inlay H: 1.7 cm; Diameter: 8.1 cm (overall) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 3-098 The foot of the peony-patterned jeopsi, daejeop, hap, and jan is short and tilted inward, attesting to the change from high to low. This style of foot rim is similar to that of white or green porcelain produced in Jingdezhen (景德鎭), Jiangxi Province, China, and reflects the new influences reaching the Goryeo state at the time. The glaze color also shows a gradual change from a mix of greenish-brown and bluish-green to predominantly bluish-green. Among the bluish-green celadon in the Biando collection are several refined vessels that can be described as bisaek (翡色: a subtle jade-green color that was admired in Song China), suggesting that the celadon wares from Biando were made using the same technique as that used for producing bisaek glazes. III THE DATES AND LOCATION OF PRODUCTION 01 DATES When and where were the Goryeo celadons discovered off Biando produced? A comparative analysis with the available data on Goryeo celadon from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries may offer some clues. Firstly, a comparison with the Goryeo celadon discovered along with Hwangtong yungnyeonmyeong injongsichaek (皇統六年銘 仁宗謚冊: Edict of King Injong in the sixth year of Hwangtong, 1146) in Jangneung (長陵), Jangdan (長湍), Gyeonggi-do (京畿道, Gyeonggi Province) may be helpful: a gwahyeongbyeong (瓜形甁: gourd-shaped celadon bottle); a banghyeongho (方形壺: square celadon jar); a gukhyeonghap (菊形盒: chrysanthemum-shaped celadon box); and a tonghyeongjan or cylindrical celadon cup.1 The celadon gwahyeongbyeong has a gourd-shaped body with bisaek glaze and traces of grayish-white naehwato batchim and the celadon banghyeongho has a thick layer of celadon glaze all over and spur marks of naehwato batchim on the base. The celadon gukhyeonghap has an open chrysanthemum petal indentation on the lid and the base and the celadon tonghyeongjan has a thick layer of bisaek glaze and a foot showing subtle traces of gyuseok batchim. The chief common features between the celadon wares of Jangneung and those discovered at Biando are the presence of refined celadon vessels with bisaek glaze and hap and tonghyeongjan ttukkeong bearing the marks of gyuseok batchim spur marks. Moreover, some of the chrysanthemum-incised hap from Biando have the same designs as those on celadon gukhyeonghap and they also share a similar body shape. In particular, the carved tonghyeongjan from Biando has the same cylindrical body, the same handle in the shape of a lotus bud on the lid, and the same gyuseok batchim spur marks as the celadon tonghyeongjan from Jangneung (Plate 9). What is particularly telling here, however, is that whereas the Jangneung celadon has no decorative patterns, the Biando hap and tonghyeongjan have various patterns applied by incising, carving, and inlaying. This indicates that the latter are newer, post-1146 celadons. Furthermore, the fact that the Biando celadons were fired on naehwato bijim batchim rather than on grayish-white naehwato batchim is another indication that the Biando wares are later than those discovered in Jangneung. ( Plate 9 ) Celadon tonghyeongjan with molded yeonpanmun H: 10.1 cm; Diameter: 10.4 cm (rim), 8.0 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian D-113 Secondly, there are various extant Goryeo celadon vessels that correspond to those mentioned in Goryeosa, (高麗史: History of Goryeo). The record in the eleventh year (1157) in the reign of King Uijong (毅宗, r. 1146-1170) says, “…in the fourth month, early summer… built a pavilion named Yang-uijeong in the back garden of the palace… covered the roof with celadon roof tiles… (…夏四月…. 基北構養怡亭 蓋以靑瓷…).” This description matches the quality of the Goryeo celadon tiles excavated from the Manwoldae (滿月臺), Goryeo Royal Palace Site, Gaeseong, in 1927 and various fragmentary pieces of Goryeo celadon excavated from the Sadang-ri Kiln Site (沙堂里窯址) in Gangjin under the auspices of the National Museum of Korea.2 These fragmentary pieces of Goryeo celadon roof tiles include sumaksae (convex) tiles carved with moranmun, peony designs; ammaksae (concave) tiles carved with dangchomun, arabesque designs, and fragments incised with a combination of these patterns. There are also some celadon fragments decorated with partial inlay technique, with molding strengthened by incising at an angle or yang-ingak technique, and simple molding. The Sadang-ri celadon carved jeopsi and daejeop with moranmun made using a similar molding technique to that found in the Biando wares. Furthermore, the jan and hap bearing chrysanthemum and peony inlay from Biando (Plate 10) exhibit an inlay technique that is more refined than those applied on the celadon roof tiles excavated from Manwoldae. ( Plate 10 ) Celadon daejeop with molded moranmun H: 6.7 cm; Diameter: 18.7 cm (rim), 6.5 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian 2-194 Thirdly, there is the research by the National Museum of Korea about the celadon fragments with the character “成” (seong) in inlay, excavated from Gangjin Sadang-ri Kiln Site No. 7, and thought to be from the early thirteenth century. The celadon fragments with this character, which may refer to the name of the potter,3 include fragments of jan; jeopsi decorated with parrots; daejeop with molded lotus petals; jan with carved lotus scrolls; gakjeopsi with carved peony scrolls; hwahyeongjeopsi with carved ruyi patterns; gakjeopsi; tonghyeongjan with carved lotus petals; and hap with peony inlay. A total of fifteen pieces, these fragments of Goryeo celadon from Sadang-ri Kiln Site No. 7 are very similar in shape, production method, and patterns to the ones found off the coast of Biando. For instance, the jan from the Biando collection is of identical shape to the one from Sadang-ri. On the other hand, the incised aengmumun of the Biando jeopsi and daejeop is more simplified than those of the delicate and realistic looking ones from the Sadang-ri Kiln Site. Likewise, in comparison with the ones from Biando, the carved yeonpanmun daejeop and incised yeonpanmun jeopsi from Sadang-ri display a sharper carved technique. The difference in the delicacy of the patterns is also found in the apchul technique that was used in the application of moranmun and moranjeoljimun although the technique itself is similar. The ones on the gakjeopsi from Sadang-ri surpass those from Biando. In addition, the ruyi pattern inside the molded jeonjeopsi from Biando and the one on the fragment from Sadang-ri are similar, but the color of the latter is superior. The Biando wares feature various sizes of yeonpanmun tonghyeongjan similar in shape to the ones from the Sadang-ri except that the lotus design carved on the exterior of the latter is sharper. In the case of the Biando inlaid celadon gukhwamun and moranmun hap, they share similarity in terms of the shape and the black-and-white inlay on the top of the lid, but the Sadang-ri wares are more complex than the Biando ones with additional incised dangchomun around the more simplified moranmun. There is also a difference in firing method: the wares from Biando were fired on naehwato bijim batchim whereas the Sadang-ri ones were fired on gyuseok batchim. In terms of the shape of the foot, the two are quite similar. Both have a short, tilted foot rim with the inner side of the base remaining intact. The Sadang-ri wares bear the distinctive “成” in inlay on the bottom of the mount indicating that the artifacts were made in Gangjin. Overall, the wares from Biando and Sadang-ri share similarities in shape, production method, patterns, and firing techniques. Fourthly, there are some well-known Goryeo celadons with accurate dates of production, all of which show traces of naehwato bijim batchim along with the early incising-inlay technique applied on the Biando discoveries. They are the celadon bottles with a wide mouth and the inscription of gichuk (己丑) year4 (assumed to be from 1229, Hoam Art Gallery); the maebyeong (梅甁) with chomun (草文: plant pattern) inlay and the inscription of gyeong-in (庚寅) year (assumed to be from 1230, Hoam Art Gallery);5 the inkstone with moranmun inlay and the inscription of sinchuk (辛丑) year (assumed to be from 1241, Hoam Art Gallery);6 the inlaid bal with the inscription of gyechuk (癸丑) year (assumed to be from 1253, National Museum of Korea).7 Lastly, there are the twelve Goryeo celadon wares excavated from Jireung (智陵), the tomb of King Myeongjong (明宗, r. 1170-1197). The tomb is situated in Jangdo, Jangdan, Gyeonggi-do and was renovated in 1255. The celadon vessels include wan with molded unhangmun (雲鶴文: clouds and crane pattern); molded moranmun hwahyeongjeopsi; molded yeouidumun jeopsi; jeopsi; incised yeonpanmun wan; incised moranmun tagu (唾具: spittoon); daejeop with incised yeojimun (荔枝文: lichee pattern) inlay; jeopsi with gukhwamun inlay; inlaid hwamunhwayeong (花文花形: petalled shape with floral design) jeopsi; and palgak (八角: octagonal) jeopsi with floral inlay.8 These examples are similar in pattern to the jeonjeopsi with incised moranmun and molded yeouimun from Biando. Moreover, the yeonpanmun on the Biando wan are similar to those on the celadons from Jireung. They share the same short, tilted foot, and spur marks of firing on gyuseok batchim or naehwato batchim while showing a difference in the color and the quality of glaze: those from Jireung are of a deeper bluish-green of superior quality. Judging from the perfect inlay technique on both the interior and exterior of the jeopsi and daejeop, these celadons excavated from Jireung probably postdate those from Biando. As analyzed above, a comparative analysis of the Biando celadons with other Goryeo celadon vessels of known dates suggests that the Biando wares were produced around 1220. 02 PRODUCTION SITE One possible site of production for the Biando wares is the Jinseo-ri Kiln No. 18 in Buan, where artifacts with the following characteristics have been found:9 a) Celadon jeopsi with moranmun, moranjeoljimun, and yeonhwajeoljimun created by apchul technique. These vessels also have incised and carved yeonpanmun. b) Celadon bal featuring the same characteristics as above. c) Celadon gakjeopsi with moranmun using the apchul technique. d) Jeonjeopsi and hwahyeongjeonjeopsi. e) Incised noemun jan and gukhawmun inlaid jan. f) Tonghyeongjan with incised-and-molded yeonpanmun on the outer surface and its ttukkeong with lotus-bud-like handle and incised parallel seonmun. Celadon hap with matching ttukkeong. Also present at Jinseo-ri are fragments of refined celadon with gyuseok batchim or naehwato batchim along with the tools used at the kiln. The colors of celadon fragments come in both greenish-brown and bluish-green like the Biando collection and the inlay technique is similar. The other likely production site of the Biando wares is the Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan, where celadon vessels with the following characteristics have been excavated:10 a) Apchul moranmun jeopsi, bal, and wan like those of Biando b) Incised yeonpanmun bal and jeopsi as well as carved yeonpanmun bal and jeopsi. c) Incised aengmumun wan and jeopsi. In particular the simplified aengmumun is found. d) Jan and tonghyeongjan with incised and carved yeonpanmun. Lids with lotus-bud like handles or dish-shaped. e) Gakjeopsi, jeopsi, and hwayeongjeonjeopsi with molded moranmun and maehwamun. f) Similar hap as those from Biando. Furthermore, there are ttukkeong with moranmun and gukhwamun inlay and celadon fragments with the marks of being fired on gyuseok batchim or naehwato batchim. There are also fragments in greenish-brown, bluish-green, and bisaek. Simplified aengmumun is a common feature in the wares from both Yucheon-ri and Biando. There are also small and big tonghyeongjan and examples with gukhwamun in combination with seonmun or linear designs. The presence of such similar features strongly suggests that the Biando celadon wares were produced at the Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan. A third possible production site for the Biando wares is Yongun-ri No. 10-2 Kiln Site, Gangjin.11 Among the celadon vessels excavated from this site the following have similar shape and features as those from Biando: incised yeonpanmun wan and jeopsi; incised aengmumun wan; jan and tonghyeongjan with incised and carved yeonpanmun; gakjeopsi with carved moranmun; and hwahyeongjeopsi. The colors of greenish-brown and bluish-green are present but the faint aengmumun and the hap as found from Biando are absent. Thus the Gangjin Sadang-ri Kiln Site No. 7 is the least likely production site for the Biando vessels as the celadons produced at this kiln are more refined in quality, especially those with aengmumun, which requires greater skill in expressing details (Plate 11). ( Plate 11 ) Celadon daejeop with incised aengmumun H: 7.1 cm; Diameter: 17.0 cm (rim), 6.0 cm (foot) National Maritime Museum of Korea: Bian C-112 IV CONCLUSION The kiln sites that feature the most similar celadon to those of Biando are the Jinseo-ri and Yucheon-ri sites in Buan and the Yongun-ri and Sadang-ri sites in Gangjin. Among these sites, Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan revealed the same aengmumun, the same types of vessels, the same inlay technique, and the same molding technique as those in the Biando collection. It is fairly reasonable, therefore, to imagine that, during the height of Goryeo celadon production in the 1220s, the Yongun-ri Kiln Site No. 10-2 and the Sadang-ri Kiln Site No. 7 in Gangjin as well as the Jinseo-ri Kiln Site No. 18 and the Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan developed and competed with one another as key production sites. It is likely, however, that the Biando wares were produced sometime in the 1220s at the Yucheon-ri Kiln Site Zone No. 7 in Buan, as analyzed above. What caused the ship to sink off Biando cannot be determined but the celadons on the ship were being transported from Julpo (茁浦) in Buan, and were most likely headed for Gaeseong, the capital of Goryeo, where the demand for the most exquisite celadon wares was the highest.