The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

The National Museum of Korea held a special exhibition titled “Pinnacle of Propriety: The Uigwe, Records of the State Rites of the Joseon Dynasty” from November first, 2022 to March nineteenth, 2023, in commemoration of the tenth anniversary of the repatriation of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe, which had been looted by the French army and taken to France following its punitive expedition against Joseon (朝鮮, 1392–1910) in 1866. The Oegyujanggak Uigwe garnered significant attention not only due to its dramatic 145-year journey from plunder, to neglect, rediscovery, and eventual return, but also because most of these uigwe volumes had been produced exclusively for the king’s review. What is a uigwe? During the Joseon period, the state began compiling records documenting major royal ceremonies and rituals, such as royal weddings, funerals, investitures, and palace banquets into books called “uigwe” (Kim Munsik and Shin Byeongju 2005; Han Yeongwu 2005). This also included major state projects, from the construction of palaces to the production of musical instruments and weapons. These records were meant to offer a detailed account of the preparation process, ceremonial procedures, and execution of various events. After producing from two to nine copies of each volume, one copy was presented to the king, while the remaining were stored in local history archives (史庫) or relevant government offices. The uigwe books preserved at Oegyujanggak, the outer royal library on Ganghwa Island, are known as the Oegyujanggak Uigwe, and the majority of them were copies that once belonged to the king. This paper aims to examine the history, characteristics, and significance of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe, as well as discuss the research findings and prospects for the future. The History of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe Oegyujanggak, the Treasure Trove of the Joseon Royal Court The term “Oegyujanggak” means “royal library (Gyujanggak) outside the capital (oe).” Oegyujanggak functioned as an annex to the main royal library. This section examines what purpose it served and how it came to be established. Gyujanggak (奎章閣) was founded immediately after the accession of King Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1776–1800), the twenty-second king of Joseon. Built in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace (昌德宮), Gyujanggak served as a royal library for preserving the writings, calligraphy, and paintings of previous kings, along with other books and documents concerning royal genealogy. Soon after its establishment, the role of Gyujanggak was expanded to include the management of academic research, publication, and state policies. The library emerged as a key institution in reinforcing King Jeongjo’s political power and cultural influence. In 1781, King Jeongjo ordered the construction of Oegyujanggak on Ganghwa Island to provide a safer repository for the royal collections where they would be safe from fire or war. Hence, the functions originally carried out by the Gyujanggak royal library were transferred to Oegyujanggak. Ganghwa Island was deemed a suitable location to store important documents since it had proven to be relatively safe in times of wars. For this reason, a temporary palace (行宮) and a local archive had already been built on this island before the construction of Oegyujanggak to preserve other royal materials. According to the Gyujanggak chi (奎章閣志), compiled in 1784, Oegyujanggak was six kan in size and erected to the east of the temporary palace on Ganghwa (Figs. 1 and 2). Fig. 1. Painting of Gyujanggak by Kim Hongdo (1745–after 1806). Joseon, ca. 1776. Color on silk. 143.2 × 115.5 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 2. “The Painting of Oegyujanggak” from The Painting of a Palace at Ganghwabu. Painter Unknown. Joseon, late 19th Century. Ink on Paper. 98.5 × 68.5 cm. National Library of Korea Following the reign of King Jeongjo, royal materials and major books were collected more systematically at Oegyujanggak. These included royal seals (御寶), royal decrees (敎命), jade books of investiture (玉冊), writings of the kings (御製), works of calligraphy (御筆), uigwe volumes, royal genealogies, and other items such as maps and books. The Ganghwabu Oegyujanggak Hyeongjian (江華府外奎章閣形止案) holds a record of the types and quantity of materials preserved in Oegyujanggak. This ledger, meticulously updated through regular inspections, provides a detailed account of the collection’s contents. As of 1782, a total of 4,892 volumes under 762 titles were being housed at Oegyujanggak. In 1857, the number had grown to 5,166, including twenty-five items used at the royal court such as jade books of investiture, golden seals engraved with honorary titles, and royal decrees; sixty-eight pieces of royal writings and calligraphic works; six pieces of scrolls; 667 uigwe volumes under 401 titles; and 4,400 other volumes under 606 titles (Yi Taejin 2010, 228–235). Some of these collections would be sent to the palace in the capital at the request of the king. After the reign of King Jeongjo, Oegyujanggak became the primary repository of the Joseon dynasty’s royal culture for the next eighty years. During this time, the tradition of preserving uigwe (mostly copies destined for the king) at Oegyujanggak was established. As a result, copies for royal perusal, not only those preserved in Gyujanggak before the reign of King Jeongjo but also those produced after the construction of Oegyujanggak, were collected and sent to Oegyujanggak (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Ganghwabu Oegyujanggak Hyeongjian. Joseon, 1857. 46.0 × 33.2 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Loan to National Museum of Korea The Ordeal Faced by the Oegyujanggak Uigwe and their Repatriation By the end of the nineteenth century, Ganghwa Island had become the gateway allowing Western powers into Joseon. The invasion of the French army, in particular, inflicted significant damage on the Oegyujanggak and its precious collections. In 1866, under the guise of addressing alleged oppression of the Catholic Church by the Joseon government, the French army launched an attack on Ganghwa Island. Faced with strong resistance from the Joseon army, the French eventually retreated, but not before plundering some of the collections stored at the Oegyujanggak and setting fire to the library. Due to this incident, most of the Oegyujanggak collections were lost to fire, except for 340 items looted by the French army. The French army plundered nineteen boxes of silver and a number of uigwe volumes. Out of the extensive collection of over 4,000 volumes housed in Oegyujanggak, the French army specifically targeted the copies for royal perusal. As will be explained later, the distinguishing features of these copies must have captured the attention of the French troops: their notably larger size compared to regular books, their beautiful silk covers and bindings adorned with brass strips, the neat calligraphy, and the colorful illustrations. Admiral Pierre-Gustave Roze of the French army presented the looted items to the King of France and his superiors before they were donated to the Imperial Library (now the National Library of France) (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. “Painting of the Occupation of Yamoun (the governor of Kanghoa’s residence)” from L’illustration. National Museum of Korea The Oegyujanggak Uigwe were believed to have been completely destroyed until Maurice Courant published the Bibliographie Coréenne between 1894 and 1896, in which he stated that 300 volumes of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe were being kept in France. The existence of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe was confirmed in 1975 by Dr. Park Byeongseon (朴炳善, 1923–2011) who left for France to study in 1955 with a mission to find the Oegyujanggak Uigwe in accordance with the wishes of her professor Lee Byeong-do (李丙燾, 1896–1989). Working as an employee at the National Library in Paris (Bibliothèque nationale de France) for thirteen years starting in 1967, she lost no time to search for the whereabouts of the uigwe. In 1975, she finally discovered the Oegyujanggak Uigwe volumes in a warehouse at the Versailles branch of the National Library of France. At the time, the uigwe were erroneously classified as Chinese books and found to have severely damaged covers and pages. Restoration efforts were completed in 1978, and the Oegyujanggak Uigwe were finally revealed to the public. After the discovery, Dr. Park Byeongseon continued her research on the Oegyujanggak Uigwe and published a collection of bibliographic information on the volumes in 1985. This publication provided an opportunity for Korea to petition France for the return of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe. In response to the Korean academic community’s request in 1991, the Korean government formally requested the French government to return all the books. As a result, the presidents of Korea and France reached an agreement for their return, framing it as “permanent loan” as part of cultural exchange between the two countries. At the summit meeting between both nations held in Seoul on September fourteenth, 1993, the first volume of the Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Lady Bak (顯穆綏嬪徽慶園園所都監儀軌, Hyonmoksubin hwigyeongwon wonso dogam uigwe) was returned to Korea. However, it took several years for the two countries to agree on the return procedure. In 2002, an inspection team consisting of academic experts was dispatched to France twice to investigate the Oegyujanggak Uigwe. After the inspections, the effort to repatriate the Uigwe gained momentum, leading to cooperation between the private sector and government agencies such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Cultural Heritage Administration. At the G20 Seoul Summit held in November 2010, an agreement was finally reached for the return of the uigwe between the presidents of Korea and France. Accordingly, 296 volumes of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe were returned to Korea in four rounds from April fourteenth to May twenty-seventh, 2011. Thus, all 297 volumes, including the one brought back to Korea in 1993, were returned to their homeland in dramatic fashion after being overseas for 145 years. The books are currently being preserved at the National Museum of Korea. The Characteristics and Value of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe (Yu Saerom 2011; 2013, 5–51) The Historical Value of Uigwe Uigwe offers a record of various royal rituals and major state projects during the Joseon dynasty and Korean Empire (大韓帝國, 1897–1910) periods. Ceremonies and rituals include royal weddings, investitures, state funerals, royal rites, banquets, military ceremonies, receptions of envoys, royal processions, and rewarding ceremonies for meritorious service. As for state projects, these involve the construction of palaces, fortresses, and altars, the manufacture of musical instruments and weapons, the completion of royal portraits (御眞), and the compilation and publication of important books such as the Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty and the royal genealogy. In order to undertake royal rituals and state projects, directorates (都監, dogam) were established, each with their own departments (房, bang) responsible for handling practical duties. During the execution of a project, the directorates engaged in discussions with the king on various matters, receiving and forwarding documents to relevant government offices and departments upon receiving royal approval. The documents transmitted from one government office to another at various levels contained detailed information about the project’s background, decision-making process, personnel involved (including officials, staff, and craftsmen), and the list of items manufactured for the project. These documents are invaluable materials for gaining a thorough understanding of each ritual and project. For example, documents pertaining to funeral rites record not only details such as the types of coffins used for a funeral, stone objects built near royal tombs, and royal seals and investiture books to be enshrined at the Royal Ancestral Shrine after a three–year mourning period, but also specific information such as what type, quantity, and size of materials were used, how the items were manufactured and materials procured, and what was the process for selecting the required personnel. Since these documents are transcriptions of original texts, they are also considered primary sources. Unlike most other official documents, uigwe are admired for their detailed illustrations. Two main types of illustrations can be found in uigwe. The first are called banchado, which depict royal processions with government officials lined by rank and items organized according to protocol. The second type of illustration are called doseol, which detail the items used for royal ceremonies or state events and include illustrations of ceremonial military regalia, building structures, and detailed scenes from the events (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Various Doseol Illustrations inside the Uigwe: 1): “Illustrations of Ritual Vessels” from the Uigwe for the Funeral of Lady Bak. Joseon, 1823. 2) “An Illustration of Shrine Chamber” from the Uigwe for Constructing the Shrine of Lady Bak. Joseon, 1824. 3) “An Illustration of Yungbok Hall” from the Uigwe for the Reconstruction of Gyeonghuigung Palace. Joseon, 1832. Dealing with all major state events, uigwe played a significant role in establishing precedents to be followed for future royal rituals and state projects, rather than simply serving as one-time manuals for single events. In recognition of their historical value, uigwe from the Joseon dynasty were registered as UNESCO Memory of the World in 2007. The Oegyujanggak Uigwe, however, were excluded from registration because the books were still being kept in France at the time. The 297 volumes of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe are categorized by type of ceremony, including investitures (冊禮), royal weddings (嘉禮), funerals and burials (喪葬禮), bestowals of honorary titles (尊號尊崇), court banquets (筵享), state administration, and others. Among these, uigwe on funeral and burial rites account for the largest proportion, totaling 203 volumes (or 68%) of the entire collection. There are four types of uigwe documenting funeral and burial rites. The first is the uigwe produced by the Directorate for the Royal Coffin Hall and the Spirit Hall. The directorate assumed the duty of shrouding and enshrining corpses. The second type was produced by the Directorate for the State Funeral which was responsible for overseeing all procedures of state funerals, from sending the bier to receiving the spirit tablet upon its return from the funeral. The third type was the produced by the Directorate for the Royal Tomb, an office in charge of building the royal tombs. The last is the uigwe produced by Directorate for Enshrining the Spirit Tablet. This office assumed the duty of enshrining the spirit tablet at the Royal Ancestral Shrine after the completion of the three-year mourning period. In addition to these four types of ceremonies, uigwe on the relocation and repair work of royal tombs also fell under the category of funeral and burial rites. Originally, uigwe were transcribed into multiple copies and stored separately to be preserved permanently or used as reference by relevant offices. For this reason, many of the surviving uigwe exist in multiple copies. In contrast, some uigwe were only preserved as single copies, known as single-copy uigwe. Among the Oegyujanggak Uigwe, there are twenty-six uigwe divided into twenty-nine volumes which are classified as single copies with no additional copies either in Korea or abroad. the Uigwe for the Royal Feast The following are some of the most representative single copies. First, the Uigwe for the Royal Feast (豐呈都監儀軌, Pungjeong dogam uigwe) is known as the earliest among the Oegyujanggak Uigwe and the oldest among uigwe dealing with royal banquets. Second, the Uigwe for the Funeral of Crown Grandson Uiso (懿昭世孫禮葬都監儀軌, Uisoseson yejang dogam uigwe) and the Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Crown Grandson Uiso (懿昭世孫墓所都監儀軌, Uisoseson myoson dogam uigwe) are single copies which record the funerary procedures for the eldest grandson of the royal court. The third single copy is four volumes of Separate Uigwe for the Official Duties of the Third Departments during Ceremonies (別三房儀軌, Byeolsambang uigwe). These volumes were produced during the reigns of King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1659–1674), King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674–1720), King Gyeongjong (景宗, r. 1720–1724), and King Yeongjo by the three directorates: the directorate for enshrining the spirit tablet, bestowing an honorary title upon the queen dowager, and granting investiture to the queen following the completion of the three-year mourning period for the preceding king. The fourth single copy comprises seven uigwe volumes regarding the large-scale repair project of royal tombs undertaken during the reign of King Yeongjo, and the fifth single copy consists of three uigwe volumes detailing the ceremony of bestowing the title of merit subject and reward to officials who rendered meritorious service during the reigns of King Sukjong and King Yeongjo. The single copies of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe hold greater historical value than other uigwe because there are no other extant copies of them (Fig. 6). Fig. 6. A Single-Copy Uigwe from the Oegyujanggak Uigwe. Uigwe for the Royal Feast. Joseon, 1630 Although compiled for different ceremonies and state projects, the main theme of numerous uigwe was the rule of propriety, providing specific examples on how to perform rituals according to propriety. From this viewpoint, uigwe reflect Joseon’s governing philosophy and establish precedents for rituals that would serve as models for future generations. The Features of Uigwe Copies Intended for the King The most distinctive feature of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe volumes is that they are mostly copies that were created for the perusal of the king. Of the 297 volumes, 290 are copies intended for the king and only seven are copies for distribution. Typically, between two to nine copies were transcribed for each uigwe depending on the type of ritual. One copy was retained for the king, while the remaining were sent to the four local history archives (史庫), which includes the State Council, the Ministry of Rites, the Office of State Records, and other relevant government offices. The copy for royal perusal and the other copies share the same content but differ in terms of material and the type of bookbinding (粧䌙) used to produce the books. The copy for royal perusal and the copy for distribution differed in many respects, such as the grades of inner paper, book covers, materials used for byeoncheol (brass strips for bookbinding) and the ring attached to the brass strip, inchalseon (lines intended for transcriber), calligraphy styles, and the colors of illustrations. Existing research has mainly focused on the uigwe samok, which are the regulations included inside each uigwe, by comparing the materials employed to make the copies for royal perusal versus copies for distribution and examining the detailed production process of uigwe, including how materials were procured. The copies for royal perusal preserved in domestic collections were mostly produced in the late nineteenth century after the Byeongin Yangyo incident, which refers to the French invasion of Ganghwa Island in 1866. Consequently, this makes it impossible to compare the content of copies intended for the king with records about the uigwe by period. On the other hand, the production of the copies for royal perusal of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe spanned from the early seventeenth century to the mid-nineteenth century. By examining actual images of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe after their return in 2011, researchers were thus able to identify the peculiar features of these copies and track the changes made to them over time. The first aspect to examine is the inner paper (內紙) of the uigwe. For the copy for royal perusal, official painters drew each and every red inchalseon line by hand, whereas for the copies for distribution, the lines were created using printing plates and ink. According to the uigwe samok, chojuji paper (草注紙) was used for the copy for royal perusal, while jeojuji paper (楮注紙) for copies for distribution. Chojuji and jeojuji papers are easily distinguishable with the naked eye because chojuji paper is a light off-white color while jeojuji paper appears a light grayish-white. Previously, it was assumed that the two types of paper were made from different raw materials, but it was later verified through analysis that both were made from mulberry fibers. According to the Takji junjeol (度支準折), which categorizes the supplies used by the royal court and government offices in the late Joseon dynasty by item, chojuji paper was approximately four times more expensive than jeojuji paper. Let us consider why the price and quality differed despite both paper being made from the same raw material. An analysis revealed that the average density of chojuji is 0.7g/cm3 , while the maximum density of jeojuji does not exceed 0.65g/cm3. The difference stemmed from the production process, according to the degrees of fiber density and smoothness of the paper’s surface (搗砧). High-density paper required much more materials and labor, thus resulting in a higher price. Chojuji paper, exceedingly smooth and of high quality, was particularly suited for the copies for royal perusal, on which inchalseon lines and banchado paintings were drawn and characters were written entirely by hand. Moreover, paper with a higher fiber density enhance the colors of illustrations, such as banchado, making them appear more vivid. In contrast, jeojuji paper was more suitable for the copies for distribution in terms of both cost-effectiveness and quality. This is because ink does not smear as much on this type of paper when using printing plates and because the production of the copies for distribution required larger quantities of paper (Fig. 7). Fig. 7. Comparison of the Inner Paper Used Inside a Copy for Royal Perusal (chojuji) with a Copy for Distribution (jeojuji): 1) Copy for Royal Perusal from the Second Volume of the Uigwe for Building a Royal Tomb for Queen Hyosun. Joseon, 1751. 46.2 × 34.3 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Loan to National Museum of Korea. 2) Copy for Distribution from the Second Volume of the Uigwe for Building a Royal Tomb for Queen Hyosun. Joseon, 1751. 46.0 × 33.8 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies Once all the inchalseon lines had been drawn on the inner paper, the process of transcribing (正書) could begin. For the copy for royal perusal, one or two skilled official transcribers (sajagwan) were selected to transcribe the original texts of the uigwe neatly in a calligraphic style known as haeseo. As for the copy for distribution, a single transcriber in charge of writing calligraphy for the office (seosagwan) was entrusted with the entire transcription of the uigwe. Each time a word designating the king, the queen, the royal family, or any member of the royal family appeared, the copy for royal perusal was written in such a way as to express reverence, such as by starting a new line and writing the word one or two spaces higher than the other lines (擡頭法). In contrast, for the copy for distribution, a blank space was simply left before the word (工隔法). Consequently, the copy for royal perusal generally contained more pages than the copy for distribution. When the transcription was completed, the government seal was affixed to each page of the copy for distribution. For the copy for royal perusal, official painters (hwawon) meticulously drew doseol illustrations and banchado paintings by hand using vivid colors to depict the details of figures and objects. In contrast, figure stamps were used in copies for distribution to portray recurring characters before coloring. Some parts of the illustrations were occasionally left uncolored, while some characters were roughly sketched without detailed expressions (Fig. 8). Fig. 8. Banchado Illustrations inside a Copy for Royal Perusal (Left) and a Copy for Distribution (Right). Uigwe of the Investiture Ceremony of Crown Prince Hyojang. Joseon, 1725. Now, let us examine the book covers. Out of the 297 volumes of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe, only eleven volumes of the copies for royal perusal have preserved their original covers, while the remaining volumes underwent restoration by the National Library of France in the 1970s. The original covers of the restored uigwe books had been separately preserved until they were returned to Korea in 2011. These original covers serve as an important resource in understanding what fabrics were used from the early seventeenth century to the mid-nineteenth century and how fabric patterns changed over time. The cover of the copy for distribution was made from red hemp cloth, while the cover of the copy for royal perusal was made from high-quality silk, which was typically green but sometimes blue or undyed white. The silk cover of the copy for royal perusal is most commonly adorned with cloud or floral patterns. From the mid-seventeenth century to the first half of the eighteenth century, the cloud-treasure pattern became most prevalent before it was replaced by the lotus pattern with lotus vines in the first half of the eighteenth century. The lotus-peony and flower-phoenix patterns were also used to decorate book covers. From 1746 onward, plain green silk (草綠無紋紬) was used for the cover of the copy for royal perusal in compliance with the royal edict issued in the fourth month of 1746 (the twenty-second year of King Yeongjo’s reign) that prohibited the import and restricted the use of patterned silk in an effort to eliminate extravagance and clarify status distinction. As for book titles, they were written in ink directly on the hemp cover of the copies for distribution, whereas the titles of copies for royal perusal were inscribed on white silk before being attached to the book cover. The edges of the white silk were wrapped with red silk as narrow as 0.1 or 0.2 centimeters. Until the first half of the eighteenth century, both the silk used for the book title and its edges, as well as the silk for book covers, predominantly featured floral patterns before being replaced by plain silk from 1746 onward. This indicates that King Yeongjo’s prohibition on extravagance also extended to the fabric used for making uigwe book covers (Fig. 9). Fig. 9. Cloud-Treasure Pattern on the Silk Book Cover of a Copy for Royal Perusal from the Oegyujanggak Uigwe. Uigwe for Installing the Spirit Hall of Queen Jangryeol. Joseon, 1689 The brass fittings (邊鐵) used for book binding is the last feature of the uigwe left to discuss in this paper. Most of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe volumes have retained their original binding strips, which serve as an essential resource for studying what kind of binding strips were used to produce uigwe during the Joseon dynasty. Brass strips were used to secure the uigwe in the final phase of binding. To bind the copy for royal perusal, brass fitting strips were positioned along the right sides of both the front and back of the silk cover, five holes were drilled to fasten the book with nails, and it was bound with a ring and five nails capped with chrysanthemum-pattern studs. For the copy for distribution, however, refined iron fittings were placed along the right sides of both the front and back of the red cloth cover to secure the book with nails which were capped with studs by drilling three holes. The width of the binding strip for the copy for royal perusal typically measured around 3 centimeters. The style of brass strips changed over time. The four patterns used for adorning the brass strips can be divided into plain, the lotus with scrolling vines pattern (蓮花唐草文), the scrolling vines pattern (唐草文), and the seven jewels pattern (七寶文). Until the early eighteenth century, all ninety brass strips were featured a plain pattern. Records indicate that the production of uigwe began in the early Joseon dynasty, and for a considerable period of time, the brass fittings did not feature any special decorations. However, between 1718 and 1784, the lotus with scrolling vines pattern became the dominant style of decoration for brass fittings, with the exception being the treasure-pattern fittings used for the fourteen uigwe volumes produced in 1752. On the whole, the pattern involved from no pattern to the lotus with scrolling vines pattern, and then to the scrolling vines pattern, save for the treasure pattern used in 1752 (Fig. 10). Fig. 10. Various Brass Fitting Patterns on the Copies for Royal Perusal of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe: 1) Lotus with Scrolling Vines Pattern on Brass Fittings of the Uigwe for the Investiture Ceremony for Crown Prince Hyojang. 1725 2) Seven Jewels Pattern on Brass Fittings of the Uigwe for Building a Royal Tomb for Queen Hyosun. 1752 3) Scrolling Vines Pattern on Brass Fittings for the Uigwe for the Investiture Ceremony for Crown Prince Munhyo. 1784 The nails with chrysanthemum-patterned studs not only secured the brass strips but also served as a beautiful adornment for the uigwe. The chrysanthemum pattern on the copy for royal perusal typically featured eight petals engraved with radial wrinkles and a nail at the center. In the nineteenth century, the chrysanthemum pattern grew more extravagant with eight-leafed petals wrapped in two layers. Among the five studs with a chrysanthemum pattern, the middle one was designed with a loop enabling the attachment of a ring which could be fastened to the nail studs of the copy for distribution (Fig. 11). Fig. 11. Studs with Various Chrysanthemum Patterns for the Copies for Royal Perusal of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe: 1) Chrysanthemum Stud for the Uigwe of the Royal Coffin Hall for Queen Jangryeol. 1689 2) Chrysanthemum Stud for the Uigwe of the Investiture for Crown Prince Hyojang. 1725 3) Chrysanthemum Stud for the Uigwe of Building a Royal Tomb for Queen Hyosun. 1752 4) Chrysanthemum Stud for the Uigwe for Granting Honorary Titles to Queen Sunwon and Queeen Sinjeong. 1837 As previously discussed, most of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe were crafted to the highest standards, with meticulous attention to detail and the use of specially selected materials, all for the king’s perusal. Unlike other state records, separate copies specifically intended for the king were created for the uigwe. This indicates that the Joseon dynasty believed the uigwe would uphold “the rule of propriety” through ceremonies and rituals, which is why considerable efforts were devoted not only to its content but also to every aspect of its manufacturing process. The Oegyujanggak Uigwe serves as a valuable resource for understanding the distinctive features of the copies for royal perusal, the intricacies of the manufacturing process, and reassessing the significance of these copies for royal perusal during the Joseon dynasty. Research Findings and Future Prospects for the Oegyujanggak Uigwe Before the publication of Dr. Park Byeongseon’s work in 1985, research on the uigwe had been limited to a small number of fields such as the history of clothing, music, and architecture, primarily relying on the illustrations found within the uigwe. However, following the publication of her work in 1985, there was a gradual increase in the number of research papers relying on domestic collections. Full-scale research began in the 2000s. From the dispatch of an inspection team to France in 2002 until 2010, the number of research papers on uigwe increased by more than fivefold after domestic organizations began to compile and publish the annotated catalogues of their collections around 2002 and the inspection team published their research reports. More specifically, the return of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe from France in 2011 served as a catalyst for further research, resulting in an increase in the publication of research papers and dissertations, with approximately forty more general papers and twenty more dissertations published compared to the period from 2002 to 2010. Most of all, the return of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe helped to raise public awareness and generate widespread interest in uigwe. Playing a key role in this regard was the special exhibition titled “The Return of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe from France: Records of the State Rites of the Joseon Dynasty” (July 19–September 18, 2011), which was held immediately after the return of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe to celebrate their repatriation and promote their significance. The special exhibition was soon followed by touring exhibitions held in Ganghwa Island, Gwangju, Daegu, and Jeonju. To promote further research on the Oegyujanggak Uigwe, the National Museum of Korea created a database from 2012 to 2015 which offers original images and texts for all 297 volumes, as well as comprehensive information organized by theme, including annotations, doseol illustrations, and banchado paintings, all accessible on its official website (https://www.museum.go.kr/). The comprehensive database of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe has been instrumental in academic research and the creation of various cultural contents. This is especially true for the bookbinding of the copies for royal perusal, as well as the colored doseol illustrations and banchado paintings, all of which have been widely used for the production of digital content and cultural products. In addition to individual scholars conducting research using the Oegyujanggak Uigwe comprehensive database, the National Museum of Korea itself has also been actively involved in research projects. From 2011 to 2012, the museum conducted scientific analyses on the images, book covers, inner paper, and binding strips of all volumes of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe, achieving significant progress. The findings were documented in the Oegyujanggak Uigwe Academic Series, published as part of the museum’s own research initiative (Fig. 12). Fig. 12. Oegyujanggak Uigwe Academic Series published by the National Museum of Korea The book Joseon Dynasty Uigwe: Current State of Research and Future Prospects, published in 2012, provides basic data essential for preliminary research on the Oegyujanggak Uigwe by providing an overview of the different uigwe collections found in major domestic institutions and summarizing the history of research on the uigwe in various fields. The book also includes the findings of a comprehensive survey conducted on all volumes of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe. The Bookbinding of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe, published in 2014, examines the characteristics of the copies for royal perusal and the bookbinding process used in their production according to the time period and type of material. The book also explores the cultural and historical significance of the copies for royal perusal through the study of bookbinding. It offers an empirical examination of the manufacturing process by comparing the records in uigwe with the results of scientific analysis conducted on the inner paper, book covers, and binding strips, thereby providing the basis for follow-up research. Starting from the third publication of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe Academic Series, uigwe research transitioned to topic-based studies, involving researchers from various fields including the history of Joseon dynasty, bibliographic studies, art history, the history of costumes, architectural history, and the history of music. The Funerary Rites of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe I, published in 2015, and the Funerary Rites of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe II, published in 2018, focus on single-copy uigwe for funeral rites. The books thoroughly explore the preparation process and procedures involved in the funerals for the queen, the queen dowager, the crown princess, and the eldest son of the crown prince, topics that previously lacked comprehensive research. Also discussed are the changes in rituals, artisans involved, and analyses of banchado paintings and pigments. In the Chaengnye and Jonsung Rites, published in 2020, the ceremony of bestowing honorary titles upon the queen dowager and investitures for the queen and the crown prince, rare topics in the field of uigwe research, are reinterpreted as rituals to raise the status of the royal family. The book also explores various other topics such as the venues used and the music performed at the rituals. The Gongsin Nokhun, published in 2022, is dedicated to the ceremonial process of rewarding meritorious service during the reigns of King Sukjong and King Yeongjo. The book mainly focuses on single copies, discussing their political significance and shedding light on the compilation process of the Uigwe for Rewarding Meritorious Service (錄勳都監儀軌, Nokhun dogam uigwe). In commemoration of the tenth anniversary of the return of uigwe from France, the book also examines research results accumulated during the ten years following their repatriation in 2011, with a focus on the fields of Korean history, architectural history, art history, costume history, and music history. Research on uigwe has been conducted across various fields and topics. In the field of Korean history, research has progressed beyond the initial stage of empirical reconstruction of ritual practices to the in-depth study of the ideological, political, and cultural significance in each ritual. In architectural history, the research extends beyond royal palaces and the Royal Ancestral Shrine to encompass royal tombs and other shrines. Research topics have also been subdivided, and the volume of research has also increased drastically in the field of art history. Recent trends in art history research focus on identifying extant artworks and linking them to the records in uigwe in the aim of reconstructing the rituals and venues where artifacts were used, as well as examining historical and political interpretations of royal art. As for the field of costume history, notable achievements have been made in three areas: the publication of non-academic books, in-depth historical investigation into royal costumes, and the digitalization of uigwe contents. Similarly, various efforts have also been made in music history. New perspectives have been applied to analyzing uigwe related to royal banquets, focusing on the roles and activities of court musicians, the manufacture of musical instruments, and the formation of musicians and instruments during the performance. Furthermore, the findings from this research have been reflected in music education at schools (National Museum of Korea, 2012–2022). The special exhibition titled “Pinnacle of Propriety: The Uigwe, Records of the State Rites of the Joseon Dynasty,” held from November first of 2022 to March nineteenth of 2023, showcased the research results conducted over the ten year-period following the return of the uigwe (National Museum of Korea, 2022). Research on the Oegyujanggak Uigwe is expected to make further progress on the topics of wedding ceremonies, the rites of conferring honorary titles and enshrining the spirit tablet at the Royal Ancestral Shrine, the construction and repair works, and other related areas. Concluding Remarks The Oegyujanggak Uigwe are cultural assets with a unique history. They are invaluable not only because they offer a glimpse into the state rituals conducted at the time of the Joseon dynasty, but also because of their unusual journey, having traveled from Joseon to France and back to the Republic of Korea 145 years later. Above all, the Oegyujanggak Uigwe contain the ruling philosophy of the Joseon dynasty, the “rule of propriety,” as evidenced by the recorded precedents of royal ceremonies and rituals. This explains why the Joseon court invested such great effort in adorning the copies for royal perusal with highly elaborate bookbinding to make them stand out from other state records and emphasize their value. Furthermore, the calligraphy, book covers, and paintings of the copies for royal perusal will undoubtedly serve as the basis for the creation of various cultural contents. The National Museum of Korea’s efforts to promote the Oegyujanggak Uigwe, including research projects, comprehensive database services, exhibitions, and other initiatives, are expected to yield fruitful results in future research and other applications of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe across various fields.

Over the last decade, institutions in possession of Joseon wangjo uigwe (Royal Protocols of the Joseon Dynasty) volumes, including the National Museum of Korea, have introduced online services making it possible to view the original texts in high-definition digital format while also granting access to a considerable portion of their bibliographic information. These efforts have collectively led to a significant increase in the number of studies on uigwe (儀軌, royal protocols) examining the procedures of each rite, the books recording the detailed procedures, and the operation of a dogam (都監, directorate) in charge of supervising the execution of each respective rite. Accordingly, recent research on uigwe tends to focus on specifying the particulars and meanings of the rites as well as other issues mentioned in uigwe. On the other hand, research on uigwe dogam (儀軌都監), which refers to the directorate established to oversee the production of a given uigwe, has progressed little. Although there are studies that explore how dogam were operated as a form of directorate during the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮, 1392–1910), they extend beyond the scope of just uigwe dogam, rendering them inadequate for understanding what kind of organizations uigwe dogam were. Exploring how the uigwe dogam tasked with producing new uigwe volumes were organized and operated is an important topic that can help provide a better understanding of the uigwe themselves. Thus, rather than focusing on the achievements of each meritorious subject (功臣, gongsin) or the process by which they were installed as such, this paper aims to scrutinize the uigwe dogam that was established to produce the Bunmu nokhun dogam uigwe (奮武錄勳都監儀軌, Uigwe for Rewarding the “Bunmu” Meritorious Subjects) (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. the Uigwe for Rewarding the “Bunmu” Meritorious Subjects vol. 1–2. Joseon, 1729. (vol. 1) 48.0 × 36.2 cm, (vol 2) 48.0 × 36.0 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France. Loaned to the National Museum of Korea A uigwe conventionally includes records from the dogam in charge of supervising the execution of the event in question. For example, a uigwe compiled by the gukjang dogam (國葬都監) may include details about the execution of a state funeral, while a uigwe from the salleung dogam (山陵都監) would document the construction process of a royal tomb. If compiled by the garye dogam (嘉禮都監), it would contain guidelines for conducting festive ceremonies, while one from the nokhun dogam (錄勳都監) would provide instructions on appointing and rewarding meritorious subjects. The final section of uigwe occasionally features materials related to the uigwe dogam that produced it. While these materials provide important insights into the activities of uigwe dogam at the time, in many instances, they only consist of operational provisions for the uigwe dogam or a list of officials belonging to it. In other cases, short and simple items are included, like documents ordering changes in personnel or the provision of needed supplies. Moreover, some uigwe do not include any information related to the uigwe dogam at all, making it difficult to gain a full understanding of the detailed undertakings of all uigwe dogam. Bunmu nokhun dogam uigwe, however, contains an additional section entitled Uigwe dogam deungnok (儀軌都監謄錄, Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam) that includes a variety of systematically arranged daily administrative records of the corresponding uigwe dogam, which provides excellent material for determining how a uigwe dogam was organized and operated in the late Joseon period (Fig. 2). Accordingly, by focusing on this Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam section, this paper intends to examine how the uigwe dogam was formed and what tasks it undertook upon the appointment of Bunmu meritorious subjects. In doing so, it attempts to advance the understanding of how a uigwe dogam was generally managed at the time. Furthermore, given the considerable administrative effort involved in the follow-up measures taken on behalf of many assistant meritorious subjects, whose number reached into the thousands, this paper will investigate whether the appointment of meritorious subjects exerted any kind of special influence on the relevant uigwe dogam. Fig. 2. Uigwe dogam deungnok in the Uigwe for Rewarding the “Bunmu” Meritorious Subjects vol. 2 The Establishment of a Uigwe Dogam for the Appointment and Rewarding of “Bunmu” Meritorious Subjects and the Selection of Personnel for the Operation of the Uigwe Dogam On the twelfth day of the third lunar month of 1728, Yi Sam (李森), a commander of the Jwapodocheong (左捕盜大將, Left-Central Police), submitted to King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776) a note that he had obtained in Jeonju. It proved to be the first indication of the pending Rebellion of Yi Injwa (李麟佐) in the year of Musin (1728), which went on to shake the nation in the early days of King Yeonjo’s reign.1 The incident unfolded after an intoxicated person dropped a note containing a malicious rumor alleging that Yeongjo had taken the throne by poisoning his step-brother King Gyeongjong (景宗, r. 1720–1724) and outlining plans for an uprising. Two days later, a spy uncovered the specific date for the planned rebellion,2 and on the fifteenth day of the third lunar month, a rebel army led by Yi Injwa captured Cheongju Fortress, signaling the start of Yi’s rebellion. In response, King Yeongjo appointed O Myeonghang (吳命恒), the Minister of Military Affairs, as commander-in-chief to subdue the rebel army. Within less than a month, the rebellion was completely suppressed and Yi Injwa and other leaders of the rebel forces were beheaded (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Portrait of King Yeongjo by Chae Yongsin (1850–1941), Jo Seokjin (1853–1920), and others. Joseon, 1900. Ink and color on silk. 110.5 × 61.8 cm. National Palace Museum of Korea. Treasure On the ninth day of the fourth lunar month of 1728, King Yeongjo ordered the appointment of those who had performed distinguished deeds in the quelling the Rebellion of Yi Injwa as meritorious subjects and that they be rewarded. On the twentieth day, the contributions of those involved, including O Myeonghang, began to be evaluated. On the twenty-sixth day, meritorious subjects in the suppression of Yi Injwa’s Rebellion were determined to be granted the title of Bunmu (奮武). O Myeonghang and fourteen others were selected as the main meritorious subjects (正功臣, jeonggongsin), with O being the only member in the first class, and on the seventh day of the fifth lunar month, a nokhun dogam was established to administer the rewards for the selected meritorious subjects. A nokhun dogam consisted of a docheong office (都廳) which oversaw the tasks related to the administration of rewards. The other departments included an ilbang (一房, first section), ibang (二房, second section), sambang (三房, third section), and byeolgongjak (別工作, additional tasks) which were each responsible for the production of various items. The main tasks of a nokhun dogam included the production of goods to be bestowed upon meritorious subjects, the preparations for the hoemaengje ritual (會盟祭) in which the king and meritorious subjects vowed in front of the gods of heaven and earth never to betray each other, the selection of assistant meritorious subjects (原從功臣, wonjong gongsin), and the production of certificates (錄券, nokgwon) issued to meritorious subjects. In the case of the Bunmu meritorious subjects, the hoemaengje ritual was set to be conducted on the eighteenth day of the seventh lunar month of 1728. The production of handscrolls recording the vow taken by the king and meritorious subjects, including their names and ranks, along with the royal edicts and portraits bestowed upon them, all of which were to be given to the main meritorious subjects, was completed before the ritual. Between the twenty-fifth day of the seventh lunar month and the twenty-third day of the eighth lunar month, the king’s calligraphy granted to the meritorious subjects was carved on hanging boards. Once the key tasks for the project of appointing and rewarding meritorious were completed, the nokhun dogam dissolved the ilbang, ibang, and byeolgongjak departments on the twenty-seventh day of the eighth lunar month. Since the affairs related to assistant meritorious subjects were still in progress, the other departments were disbanded before the sambang department in charge of this task. Table 1. Daily Records Regarding the Appointment and Rewarding of “Bunmu” Meritorious Subjects Year Month Day Content 1728 4th 20th Initiation of discussions regarding the notable achievements of O Myeonghang, who served as a saro dosunmusa (四路都巡撫使, temporary commissioner in charge of inspecting military affairs during wars or revolts), as the foremost meritorious subject 26th Selection of title for meritorious subjects and designation of fifteen figures, including O Myeonghang, as the main meritorious subjects Appointment of the foremost meritorious subject O Myeonghang as a high-level official (堂上, dangsang) at the nokhun dogam 5th 7th Appointment of working-level administrators (郎廳, nangcheong), production supervisors (監造官, gamjogwan), and others → Completion of the organization of the nokhun dogam (docheong office and ilbang, ibang, sambang, and byeolgongjak departments) 8th 27th Completion of the most important tasks for the project of appointing and rewarding meritorious subjects Reduction of the number of working-level administrators and production supervisors for the ilbang, ibang, and byeolgongjak departments 1729 2nd 8th (Sambang) Submission of recommended assistant meritorious subjects (8,776 in total) list to the king for approval in the form of a document attached to a report 5th 17th (Sambang) Completion of the binding of certificates for assistant meritorious subjects 18th (Sambang) Initiation of the review process of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects 25th Completion of the sambang department’s tasks; dissolution of the nokhun dogam; establishment of the uigwe dogam On the eighth day of the second lunar month of the following year (1729), the nokhun dogam submitted a list of recommended assistant meritorious subjects to the king.3 The main meritorious subjects had been selected through discussion between the king and officials, but the nokhun dogam had originally assumed the task of selecting assistant meritorious subjects and providing rewards.4 Since the number of selected assistant meritorious subjects reached 8,776, it took a considerable amount of time for the nokhun dogam to select them. Following the completion of the selection of assistant meritorious subjects, the sambang department continued to publish books by compiling printed nokgwon certificates until the seventeenth day of the fifth lunar month. The review process of these books began the next day and ended on the twenty-fifth of the same month. That day marked the dissolution of the nokhun dogam, which coincided with the establishment of the uigwe dogam.5 The establishment of a uigwe dogam after the dissolution of the nokhun dogam was done according to the common practice of the time. This practice can be observed not just in the appointment and rewarding of the Bunmu meritorious subjects who subdued the Rebellion of Yi Injwa, but also in the appointment and rewarding of Bosa meritorious subjects (保社功臣) who quelled Heo Gyeon’s planned revolt in 1682 and in the reinstating the five awardees from the Westerners, who were stripped of this honor by the Southerners in 1695 during the reign of King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674–1720). In some cases, uigwe dogam were established while the nokhun dogam was still in operation. However, such cases were not the norm. For example, when appointing and rewarding Busa meritorious subjects (扶社 功臣) for purging the Old Doctrine faction in 1723 (the third year of the reign of King Gyeongjong), five years before the appointment of the Bunmu meritorious subjects, the volume of related documents that needed to be organized was so vast that the uigwe dogam was established slightly earlier than usual. However, in the case of the Bunmu meritorious subjects, the process of suppressing the rebellion and selecting meritorious subjects progressed relatively smoothly, suggesting that the volume of documents to be organized was not particularly large. Therefore, it would have been reasonable to follow the practice of establishing the uigwe dogam after dissolving the nokhun dogam. The nokhun dogam for Bunmu meritorious subjects requested the king’s approval for the establishment of the uigwe dogam, presenting him with the basic regulations regarding its operation. The regulations listed basic information like the location where the office was to be set up, the composition of its personnel, various costs it could incur, and necessary supplies. The details are as follows: <Regulations for the Uigwe Dogam> 6 • Since the nokhun dogam has completed its duties, it is to be renamed “uigwe dogam” for the compilation of the relevant uigwe. • [The uigwe dogam] is to be established at the Pyeongsiseo (平市署, Bureau of Market Weights and Measures). • Two working-level administrators (nangcheong) from the nokhun dogam are to be appointed in charge of the uigwe documents. • The Hojo (戶曹, Ministry of Taxation) and the Byeongjo (兵曹, Ministry of Military Affairs) are responsible for providing cotton or hemp cloth as salary to two writing officers (寫字官, sajagwan), a court painter drawing the red lines (印札畫員, inchal hwawon), four transcribers (書寫, seosa), two clerical functionaries (書吏, seori), a warehouse clerk (庫直, gojik), and two errand runners (使令, saryeong), all of whom [will work on the production] of the uigwe for the king. • Two guards (守直軍, sujikgun) are to be assigned from the Byeongjo. • Paper, ink, brushes, and other various items to be used [by the uigwe dogam] are to be procured by the respective bureaus in charge of them. • Missing provisions are to be supplemented later. The third provision stipulating that two working-level administrators from the nokhun dogam continue to work at the uigwe dogam is noteworthy. At the end of the Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam in the second volume of the Bunmu nokhun dogam uigwe is a list of officials at the uigwe dogam, and a comparison of this list with the personnel of the nokhun dogam indicates a continuity of staff between the two entities. More specifically, the uigwe dogam had a working-level administrator named Sim Yeok (沈㴒) who previously served as an official with the Sajikseo (社稷署, Bureau of Land and Grain Gods Altar); two clerical functionaries named Yi Sugyu (李壽奎) and Bak Changgyeom (朴昌謙); four writing officials; four transcribers; a warehouse clerk; two errand runners; and a guard.7 The working-level administrator Sim and the two clerical functionaries, all of whom oversaw affairs, also worked at the nokhun dogam. In the case of Sim, he was first appointed as a working-level administrator for the ibang department of the nokhun dogam before being transferred to the sambang department about two months later, where he served until the dissolution of the nokhun dogam. After serving as a clerical functionary in the docheong and sambang departments, respectively, Yi Sugyu and Bak Changgyeom subsequently took on roles at the uigwe dogam. The fact that the three individuals appointed to the uigwe dogam had previously worked in the docheong or sambang departments of the nokhun dogam indicates that consideration was given to task continuity when appointing the personnel of the uigwe dogam. The clerical functionaries of the docheong that supervised the affairs of the nokhun dogam appear to have had a full understanding of the project since they not only managed documents reporting various matters to the king and delivered the king’s orders, but also oversaw certain tasks in the ilbang, ibang, as well as sambang and byeolgongjak departments. The working-level administrators and clerical functionaries assigned to the sambang department were responsible for discussing and deciding upon the meritorious deeds of the assistant meritorious subjects and for producing certificate books for them. Thus, their involvement in related follow-up tasks at the uigwe dogam was expected to result in a high level of continuity. The initial tasks of the uigwe dogam mostly revolved around certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects, which will be discussed in greater depth in the following section. Accordingly, the reappointment of a clerical functionary from the docheong and a working-level administrator and clerical functionary from the sambang appears to be a deliberate decision to select the most suitable individuals for the uigwe dogam’s tasks of organizing and recording the appointment and reward of meritorious subjects. Table 2. Comparison of Personnel Between the Nokhun Dogam and Uigwe Dogam However, such level of consideration regarding the selection of personnel for the uigwe dogam is not limited to the case of the uigwe dogam for appointing and rewarding Bunmu meritorious subjects. It is already well known that officials of the Sillok Uigwecheong (Office for the Royal Protocols of Annals) which was established after the completion of the production of annals (sillok) were recruited from among high-level officials and working-level administrators at the Sillokcheong (Office of Annals).8 A dogam was a directorate intended to carry out a specific project, and its officials were expected to carry out the relevant tasks while also maintaining their original jobs. Fully utilizing the organizational flexibility of a dogam, professional individuals could be recruited. Such recruitment of personnel, as seen in the case of the uigwe dogam for the appointment and rewarding of Bunmu meritorious subjects, can be extremely effective in that it assures expertise and efficacy by making use of the existing workforce. Assigned Tasks of the Uigwe Dogam for the Appointment and Rewarding of “Bunmu” Meritorious Subjects This chapter examines the tasks carried out by the uigwe dogam for appointing and rewarding Bunmu meritorious subjects after its establishment on the twenty-fifth day of the fifth lunar month of 1729. Specific details can be found in the Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam included at the end of the second volume of the Bunmu nokhun dogam uigwe. The Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam consists of four pummok (稟目) documents that provide details of various items to be used at the uigwe dogam. It also includes gamgyeoljil (甘結秩), a compilation of documents sent by the uigwe dogam to subordinate offices to direct the procurement of supplies and the temporary transfer of personnel; imunjil (移文秩), a collection of documents sent by the uigwe dogam to offices of equivalent hierarchical standing to request payment for its officials or coordinate particulars regarding required supplies; naegwanjil (來關秩), a compilation of documents received by the uigwe dogam; and jwamok (座目), a list of officials at the uigwe dogam. Based on the Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam, details of the key tasks performed by the uigwe dogam can be listed in chronological order as seen in Table 3 below. The contents not included in the Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam, such as the dissolution of the uigwe dogam after the submission of the completed royal protocols to the king, have been identified in Seungjeongwon ilgi (Diary of the Royal Secretariat) and added to the table. The uigwe dogam for the appointment and rewarding of Bunmu meritorious subjects, established on the twenty-fifth day of the fifth lunar month of 1729, started out by submitting a list of the items required to carry out its tasks, including brushes, ink, paper, water droppers, sitting mats, reading tables, firewood for heating, and braziers.9 In the fifth lunar month of 1730, the office undertook the binding of three sets of six volumes, both for the king’s reference and for storage in various other locations.10 The bookbinding process was completed at some point, and on the third day of the eighth lunar month the uigwe dogam was dissolved.11 The period from the establishment of the uigwe dogam to its dissolution spanned about fifteen months (including a lunar leap month). As can be seen from Table 3 above, it is worth noting that from the establishment of the uigwe dogam through the fourth day of the eleven lunar month of 1729, the main focus of the Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam rested not in compiling the royal protocols, an important aspect of uigwe production, but in other tasks such as the production of registers meant to be stored at the Chunghunbu (忠勳府, Bureau of Meritorious Subjects) and Yemungwan (藝文館, Bureau of Royal Decrees) containing personal information about meritorious subjects from preceding years, the production of wooden hanging boards engraved with the names of new meritorious subjects, the publication of certificate books given to bonded servants who became assistant meritorious subjects, and the correction of errors in certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects that had been printed by the sambang department.12 These tasks can be viewed as follow-up tasks inherited from the nokhun dogam. In the following section of this paper, I will explain how the uigwe dogam came to assume responsibility for these duties. Table 3. Daily Records of the Uigwe Dogam for the Appointment and Rewarding of “Bunmu” Meritorious Subjects Year Mont Day Particulars Source 1729 5th 25th Establishment of the uigwe dogam Nokhun uigwe Collection of documents offered to the king (gyesajil) 5th Discussion with the king about the list of required items Uigwe deungnok Documents on the details of various items to be used at the uigwe dogam (pummok) 6th Transfer of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects (from the Chunghunbu Bureau to the uigwe dogam) Collection of documents sent by the uigwe dogam to subordinate offices (gamgyeoljil) Dispatchment of unissued certificates for assistant meritorious subjects to managers of liaison agencies in local villages Collection of documents sent by the uigwe dogam to equivalent-level offices (imunjil) 7th Discussion with the king about the list of items required for producing official documents of the register of meritorious subjects with the king’s name, books for meritorious subjects, and hanging boards inscribed with the names of the new meritorious subjects to be stored at Gigonggak Hall and the Yemungwan (Bureau of Royal Decrees) Documents on the details of various items to be used at the uigwe dogam (pummok) Retrieval of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects from Gyeongsang-do Province, which had either already been distributed or had not yet been distributed to the respective assistant meritorious subjects or their local magistrates, to the Gyeongsang-do Provincial Office for their bestowal in batches 16th Punishment of lower officials who made errors in documents sent to offices for the production of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects Decision to revise the unbound certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects for bestowal Seungjeongwon ilgi vol. 688 20th Drawing of red lines for the compilation and revision of official documents of the register of meritorious subjects with the king’s name to be enshrined at Gigonggak Hall and those without the king’s name to be stored at the Yemungwan Bureau (until the fifth day of the seventh lunar leap month) Uigwe deungnok Collection of documents sent by the uigwe dogam to equivalent-level offices (imunjil) 25th Start of neat and accurate transcription for the compilation and revisions of official documents of the register of meritorious subjects with the king’s name to be enshrined at Gigonggak Hall and those without the king’s name to be stored at the Yemungwan Bureau (lasted about one month) 7th (lunar leap) Notification of each province on the elevation of the social status of those who had become assistant meritorious subjects from public and private bonded servants to freeborn commoners (yangin) Binding of certificates for assistant meritorious subjects as public and private bonded servants whose social status was elevated into separate books and transfer to the Jangyewon (Bureau of Bonded Servant Administration and Ligation) 8th Punishment of lower officials who made errors in documents sent to various offices for the production of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects Announcement of the decision to bestow unbound and revised certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects Collection of documents sent by the uigwe dogam to subordinate offices (gamgyeoljil) Unbinding and revision of misprinted certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects Procurement of items required for the publication of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects whose social status was elevated from public and private bonded servants to freeborn commoners (yangin) Procurement of items required for filling in empty spaces on hanging boards inscribed with names of new meritorious subjects with Chinese characters and coloring them 9th Procurement of heating supplies for the offices producing royal protocols Ordering of temporary transfer of a female sewing servant for the production of a wrapping cloth for the official documents of the register of meritorious subjects and for curtains for hanging boards inscribed with names of new meritorious subjects 10th Ordering of temporary transfer of an engraver-artisan to carve inscriptions on hanging boards inscribed with the names of new meritorious subjects Ordering of temporary transfer of a sculptor-artisan for the sculpting of hanging boards inscribed with the names of new meritorious subjects Ordering of temporary transfer of workers for polishing paper to be used for the official documents of the register of meritorious subjects with the king’s name to be enshrined at Gigonggak Hall and procurement of required items Selection of a day for the enshrinement of the official documents of the register of meritorious subjects with the king’s name at Gigonggak Hall Procurement of heating supplies needed when recording royal protocols 11th 4th Enshrinement of the official documents of the register of meritorious subjects with the king’s name at Gigonggak Hall 12th Completion of the first drafts of documents for inclusion in the royal protocols (documents on the interrogations of criminals from the Uigeumbu (Judicial Agency) not yet submitted) Documents on the details of various items to be used at the uigwe dogam (pummok) Start of the neat and correct transcription of drafted documents (excluding documents about interrogations of criminals from the Uigeumbu) 1730 5th Discussion with the king about the binding of royal protocols (two volumes in one set) for the king and those (four volumes in two sets) to be stored elsewhere and the items required for their submission 8th 3rd Submissions of the royal protocols for the king and other copies to be stored elsewhere Seungjeongwon ilgi vol. 708 Dissolution of the uigwe dogam * Nokhun uigwe: Bunmu nokhun dogam uigwe (Royal Protocol for the Appointment and Rewarding of Bunmu Meritorious Subjects) Uigwe deungnok: Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam in the second volume of the Bunmu nokhun dogam uigwe Based on the dates provided, the first task undertaken by the uigwe dogam was the transportation of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects from the Chunghunbu Bureau. This task was carried out according to the sambang department’s decision on how to bestow certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects before its discontinuation. The last entry in the collection of pummok documents in the Sambang uigwe (三房儀軌, Uigwe of the Sambang Department) section from the Bunmu nokhun dogam uigwe outlines the guidelines for distributing the books documenting the pledge made by the king and meritorious subjects (hoemaengnok) and certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects, both of which were printed by the sambang department. The entry further states that the sambang department had officially completed its duties with the printing of the certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects and that the uigwe dogam to be later established was to be in charge of distributing these certificate books. Thus, thousands of volumes of these certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects were transported to the uigwe dogam from the Chunghunbu Bureau. Soon after, they were distributed to the provinces through the local officials in each relevant town (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Certificate Book for Bunmu Assistant Meritorious Subjects Given to Yi Heonbok. Joseon, 1729. 32.3 × 21.3 cm. National Museum of Korea However, the number of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects acquired and distributed by the uigwe dogam appears to have fallen far short of the quantity originally produced. According to a document sent to the Bibyeonsa (Agency for Border Affairs) by the uigwe dogam in the seventh lunar month of 1729, the majority of the certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects had already been handed over to the respective parties or their local magistrates by the time the sambang department conducted the review and sealing process.13 This indicates that while the bestowal method of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects had been predetermined by precedent, the actual distribution process did not strictly adhere to these preestablished guidelines. Instead, it was adapted to the circumstances at the time. A problem emerged following the bestowal of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects in advance. There were several complaints that the certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects that had been distributed to various places contained errors, such as inaccuracies in the names. Accordingly, it was determined on the sixteenth day of the seventh lunar month that the erroneous certificates should be reprinted.14 At that point, a large amount of time had passed since the dissolution of the nokhun dogam. Consequently, the uigwe dogam in charge of the bestowal of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects had to assume the task of revising them. It retrieved the distributed certificate books, and in the eighth lunar month, made modifications by replacing the erroneous pages, reviewing them, and stamping them. The Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam does not record how or when these revised certificate books were redistributed. However, it is probable that they were redistributed using a process similar to the initial distribution. In the meantime, the uigwe dogam was tasked with elevating bonded servants who had been recognized as assistant meritorious subjects to the status of freeborn commoners (良人, yangin). When King Yeongjo ordered the elevation of bonded servants who had become assistant meritorious subjects to the status of freeborn commoners in the seventh lunar month of 1729, the Jangyewon (掌隷院, Bureau of Bonded Servant Administration and Ligation) requested the uigwe dogam to produce additional certificate books for them. Accordingly, the uigwe dogam completed the production of these books in the seventh lunar leap month and sent them to the Jangyewon. It also dispatched an official document to the provinces instructing them to manumit any bonded servants recognized as assistant meritorious subjects if they presented themselves to the provincial government office with their certificate books.15 The uigwe dogam, upon its establishment, was not initially tasked with revising certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects or producing additional certificate books for the elevation of the status of bonded servants. These were additional tasks that had been unexpectedly entrusted to it. On the other hand, the production of meritorious subject registers for the Chunghunbu and Yemungwan Bureaus alongside hanging boards are thought to have been assigned to the uigwe dogam from the beginning. The creation of registers for all the meritorious subjects up to that point may appear suitable for the nokhun dogam’s sambang department as it shares similarities with the sambang’s task of producing certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects. However, the sambang department primarily published certificate books through printing and was in fact ill-equipped for the creation of registers since the names of meritorious subjects required being neatly handwritten in a particular calligraphic style. The personnel of the sambang department consisted of specialists in metal type printing, each of whom were assigned a specific role. One individual was tasked with calling out the needed type blocks (唱准, changjun), one with selecting the type blocks from their cases and spreading them out on the printing plate (上板諸員, sangpan jewon), one with securing the type blocks to the printing plate (均字匠, gyunjajang), one with applying ink to the type blocks and pressed them on the paper (印出匠, inchuljang), and another with safely storing the type blocks (守欌諸員, sujang jewon) (Fig. 5).16 All the books produced by the sambang department were printed using type. On the other hand, the uigwe dogam consisted of four individuals who transcribed the contents of documents and four calligraphy experts,17 indicating that it was established for the production of handwritten manuscripts. Ultimately, the creation of meritorious subject registers to be sent to the Chunghunbu and Yemungwan Bureaus proved a task more suitable for the uigwe dogam, whose main function was to transcribe, rather than for the sambang department, which was better equipped for type printing. Therefore, the creation of meritorious subject registers is considered to have been the responsibility of the uigwe dogam from the outset. Fig. 5. A list of the officials needed for the publication of books at the sambang from the Sambang uigwe section in Uigwe for Rewarding the “Bunmu” Meritorious Subjects vol. 2. The production of hanging boards engraved with the names of new meritorious subjects does not seem to align with the organizational characteristics and responsibilities of the uigwe dogam. Since making hanging boards required specific woodcarving and sculpting skills, it was not something that could be undertaken directly by the uigwe dogam’s personnel. Thus, it asked other bureaus to dispatch skilled engravers and proceeded with the task, as demonstrated in the following account included in its report of required items: “In accordance with precedent, all new registers for meritorious subjects have been produced by adding the names of new meritorious subjects, and there are instances when hanging boards were also carved with the names of new meritorious subjects…” This account suggests that although the crafting of hanging boards involved wood sculpting, the uigwe dogam would remain in charge of their production due to precedents of producing them concurrently with the meritorious subject registers. The uigwe dogam responsible for appointing and rewarding Bunmu meritorious subjects was not alone in undertaking transcription duties seemingly unrelated to the publication of royal protocols. An example from the reign of King Yeongjo can be found in the following entry on the eleventh day of the third lunar month of 1752 (the twenty-eighth year of the reign of King Yeongjo) in the Seungjeongwon ilgi: Yi Seonhaeng (李善行) told [the king] that “[We are] still nowhere near finished with the project of compiling Sangnye sugyo (喪禮受敎, Royal Edicts on Funeral Rites), and since no directorate is in charge of the project, even the necessary supplies required for the compilation, such as paper, ink, and brushes, are extremely inadequate. Would it be possible for the uigwe dogam to assume responsibility for this project as well?” In response, the king said “That sounds right. Let the uigwe dogam for the erection and operation of the royal coffin hall and spirit hall for Crown Princess Hyeonbin (賢嬪) [Queen Hyosun] (殯宮魂宮儀軌都監) manage the various jobs related to the compilation of the Sangnye sugyo.” When the state funeral for the deceased Crown Princess Hyeonbin of the Cho clan (who posthumously became known as Queen Hyosun) (世子嬪 孝純賢嬪 趙氏, 1715-1751) was being held, King Yeongjo ordered the publication of a book that would compile details having been omitted, abbreviated, or corrected during the state funeral. He named the book Sangnye sugyo (Royal Edicts on Funeral Rites) (later changed to Gukjo sangnye bopyeon (國朝喪禮補編, Supplement of The National Funeral Rites)) (Fig. 6). The publication of Sangnye sugyo seems to have been undertaken without a dedicated organization like a dogam. Since it was difficult to procure even the items needed for the compilation of Sangnye sugyo, Yi Seonhaeng proposed to have the uigwe dogam concurrently assume the compilation of Sangnye sugyo. King Yeongjo’s reply to Yi’s proposal confirms that the uigwe dogam at the time was a dogam built to produce royal protocols for the erection and operation of the royal coffin hall and spirit hall for Crown Princess Hyeonbin after the completion of her funeral. Yi’s proposal might have taken into consideration the fact that the compilation of Sangnye sugyo and the production of the royal protocols related to Crown Princess Hyeonbin both involved the publication of details concerning the royal funeral rites in book form. This serves as another example of a uigwe dogam taking on an additional transcription task that was not directly related to the production of royal protocols. Fig. 6. Supplement of The National Funeral Rites. Joseon, 1758. 32.8 × 21.8 cm. National Museum of Korea With the submission of meritorious subject registers to the Chunghunbu Bureau on the fourth day of the eleventh lunar month of 1729, the uigwe dogam had completed the follow-up tasks it had assumed from the nokhun dogam. It began work on the publication of the royal protocols the following month. At that point, more than seven months had passed since the establishment of the uigwe dogam. Most of the royal protocol documents have been drafted, but the Uigeumbu (義禁府, Judicial Agency) has yet to provide the documents on the interrogation of criminals. If we wait for these documents to arrive, there is no way to know when we will complete the transcription process. Therefore, we intend to begin with the transcription of the other royal protocol documents drafts first… According to this entry from the twelfth lunar month of 1729, the uigwe dogam reported that the selection and organization of documents for inclusion in the royal protocols had been completed, and that it would start transcribing the final versions neatly and accurately. Other previous entries related to the production of royal protocols from the Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam only mentioned a few minor issues, including a request for items needed for copying documents.18 Based on these entries, it appears that the uigwe dogam was entirely dedicated to follow-up tasks inherited from the nokhun dogam for the first half of its existence. However, the entry from the twelfth lunar month of 1729 in which the uigwe dogam states it would immediately start transcribing royal protocol documents suggests that it had in fact been working on organizing them. Moreover, given that the uigwe dogam requested items for binding the transcribed documents into books five months later in the fifth lunar month of 1730, the neat and accurate transcription of these documents seems to have been completed at that time. The royal protocols produced by the uigwe dogam for appointing and rewarding the Bunmu meritorious subjects ultimately comprised three sets totaling six volumes: one set consisting of two volumes for the king along with two other sets totaling four volumes to be stored at the Uijeongbu (State Council) and Chunghunbu Bureau. Considering that there were four writing officials and four transcribers at the uigwe dogam, it would not have been a difficult task to complete them in five months. In any case, shortly after requesting the items required for bookbinding, the uigwe dogam must have begun binding the royal protocols into books. On the third day of the eighth lunar month of 1730, the uigwe dogam reported to the king that it was ready to submit the royal protocols, both his own copies and those to be stored in other places, indicating that the bookbinding process had been completed. On that day, with the project now completed, the uigwe dogam was finally dissolved. Conclusion This paper has examined the organization and duties of the uigwe dogam for the appointment and rewarding of Bunmu meritorious subjects drawing from the contents of the Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam found in the Bunmu nokhun dogam uigwe. I will conclude by summarizing the points covered. The uigwe dogam responsible for the production of the Bunmu nokhun dogam uigwe was established following the dissolution of the sambang department of the nokhun dogam. In terms of personnel, it was confirmed that three staff members who had previously worked for the sambang department of the nokhun dogam were specifically chosen and appointed to key positions in the uigwe dogam. This reappointment of the sambang workers was aimed at capitalizing on their expertise, ensuring a smooth transfer of tasks from the nokhun dogam to the uigwe dogam and improving overall efficiency. In terms of the work undertaken by the uigwe dogam, this paper carefully examined how the uigwe dogam dedicated the first half of its roughly fifteen-month existence to completing follow-up tasks inherited from the nokhun dogam, responsibilities seemingly unrelated to the production of royal protocols. The paper also points out that the uigwe dogam came to undertake such follow-up tasks since additional issues arose when it was assigned with the distribution of certificate books for assistant meritorious subjects and because most of these tasks were in line with the functions of the uigwe dogam which specialized in transcription. The Transcribed Daily Logs of the Uigwe Dogam lacked detailed explanations concerning the production process of royal protocols, which was the main task of a uigwe dogam. As such, I had to cross-check with other dated historical records to gain a rough understanding of the production process. From the time of its establishment to the twelfth lunar month of 1729, the uigwe dogam carried out follow-up tasks inherited from the nokhun dogam while concurrently organizing the nokhun dogam documents that would serve as the main source material for the production of the royal protocols. It then proceeded with the neat and accurate transcription of these documents before finally binding them into books in the fifth lunar month of the following year. The project came to an end after the uigwe dogam submitted the completed royal protocols to the king in the eighth lunar month. It is unfortunate that the records are not sufficiently detailed to allow us to examine the production process of the royal protocols more closely. Nevertheless, this paper has managed to highlight the uigwe dogam’s involvement in other transcription-related tasks through an analysis of historical precedents from a similar time period. Moreover, this paper makes a meaningful contribution to the existing body of research by shedding light on the expanded role of the uigwe dogam beyond the production of royal protocols.

Mournful ceremonies (凶禮, hyungnye), a term used for the royal funeral rites of the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮, 1392–1897), were conducted over the course of three years and required large quantities of materials and human resources. In order to effectively perform a mournful ceremony, the Joseon royal court established a gukjang dogam (國葬都監, temporary office for a state funeral) for the supervision of the funeral, a binjeon honjeon dogam (殯殿魂殿都監, temporary office of coffin and spirit halls) for the preparation of the mourning chamber and construction of the spirit hall, and a salleung dogam (山陵都監, temporary office of tombs) for the construction of the tomb. After the ceremony was complete, each dogam meticulously recorded its involvement in the process of the ceremony and published the records as a Gukjang dogam uigwe (Uigwe for the State Funeral), Binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe (Uigwe for the Coffin and Spirit Halls), or Salleung dogam uigwe (Uigwe for the Construction of Royal Tombs). Binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe and Salleung dogam uigwe contain paintings of four animals (known collectively as sasudo) (四獸圖): the azure dragon (靑龍, cheongryong), white tiger (白虎, baekho), red phoenix (朱鳥, jujo), and black tortoise (玄武, hyeonmu).1 These four animals are painted on the walls inside a changung coffin container (欑宮), which was built to temporarily store a coffin of a king or queen in the binjeon coffin hall within a royal palace and at the Jeongjagak Hall within the precincts of a royal tomb before the coffin was set inside the tomb. Changung coffin containers were typically burned after having served their purpose. Fortunately, the illustrations contained within uigwe (royal protocols) offer us a glimpse into what they looked like. Paintings of the four animals found inside the changung coffin containers have been regarded as holding significant value from an art history perspective. They have been presented as evidence for realism in eighteenth-century paintings (Kang Kwan-shik 1995, 49–108). Some scholars have compared azure dragons from four animal paintings with cloud-and-dragon designs (Bang Byung Sun 1998, 45–78). Others have examined court painting styles of the time by comparing the white tigers from four animal paintings with other paintings featuring tigers (Yun Chinyong 2012, 192–234). However, paintings of the four animals inside changung coffin containers only began being investigated as a main topic of research in 2007, when Yun Chinyong conducted a chronological examination of four animal paintings from changung coffin containers included in Salleung dogam uigwe dating back to the late Joseon period and compared them with other contemporaneous paintings (Yun Chinyong 2007, 477–495). Building upon existing research, this paper aims to explore the changung system and the tradition behind the painting of these four animals by analyzing forty-three sets of uigwe regarding mournful ceremonies, with a special focus on paintings of red phoenixes, which display the most drastic changes among the four animals depicted. The Changung System and Four Animal Paintings Found Inside Changung Coffin Containers Changung Coffin Containers Installed at Binjeon Halls and Royal Tombs A changung coffin container is a structure used to temporarily house a royal coffin waiting in the binjeon coffin hall or Jeongjagak Hall prior to its interment in a royal tomb (Fig. 1). It is something like an outer coffin (槨, gawk). A changung was also called a chando (欑塗) or chudo (菆塗).2 Its origins can be traced back to a time preceding the Han Dynasty (漢, 202 BCE–220 CE) in China, as indicated in the “Tangong” (檀弓, The Sandalwood Bow) chapter of the Liji (禮記, Book of Rites), which contains the following passage: “a mourning chamber for an emperor is constructed like an outer coffin by piling up wood around a bier and applying mud to it.”3 Fig. 1. “The changung coffin container” from “Illustrations” in Gukjo oryeui seorye. Joseon, 1474. 34.6 × 23.4 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies It is unknown when the Chinese changung system was transmitted to Korea. Although historical records from the Three Kingdoms period (57 BCE–668 CE) include no mention of changung, one could be found in a document on the mourning for Queen Sundeok (順德王后哀冊) of the Goryeo Dynasty (高 麗, 918–1392).4 The changung system most likely appears to have been established during the Joseon Dynasty. The “Orye” (五禮, Five Rites) chapter of Sejong sillok (世宗實錄, Annals of King Sejong) contains an explanation of the changung system.5 During the Joseon Dynasty, changung were produced by both the binjeon dogam (temporary office of the coffin hall) and salleung dogam (temporary office of the tomb), who adhered to predetermined regulations regarding their size and structure. Detailed regulations on the size and structure of changung can be found in Gukjo oryeui seorye (國朝五禮儀序例, Preface Volume to the Five Rites of the State) as follows: The base for a changung is built using bricks a little west of the center of the main hall, and its height is roughly five chon (寸) (about 15 cm). Its length and width can vary depending on the coffin. Two cheok (尺) (about 61 cm) are added to the length and width of a coffin to create the changung, and the gap between the coffin and changung is filled with lime. Above the base, four wooden pillars of five cheok (about 152 cm) are erected. On top of the pillars, beams and rafters are placed to form a roof. The walls are made with thin wooden branches tied with linden bark cords, and reeds and thick oiled paper are applied to the northern, southern, western, and upper sides of the changung. … a red phoenix, white tiger, and black tortoise are painted on separate pieces of paper and pasted onto the walls inside the changung according to the directions they represent. Moreover, … an eastern wall is erected [… and an azure dragon is painted on a piece of paper, which is pasted inside this wall.]6 While the construction method for changung was gradually simplified until the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776) (Shin Ji-hye 2010, 54–106), the size of the containers grew larger over time. During the reign of King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418–1450), the height of a changung measured about five cheok (about 152 cm); during the reign of King Seonjo (宣祖, r. 1567–1608), it was five cheok and five chon (about 167 cm); and during the reign of King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674–1720), it reached six cheok and five chon (about 197 cm). When calculated based on yeongjocheok (營造尺), the unit of length used in architecture at the time, the height increased by roughly forty-five centimeters. Changung were burned following the completion of mourning ceremonies. The changung inside the binjeon hall would be burned along with the spirit seat (靈座, yeongjwa) and spirit bed (靈寢, yeongchim) after the coffin was taken from the mourning chamber to the tomb. The changung used at the royal tomb would be burned after the coffin was carried into the tomb (Lee Hyunjin 2015, 121–131). The Tradition of Producing Four Animal Paintings Found inside Changung Coffin Containers Four paintings, each depicting a different animal, were pasted onto the inner walls of changung coffin containers according to the direction symbolized by each animal (Table 1). It is hard to know when this tradition began, but many scholars consider that the flags with the images of the four deities used during ancient Chinese marching ceremonies may have influenced funeral rituals.7 Table 1. The Four Animal Paintings in Uigwe Related to Mournful Ceremonies In Korea, paintings depicting the four deities (sasindo) first emerged during the Three Kingdoms period. Prime examples can be found in the tomb murals of the Goguryeo Kingdom (高句麗, 37 BCE–668 CE) (Fig. 2). Mural paintings of the four deities served as main elements in the adornment of the inner spaces of Goguryeo Kingdom tombs from the fourth and fifth centuries through the first half of the seventh century. During the Goryeo Dynasty, images of the four deities were added inside tombs and stone coffins, but they were depicted as a subordinate motif (Ji Minkyung 2011, 80–85) (Fig. 3). The paintings of these four animals in the Joseon Dynasty can be understood as a continuation of the tradition stemming from the Three Kingdoms and Goryeo periods. Fig. 2. Four Paintings of Animals. Gorguryeo. Great Tomb of Gangseo in Gangseo District, Pyeongnam. Replica (copied around 1930). National Museum of Korea Fig. 3. Stone Coffin of Heo Jae. Goryeo, 1144. Short sides (each) 33.0 × 37.0 cm. Long sides (each) 82.0 × 37.0 cm. National Museum of Korea In the early Joseon period, images of the four animals were illustrated on outer stone coffins or stone chambers inside royal tombs as well as on changung. The “Five Rites” chapter of Sejong sillok and the Gukjo oryeui (Five Rites of the State) contain regulations regarding these paintings.8 They also stipulate how the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise are to be positioned. The white tiger and azure dragon are to be painted with their heads facing south, while the black tortoise and red phoenix are to have their heads turned to the west.9 This regulation was also mentioned in the annotations of the “Shitian” (釋天, Glosses on Heaven) chapter in Erya (爾雅, Approaching Elegance) as follows: “The azure dragon and white tiger have their heads in the south and their tails in the north, while the red phoenix and black tortoise have their heads in the west and their tails in the east.” This regulation commonly accepted in the Northern Song Dynasty is based on the projection of constellation positions in the sky onto the four interior walls of a tomb (Kim Il-gwon 2001, 129–130). Paintings of these four animals inside the royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty are also mentioned in Imha pilgi (林下筆記, Jottings in Retirement) by Yi Yuwon (李裕元, 1814–1888). Illeung Royal Tomb (仁陵) was relocated from Gyoha (交河) to Gwangju … inside the outer coffin were paintings of an azure dragon to the left, a white tiger to the right, a red phoenix to the south, and a black tortoise to the north, which corresponds to the changung system … The [animals in] these paintings looked incredibly real and seemed as though they had just been painted …10 However, not all royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty bear such paintings of the four animals. This is due to orders King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) specified in his will in 1468 not to construct stone burial chambers. Instead, the coffin of a royal family member was to be lowered into a pit and the gap filled with lime.11 Paintings of the four animals could be added only to tombs with stone chambers or stone outer coffins. Among the forty-two Joseon royal tombs, fewer than seven contain stone chambers (Jeon Na-na 2012, 54). Although the tradition of painting these four animals (deities) inside stone chambers or stone outer coffins inside the royal tombs was discontinued, the tradition of depicting the four animals inside the changung coffin containers survived. During the reign of King Yeongjo, the practice of painting the four animals exclusively inside the changung of kings and queens was established, excluding the coffin containers (chansil) of crown princes or crown princesses.12 Characteristics of the Iconography of the Four Animal Paintings Found Inside Changung Coffin Containers Development of the Iconography of the Four Animal Paintings Found Inside Changung Coffin Containers Paintings of the four animals in changung coffin containers from the Joseon period can be observed in Yejang dogam uigwe (Uigwe for Funeral Rites), Binjeon dogam uigwe (Uigwe for the Coffin Hall), and Salleung dogam uigwe. Salleung dogam uigwe, thirty-nine of which are analyzed in this paper, contain images of the four animal paintings created for the changung coffin containers installed inside Jeongjagak Halls (or Yeongakjeon Halls). As for Binjeon (gung) dogam uigwe, only the three that were published during the reign of King Sunjo (純祖, r. 1800–1834) include illustrations of these paintings. In the case of Yejang dogam uigwe, illustrations of the paintings are found only in Wonjong yejang dogam uigwe (元宗禮葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral Rites of King Wonjong). Among the surviving forty-three uigwe on mournful ceremonies, thirty-eight pertain to the funeral rites of kings and queens, five elaborate on those of the crown princes and crown princesses, and six focus on the offering or restoring of posthumous honorific titles. Illustrations of the four animal paintings for the changung coffin containers included in uigwe underwent a transformation from the mid-Joseon period to the late Joseon period. Azure dragons that had once been depicted flying in a straight line were changed into an S-shape flying position. White tigers that had initially been portrayed flying in a lively fashion were later depicted as emerging from a mountain (出山虎). Red phoenixes went from having three heads and three legs to being represented as red flying birds. Black tortoises, originally incorporating both tortoise and snake elements, were later depicted solely in the form of tortoises. The following section of this paper examines these changes by separating the periods before and after the reign of King Yeongjo when the particulars of funeral rituals were established. Before the Reign of King Yeongjo The uigwe on mournful ceremonies published in the early Joseon period were all lost during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–1598). Therefore, the four animal paintings for changung coffin containers can only be identified from uigwe dating back to the mid-to-late Joseon period. Nevertheless, there are illustrations of flags with images of the four deities in the “Five Rites” chapter of Sejong sillok and Gukjo oryeui seorye that provide insights into how the four animal paintings inside the changung coffin containers may have appeared. In these flags (Fig. 4), the azure dragon is depicted with four claws and flying in a straight line inside flames. The white tiger is similarly shown flying in a straight line in flames. The black tortoise is portrayed as a creature made up of the intertwined bodies of a tortoise and a snake that seem to be looking at one another. The red phoenix is shown as one of the mythical birds known as bonghwang (鳳凰), in this case with three heads, three legs, and its wings spread out. These depictions of the four deities in the flags correspond to the iconography of the four animal paintings for the changung coffin container found in Inmok wanghu salleung dogam uigwe (仁穆王后山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Inmok) from 1632 (Table 1-3). This suggests that the iconography of flags with images of four deities was applied to four animal paintings inside the changung coffin container during the early Joseon period. Fig. 4. “Flags with four animals” from the “Orye” chapter of Sejong sillok. History Repository at the National Archives of Korea During the reign of King Hyojong (孝宗, r. 1649–1659), changes in the depictions of azure dragons and white tigers occurred. The dragon’s claws increased from four to five, and the dragon went from being depicted in a straight flying posture to being in a sideways U-shaped position. Moreover, five-colored clouds were added, emphasizing the auspicious atmosphere (Table 1-4). The white tiger that was formerly depicted flying in a straight line began being portrayed in a seated position or as emerging from a mountain (Table 1-4·5). Crouched with its knees drawn up, the white tiger is shown more as an awe-inspiring being rather than a threatening beast due to the absence of flames (Lee Jewon 2005, 14). During the reign of King Sukjong, however, depictions of white tigers emerging from a mountain became more prevalent. Such tigers leaving their dwellings to go roaming are shown walking sideways but with their heads facing forward. The iconography of tigers emerging out of a mountain began to be employed in China by Zhao Miaochuo (趙邈齪) during the Northern Song Dynasty (北宋, 960–1127), and it is presumed to have been introduced to Korea in the early seventeenth century (Hong Sun Pyo 1999, 349). The portrayal of white tigers emerging from a mountain is thought to have been influenced by paintings of tigers produced in the same period. Another intriguing feature in the depictions of white tigers in the uigwe is that they are represented differently in uigwe intended for the king and in the versions that were made to be stored in other places. In the Myeongseong wanghu sungneung salleung dogam uigwe (明聖王后崇陵山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Myeongseong) produced for the king and housed at the Oe Gyujanggak Outer Royal Library, the white tiger is depicted as emerging from a mountain (Table 1-9). In contrast, the versions produced to be stored in other places, particularly the Uijeongbu (State Council) and the satellite archives on Jeoksangsan Mountain, show the white tiger walking with its gaze directed at the sky (Table 1-10). This difference can also be observed in the Jeongsun wanghu sareung bongneung dogam uigwe (思陵封陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Renaming the Tomb of Queen Jeongsun). The version for the king features a tiger in flames emerging from a mountain (Table 1-12) while other versions made to be stored in different places display a tiger walking and looking at the sky (Table 1-13). The iconographic differences in the uigwe for the king and those intended to be stored in various other places are presumed to be a result of the fact that these uigwe were produced in the transitional period of the adoption of the iconography of the tiger emerging from a mountain to one featuring white tigers. Among the iconographic shifts in the four animal paintings that occurred prior to the reign of King Yeongjo, those found in azure dragons and white tigers are more remarkable than those that took place in images of red phoenixes and black tortoises. Azure dragons and white tigers began to be depicted on picture planes oriented vertically rather than horizontally, which is likely due to the expansion of the size of changung coffin containers. In other words, as the height of the changung pillars increased, the corresponding images of azure dragons and white tigers seem to have gradually shifted towards a more vertical portrayal. After the Reign of King Yeongjo In 1752, King Yeongjo published Gukjo sangnye bopyeon (國朝喪禮補編, Revised Funeral Rites of the State). The first application of the codes in this book was the funeral held for Queen Jeongseong (貞聖王后) (Table 1-19). New iconography for the four animal paintings inside changung coffin containers can be found in this book. The shape of the azure dragon changed from a sideways U to an S. The flames that surrounded the white tiger disappeared, and it took on the image of a tiger emerging from a mountain. The red phoenix, formerly shown with three heads and three legs, turned into a red bird flying across the sky. The black tortoise is portrayed solely in the form of a turtle, losing its fantastical character. Overall, these iconographic changes demonstrate a shift toward more realistic animal depictions. Previous studies view these changes to be rooted in the society of the time (Kang Kwan-shik 1995, 49–108). In the eighteenth century, people tried to look at the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise from a more realistic perspective, prompting attempts to depict them more realistically. However, the idea of viewing the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise not merely as imaginary animals but as actual animals had existed for a long time. Wang Cong (王充, 25–220) believed that the spirits of four stars (四星)—namely the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise—descended from the sky and assumed physical bodies (體) in the forms (形) of a dragon, tiger, bird, and turtle once on earth.13 According to him, the four deities (四神) resided in the sky, while the four animals inhabited the earth (Kim-Il gwon 2001, 125). This concept can be also found in Imwon gyeongjeji (林園經濟志, Sixteen Treatises on the Ways of Developing the Nation and Comforting the People) by Seo Yugu (徐有榘, 1764–1845). In it, Seo states that “As a hundred thriving spirits ascend and become numerous stars, they form images in the sky and take shape on earth.”14 Thus, the iconographic changes in the four animal paintings for changung coffin containers in the eighteenth century originated out of the idea of whether the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise should be perceived as four sacred images (四象) or in the forms they assumed on earth. The four animal paintings temporarily changed back to their former iconography, however, as seen in Heongyeong Hyebin bingung hongung dogam uigwe (獻敬惠嬪殯宮魂宮都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Crown Princess Hye) (Table 1-27), Hyoui wanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe (孝懿王后殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Queen Hyoui) (Table 1-28), and Hyeonmok Subin binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe (顯穆綏嬪殯宮魂宮都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Lady Bak) (Table 1-29). These uigwe explain the shift back to the former iconography as follows: On the four walls of a changung, an azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise are painted according to the directions they represent. However, in a time of urgency, it is always easy to forget about the old system for this iconography. The former schema ought to be consulted first and followed [so as to depict] the black tortoise in the form of a snake with a turtle shell, the red phoenix with three heads and three legs, and the dragon and tiger in a soaring position. The dragon and tiger should have their heads oriented southward while the red phoenix and black tortoise should have their heads directed westward.15 This excerpt from Heongyeong Hyebin bingung hongung dogam uigwe relates that since it is easy to forget about the old way of painting the four animals in a time of urgency, the former schema needs to be consulted and followed. However, the versions of Heongyeong Hyebin salleung dogam uigwe produced for the king and those to be stored in various places that address the funeral rites for Heongyeong Hyebin feature the four animals depicted using the new iconography codified during the reign of King Yeongjo (Table 1-25·26). This discrepancy can be attributed to the binjeon dogam and salleung dogam having each created different changung, meaning that they may have shared a similar size and structure for the changung, but not the iconography of the four animal paintings. This is similar to the use of different iconography for the white tigers between the Salleung uigwe for Queen Myeongseong and Queen Jeongsun produced for the king and the other versions created to be stored in different places. The Continuation and Transformation of the Iconography of the Red Phoenix How did the iconography of the red phoenix for changung coffin containers come about? Ancient people perceived birds as beings with the ability to connect the heavens with the human world. They developed imaginary birds like three-legged crows (三足烏), bonghwang, and the red phoenix. The red phoenix symbolized fire (火) among the Five Elements (五行). It was considered a deity and also the constellation protecting the south.16 It was often portrayed with three heads and three legs during the Joseon Dynasty, which was a distinctive representation not found in China or Japan. During the reign of King Yeongjo, however, the red phoenix was converted into an ordinary red bird soaring into the sky. This section of the paper will explore the iconographic traditions and changes pertaining to the red phoenix. Paintings of Red Phoenixes with Three Heads and Three Legs The red phoenix has historically been represented as one of the two birds forming a pair of mythical creatures known as bonghwang, a chicken, or a falcon. Particularly, bonghwang are believed to have been the formal origin of red phoenixes (Jeon Ho-tae 1993, 53). In mural paintings from the Goguryeo Kingdom, red phoenixes were mostly depicted in a pair like bonghwang or as a combination of a rooster with a red comb and a colorful peacock. During the Goryeo Dynasty, they began to be portrayed as falcons, as seen in the description of flags with a falcon image (鷹準旗, eungjungi) from Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經, Xuanhe Commissioner’s Illustrated Account of Goryeo) by Xu Jing (徐兢, 1091–1153) of the Northern Song Dynasty. There are two flags with a falcon image, and the tassels on them are all red. The red color symbolizes the number represented by fire. In the middle of each flag is a soaring falcon, indicating a sense of urgency. According to Zhouli (周禮, The Rituals of Zhou), ‘flags are made with falcons and [other] birds.’ The depiction of a falcon in these red flags corresponds to the old system. During a procession, these flags come after a flag with an elephant image.17 Such flags with a falcon image signified fire among the flags representing the four directions (四方旗). Shijing jizhuan (詩經集傳, Collected Commentaries on the Book of Odes) interpreted falcons as red phoenixes.18 The flying falcons in the middle of the flags are understood as representing a transition from a crow with three legs meant to reflect the characteristics of a raptor to a red phoenix (Kim Joomi 2004, 269). In fact, the visual representations of three-legged crows, bonghwang, and red phoenixes have often overlapped. This convergence was unavoidable given the imaginary nature of these birds, but it also fueled people’s imagination. Bonghwang were depicted with the appearance of chickens or peacocks, and three-legged crows were portrayed as birds of prey like falcons. The blending among them occurred over a long period of time, leading to the creation of three-legged crows in the form of bonghwang as seen in the Goryeo-era Stele of State Preceptor Jigwang (智光國師玄妙塔碑) at Beopcheonsa Temple (法泉寺) in Wonju (Fig. 5). Accordingly, the red phoenixes with three heads and three legs seen in the Joseon Dynasty are presumed to have been based on the appearance of bonghwang combined with characteristic elements of three-legged crows. Fig. 5. “Three-legged crow” engraved on Stele of State Preceptor Jigwang at Beopcheonsa Temple. Goryeo, 1085. Beopcheonsa Temple Site in Wonju, Gangwon-do Province. H. 4.55 cm. National treasure In that case, why do the red phoenixes also have three heads? The origin of the three heads can be found in an image of a three-headed falcon (三頭鷹) on talismans used to prevent three common calamities (fire, flood, and storm) during the Joseon Dynasty (Fig. 6). A three-headed falcon is depicted with only one leg and is called samdu ilgakjo (三頭一脚鳥, three-headed and one-legged bird) or samdu iljokeung (三頭一足鷹, three-headed and one-footed falcon). Paintings of three-headed falcons were utilized to repel these three calamities. Yi Gyugyeong (李圭景) explains their magical power in his Oju yeonmun jangjeon sango (五洲衍文長箋散稿, Random Expatiations of Oju) as follows (Kho Youenhee 2013, 172): Fig. 6. Wooden Printing Block for a Talisman. Joseon. 28.3 × 21.9 cm. National Museum of Korea On Lunar New Year’s Day in China, chickens are painted [on pieces of paper] and pasted above doors. In Korea, even when it is not Lunar New Year’s Day, paintings of three falcons are pasted above doors to ward off the three calamities. This should be done in the year when the three calamities will occur. It has been said that since the year of the three calamities for each person differs, the paintings need to be pasted in one’s corresponding year. This appears to have been derived from the custom practiced in the Goryeo period, but as it was also practiced during the Song and Yuan Dynasties (元, 1271 –1368), [the origin of this practice] needs to be clarified.19 There are two noteworthy points in this record. First, the use of three-headed falcon images for talismans to repel the three calamities is presumed to have been customary since the time of the Goryeo Dynasty. Second, the original three-headed falcon talismans in fact featured three falcons. The three-headed falcon iconography was occasionally depicted as three falcons huddled together and looking away in different directions. Many of these falcons have one of their legs raised, giving the impression that they have only one leg. Such depiction can be observed in the printed talisman produced to ward off the three calamities in the collection of The Koryo Museum of Art in Japan (Fig. 7). The iconography of the three-headed falcon talismans seems to have influenced the iconography of red phoenix paintings. The Hyeonmok Subin binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe from 1822 presents a red phoenix similar to the three-headed falcon in talismans (Table 1-29). The four animal paintings inside the chansil coffin container of Hyeonmok Subin were based on the iconography applied temporarily prior to the reign of King Yeongjo. In this painting, a red phoenix with three heads and three legs takes on the appearance of a falcon, especially evident in the depiction of the feathers and tail. Fig. 7. Woodcut Print on Paper. 19th century. 37.3 × 28.4 cm. The Koryo Museum of Art, Japan Paintings of red phoenixes with three heads and three legs can be viewed as the result of merging and localizing iconography from three-legged crows, bonghwang, and falcons that had existed since ancient times. They are distinctive to Korea and not found in China or Japan. Paintings of Red Phoenixes in the Form of a Soaring Red Bird The conventions for paintings of red phoenixes were completely changed in 1757 (the 33rd year of the reign of King Yeongjo). The fantastic red phoenixes began to be depicted as soaring red birds that appeared as though they could truly exist. The Sok byeongjang doseol (續兵將圖說, Revised Illustrated Manual of Military Training and Tactics), published in 1749 (the 25th year of the reign of King Yeongjo), contains an illustration of a flag with a red phoenix with such iconography (Fig. 8). On it, the red phoenix takes the form of a mere red bird flying between five-colored clouds. The actual use of such a flag can be verified in the Documentary Painting of the Events from King Jeongjo’s Visit to Hwaseong in 1795. Fig. 8. “Red phoenix flag” from Sok byeongjang doseol. Joseon, 1749. 36.9 × 24.3 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies The illustration of a red phoenix flag in Sok byeongjang doseol appears to have been based on an image included in the Jixiao xinshu (紀效新書, New Treatise on Effective Discipline) authored by Qi Jiguang (戚繼光, 1528–1588) of Ming Dynasty (明, 1368–1644) China (Fig. 9). The illustration of a red phoenix flag in the Gije (旗制, Flag System) compiled in the middle years of the reign of King Yeongjo was also modeled after the image in the Jixiao xinshu (Fig. 10). The red phoenix in the Gije bears similarities with the red phoenix painting inside a changung in terms of its flying posture, red feathers, green beak, yellow eyes, and the blue feathers around its eyes. Fig. 9. “Red phoenix flag” from Jixiao xinshu. Publication date unknown. 33.5 × 21.5 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies Fig. 10. “Red phoenix flag” from Gije. Publication date unknown. 27.9 × 17.9 cm. Osaka Prefectural Nakanoshima Library, Japan. Courtesy of the Center for Overseas Resources on Korean Studies at Korea University Where does this type of iconography find its roots? The red phoenix flag in the Jixiao xinshu appears similar to a flag known as a yeo (旟) (Ch. yu) that is depicted in Sanli tu (三禮圖, Illustrations to the Ritual Classics), dating back to the Song Dynasty, and the large red flag (大赤旗, daejeokgi) shown in the Yeseo (禮書, Book on Proprieties) (Fig. 11). In particular, Sanli tu relates that a jojun (鳥隼), referring to a red phoenix and symbolizing fire, is painted on the yeo flag.20 The red phoenix iconography of the Song Dynasty is presumed to have been used during the Ming Dynasty as well, bearing influence on the iconography of red phoenix flags and red phoenix paintings inside a changung in Korea during the Joseon Dynasty. With the exception of a temporary return to the former iconography during the reign of King Sunjo, the use of this new form of red phoenix lasted until 1926 with the inclusion of a red phoenix painting inside the changung coffin container for Emperor Sunjong (純宗, 1907–1910). In the case of flags, the red phoenix iconography varied according to the times rather than being standardized, as demonstrated in the flags portraying a red phoenix with three heads and three legs (Figs. 12–13). Fig. 11. “Yeo flag” from Xinding Sanli tu. (Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 2006, p. 267) Fig. 12. “Red phoenix flag” from Jogyeongjeon jinjak jeongrye uigwe. Joseon, 1827. 34.4 × 22.8 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies Fig. 13. Red Phoenix Flag. Joseon. 132.5 × 135.5 cm. National Palace Museum of Korea Conclusion During the Joseon Dynasty, the changung coffin container into which the coffin of a king or queen was temporarily placed was adorned with paintings of the four animals corresponding to the cardinal directions. The inclusion of paintings of these four animals can also be found in the stone chambers (or stone outer coffins) inside royal tombs. The paintings of these four animals are a form of funerary art that had been employed since ancient times. Owing to the conservative nature of mournful ceremonies, the orientation and position of the four animals in these paintings did not change over the years. However, the iconography and styles of the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise evolved over time. The same is true for the four animal paintings found in the changung coffin containers from the Joseon Dynasty. Azure dragons went from being depicted as flying in a straight line to flying in an S shape, and white tigers from flying in a straight line to emerging from a mountain. Portrayals of red phoenixes evolved from a bird with three heads and three legs to a red bird flying through the sky, and black tortoise depictions changed from a turtle incorporating snake elements to purely the form of a turtle. Paintings of red phoenixes for the changung were depicted with three heads and three legs during the early Joseon period, a distinctive type of iconography not found in China or Japan. However, after funeral rites were institutionalized during the reign of King Yeongjo, they were influenced by red phoenix flags and transformed into red birds soaring through the sky. Nevertheless, the aspects of and circumstances for such iconographic changes in red phoenixes painted in the changung as described above cannot be applied to aid in understanding iconographic changes in the other three animals included in the changung. This indicates that the iconography of the four animal paintings for the changung was not derived from a single source. Rather, azure dragons, white tigers, red phoenixes, and black tortoises were painted according to their individual traditions, and the criteria for choosing the iconography varied depending on which form of funeral rite system was being emphasized.

The National Museum of Korea (hereafter NMK)’s Central Asia collection features a reed mat (葦席) (Accession No. Bongwan 3978) that was excavated in Turpan, in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (Fig. 1). The object, made of woven reed stems, is presumed to have served either as a mat for laying the body of a deceased individual (mummy) to rest or as a funerary item with another specific purpose. Attached to both sides of this reed mat were parts of official documents dating back to the Tang Dynasty (唐, 618–907) identified as the “Report to the Throne from the Board of Revenue in the 3rd Year of Yifeng and Imperial Directive from the Treasury Bureau in the 4th Year” (唐儀鳳三年(678)度支奏抄·同四年(679)金部旨符) (hereafter jointly referred to as “Report from the Board of Revenue”), which belonged to the Japanese Ōtani Documents (大谷文書) and the Chinese Turpan Documents (吐魯番文書). These artifacts are among the most valuable in the NMK’s Central Asia collection since they are the only official Tang Dynasty documents to have been found in Korea. Fig. 1. Side A of the reed mat in the collection of the National Museum of Korea to which the Tang documents were attached (before the documents were detached). Tang, 703. (left) 16.0 × 48.5 cm (right) 20.0 × 23.5 cm. National Museum of Korea Fragments of these documents, which are now scattered all across Korea, China, and Japan, were originally discovered in Tomb 230 of the Astana Cemetery in Turpan. Some fragments were transported to Japan following the Ōtani expedition in 1912 and later dispersed throughout Japan and Korea, while the tomb’s remaining documents were only excavated in 1972 by Chinese researchers. The document fragments that found their way into Chinese and Japanese collections were studied by researchers in each country early on. The extensive amount of research carried out over the last half century has facilitated the classification of document fragments and provided insights into their nature. Furthermore, collaborative efforts between Chinese and Japanese researchers were made to restore the documents to their original form and conduct more in-depth research on their contents. As a result, the Report from the Board of Revenue was revealed to be a surviving section of an imperial directive issued by the Treasury Bureau in 679 CE that the Tang Department of State Affairs (尙書省) had sent out to each prefecture and which had been subsequently received and processed by the Director of the Granaries Section (倉曹司) of the Xizhou Area Command (西州都督府). This document has proven to be a valuable resource in filling the void left behind by the lack of historical materials regarding the history of national finances in the early Tang Dynasty. In 1995, the reed mat and attached documents from the NMK collection were introduced to the academic world for the first time, which revealed that fragments from the Report from the Board of Revenue were also being kept in Korea. As a result, restoration research on this corpus of documents, which had come to a standstill, arrived at a new turning point. However, since investigations at the time were conducted so as to not alter the original state of the artifacts, this hindered efforts to identify the entirety of the contents contained within the documents and attempts to uncover the methods by which they had been repurposed. The document fragments in the Japanese and Chinese collections consist exclusively of parts that were peeled off from the reed mat. On the other hand, the reed mat from the NMK collection is particularly valuable in that its condition closely resembles the original form of the funerary item to which the documents had been attached before being removed. In order to conduct a closer examination, however, it was deemed essential to separate the documents from the reed mat. In a previous study, it had been noted that the documents from the NMK collection were closely related to the Chinese documents, raising the strong likelihood that the fragments in the two collections had originally been part of the same sheet. In contrast, such a clear link could not be established between the Chinese and Japanese documents even though they belonged to the same set of records. Hence, it was believed that a more comprehensive understanding of the Report from the Board of Revenue could be attained by examining the soon-to-be disassembled document fragments in conjunction with the fragments in other collections. In addition, relying on the insights gained from the disassembly process regarding the layout of the document fragments, it was thought that it might be possible to deduce where and to what objects the Chinese and Japanese document fragments had originally been attached. With these aims in mind, in 2020, the NMK made the decision to separate the document fragments from the reed mat. The aim of this paper is to paint a comprehensive picture of the Report from the Board of Revenue by accessing and restoring the document fragments from the NMK collection and combining them with those from the Chinese and Japanese collections. In addition, this paper also seeks to reconstruct a visual representation of the reed mat to which the document fragments in the Japanese collection had been attached by drawing on insights from the restoration of the reed mat in the NMK collection, which will ultimately shed light into the practice of repurposing documents for the production of unique funerary items that was characteristic of the Turpan region at the time. To that end, the paper will first investigate the process by which the reed mat and attached documents came to be scattered across the three countries and offer a historical overview of the research conducted on the document fragments in order to provide all the necessary background information. Next, the fragments from four document sheets, comprising two different document sets (including the Report from the Board of Revenue) which were detached from the reed mat, will be combined with the document fragments in the Chinese collection, and the fragments of the newly identified document set will be analyzed in order to identify the nature and date of this document. Finally, an attempt will be made to reconstruct the reed mat from the NMK collection which is currently divided into two pieces to gain additional insights on the original form and production method of similar reed mats. Relying on this information, it will then be proposed that the document fragments in the Japanese collection had originally been attached to a separate reed mat, which will allow for a modification of the pre-existing reconstruction plan of the reed mat in the Japanese collection. Dispersal of the Reed Mat and Attached Documents to Korea, China, and Japan Dispersal Process Located in the southeastern section of the Astana cemetery in Turpan are the ancient tombs of the Zhang family, the region’s most powerful family from the late period of the Qu Clan Gaochang Kingdom (麴氏高昌國) to the Flourishing Tang (盛唐, 713–765) period. This is where Tomb 230, which yielded the reed mat and attached documents, was located. According to the epitaph tablet, this tomb is where Zhang Lichen (張禮臣, 655–702) and his wife were buried together. Zhang died in the second year of the Changan (長安) reign (702) and was buried the following year (703). It is said that the first person to enter this tomb was Yoshikawa Koichiro (吉川小一郞, 1885–1978), a member of the 3rd Ōtani Expedition, in late March 1912. He took the reed mat and documents with him to Japan, providing details about the structure and condition of the tomb at the time of investigation, along with an illustration (Fig. 2), in his exploration diary titled Travelogue of China (支那紀行). In the “Condition of the Tomb and Coffin” (墳墓および槨中の状態) section, Yoshikawa recounted that “the mummies were mostly laid out on reed mats to which scrap paper was attached,” noting that “the scrap paper contained numerous records of contemporary events,” which prompted him to “bring them back for reference” (Yoshikawa Koichiro 1937, 606–607). It is highly probable that this description was made with the reed mat and documents that had been brought to Japan in mind, suggesting that some of the documents in Tomb 230 were intentionally left behind while the reed mat was retrieved and taken away. Fig. 2. Illustration of the ‘condition of the tomb and coffin’ illustration in “Travelogue of China”. “Travelogue of China” by Yoshikawa Koichiro. (Tokyo: Yukosha, 1937, p.607) The expedition team had been organized and dispatched by Ōtani Kozui (大谷光瑞, 1876–1948), who was the twenty-second abbot of Nishi Hongan-ji Temple (西本願寺) at the time. Due to the deteriorating finances of the Nishi Hongan-ji Temple sect, Otani resigned from his position as abbot in April 1914 to take responsibility for the actions of Buddhist priests who had been imprisoned for embezzlement. Yoshikawa, who was the sole member of the expedition team at the time, was ordered to return home, and the expedition came to an abrupt end. The collection, including the reed mat, left Ürümqi (烏魯木齊) in January 1914 and brought to Nirakuso (二樂莊), the Ōtani’s villa in Kobe on July 10 of the same year. On November 27, 1914, Ōtani went into exile in Lushun, China. Although he took some artifacts from the Western Regions (西域) with him, some of them are believed to have been returned to the Nishi Hongan-ji Temple for some unknown reason since they were later discovered in Ōtani’s villa in Beppu in 1948 after his death. This collection, which was immediately transferred to Ryukoku University (龍谷大學), included some of the reed mat documents. The reed mat which had been kept with the attached document remained at the villa, but immediately following Ōtani’s resignation, the Nishi Hongan-ji Temple sect stopped paying the maintenance fees for Nirakuso, and in January 1916, Ōtani sold Nirakuso and most of the collection stored there to entrepreneur Kuhara Fusanosuke (久原房之助, 1869–1965). At the end of April of the same year, Kuhara donated the collection to Terauchi Masatake (寺內正毅, 1852–1919), the first Governor General of Joseon, who hailed from the same hometown. After being acquired by the Japanese Government-General Museum, the reed mat was displayed at Gyeongbokgung Palace’s Sujeongjeon Hall, which served as a storage and exhibition facility for the artifacts from the Western Regions during the Japanese occupation period. It later became part of the NMK collection after Korea’s liberation, where it remains to this day. History of Research Research on the reed mat documents began after the discovery of documents that had previously been attached to the reed mat. The Western Region Cultural Research Association (西域文化硏究會) was formed in 1953 to study the Western Regions artifact collection found among Ōtani’s belongings. In 1959, Ogasawara Senshu (小笠原宣秀) first introduced findings concerning sixty-two documents he had found with reed mat traces from the Ōtani Documents, which he had identified as fragments of an official document dating back to the third and fourth years of the Yifeng (儀鳳) reign of the Tang Dynasty (Ogasawara 1959, 387–419). In the following year, Naito Genkichi (內藤乾吉) interpreted it as a document containing not only an order issued by the Treasury Bureau as an Imperial Directive of the Crown Prince in the third year of the Yifeng reign (titled “Notes on the Allocation of Yong (庸) and Diao (調) Taxes for All States in the 4th Year of the Yifeng Reign”), which had been sent out by the Department of State Affairs (尙書省), but also a record of the fact that this order had been received and processed by the Xizhou Area Command (Naito Kenkichi 1960, 87–88). Meanwhile, in 1972, China’s Xinjiang Museum discovered eight reed mat document fragments that had not been recovered from Tomb 230 during the excavation work conducted by the Ōtani expedition team (Figs. 3 and 4). In 1983, Xu Fuqian (許福謙) annotated the text and made the document fragments known to the world for the first time. However, he was not aware that document fragments belonging to the same records were also present in the Ōtani collection. Based on the place names, and duration of the official names, and contents of the text, he interpreted the document fragments as having come from the records of the Board of Revenue and been produced between 670 and 679 (Xu Fuqian 1983, 543–580). Regarding the Chinese document fragments retrieved later from Tomb 230, it was Ikeda On (池田溫) who first suggested that they and the Japanese reed mat document fragments from the Ōtani collection may have come from the same set of records. He also argued that the document should be viewed as a decree containing financial-related accounts due to the inclusion of matters under the jurisdiction of the Treasury Bureau (Ikeda On 1984, 62–74). Fig. 3. Fragments of the Report from the Board of Revenue in the Chinese collection. 72TAM230:46/1. Documents Unearthed in Turpan by China Institute of Cultural Relics et al. (Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1996, pp.65–66) Fig. 4. Fragments of the Report from the Board of Revenue in the Chinese collection. 72TAM230:46/2. Documents Unearthed in Turpan by China Institute of Cultural Relics et al. (Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1996, p.67) Based on the above research results, Otsu Toru (大津透) conducted an in-depth study of the document fragments in the Chinese and Japanese collections, coming up with the titles “Tang Yifeng Sannian Duzhi Zouchao Tong Sinian Jinbu Zhifu” (唐儀鳳三年度支奏抄·同四年金部旨符) for the documents. This title points to the third Year of Yifeng of the Tang Dynasty (678), when the Board of Revenue of the Department of State Affairs compiled a report on the national budget for the following year including the income and expenditure (i.e. yong and diao taxes) of the superior prefectures (府) and prefectures (州), and submitted it to the crown prince with a draft document for approval. In the fourth Year of Yifeng of the Tang Dynasty (679), an Imperial Directive issued by the Treasury Bureau for nationwide implementation was received and processed by the Xizhou Area Command, which produced copies to be sent out to the five counties (縣) under its jurisdiction. The document fragments in the Japanese and Chinese collections were seen as having come from one of these copies (Otsu Toru 1986, 1831–1880), allowing Otsu Toru and Enomoto Junichi (榎本淳一) to piece together the fragments in the Ōtani collection and successfully reconstruct the entire records (Fig. 5). In addition, based on their newfound understanding of the structure of the reassembled document, they were able to propose a reconstruction scheme for the reed mat as well (Otsu Toru and Enomoto Junichi 1987, 47–48). Fig. 5. Photo of the document fragments of the Report from the Board of Revenue in the collection of Ryukoku University in their connected state. Otani Documents Collection by Oda Yoshihisa. (Kyoto: Hozokan, 1990, p.10) In 1995, it was announced to the academic world that associated document fragments also existed in Korea. After interpreting the text featured on the back of the reed mat document fragments, Min Byung-hoon proposed that these document fragments, as with those in the Japanese and Chinese collections, also formed part of the Report from the Board of Revenue. It was also revealed that there was another document layer hiding beneath the uncovered document fragments, and was suggested that their contents were closely related with those from the Chinese collection (Min Byeong-hoon and Ahn Byeongchan 1995, 156–180). Upon learning about the new data and interpretations, Otsu compared all of the translations that had been produced up to that date and compiled a restoration plan for the entire records by synthesizing the document fragments from the three countries (Otsu Toru 2006, 27–112). In particular, it was maintained that, judging from the content and form of the document fragments, the fragments from two documents in the NMK collection were likely to be connected to the fragments from two documents in the Chinese collection (Otsu Toru 2000, 239–244). Separation and Investigation of Documents and Prototype of NMK Collection Reed Mat Before presenting the outcomes of the document separation, it is essential to conduct a brief examination of how these documents were initially arranged on the reed mat. Side A of the larger reed mat piece was entirely covered with the Report from the Board of Revenue, and the remaining parts of the documents were folded along three edges to cover the outer edges of Side B. On Side B, an additional two sheets of documents were glued to the surface, aligned at a right angle to the document that covered Side A and extended to parts of Side B (Fig. 6). The separation process revealed the existence of four document sheets in total, comprising two sets of documents. It was revealed that two layers of documents belonged to the Report from the Board of Revenue, while the two documents attached to Side B were part of another set of documents. The NMK assigned serial numbers to the documents according to the document set and the order in which they were processed. The two documents belonging to the Report from the Board of Revenue were numbered “2020NMK1:1” and “2020NMK1:2,” while the documents from Side B were numbered “2020NMK2:1” and “2020NMK2:2.” Fig. 6. Scheme of how document fragments were attached to Side B of the reed mat in the NMK’s collection. National Museum of Korea. Author Report from the Board of Revenue The two documents from the Report from the Board of Revenue were placed in an overlapping state and were of nearly identical shape and size (Figs. 7 and 8). While the edges on the right side of both sheets are smooth, the edges on the left side are irregularly shaped, which is likely the result of external force having been applied to tear off this section of the overlapping sheets. There are also traces of a purple fabric called qi (綺), which appears to have been attached to the outer edges of the reed mat, which is especially visible on the backside of the upper right section of 2020NMK1:1. The pattern of the fabric is not clear, but it is presumed to be a geometric pattern with repeated diamonds (Fig. 9). Fig. 7. Document sheet from Report from the Board of Revenue numbered 2020NMK1:1 (forming the outer layer). Tang, 679. 28.5 × 52.4 cm. National Museum of Korea. (Red box denotes the location (on the opposite side) of a remaining piece of the purple fabric that had been attached to the back side of the reed mat.) Fig. 8. Document sheet from Report from the Board of Revenue numbered 2020NMK1:2 (forming the inner layer). Tang, 679. 28.5 × 53.0 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 9. Purple qi (綺) fabric attached to the back side of the reed mat. 2.2 × 0.9 cm. National Museum of Korea The remaining number of lines on each document is twentieth and eighteenth respectively, with the number of characters ranging from fifteen to seventeen per line. Letters were written in a font similar to the regular script (楷書), leaving an empty space of around 4.5 centimeters at the top of the manuscript. Above each line where a new entry (條目) begins, there is a space with the character ‘一’ serving as a marker. Each of the documents contains three complete entries, as well as incomplete records that would have continued on to the left and right. The documents also feature a paper seam, with the character ‘儉’ written at the base on the reverse side of each document, which was made by Yuan Huaijian (元懷儉), the Military Advisor of the Granaries Section (倉曹參軍事) of the Xizhou Area Command, in his capacity as judge to confirm the binding of the document. As expected, it was confirmed that two documents belonging to the Report from the Board of Revenue in the NMK collection could be matched to the two documents from the Report from the Board of Revenue in the Chinese collection (72TAM230:46/1, 72TAM230:46/2) (Fig. 10). Since the two document sheets in the Chinese collection are similar in size and shape, it was presumed that these two sheets had also been layered upon each other when attached to a reed mat. As a result of combining and reading the separated documents together, four new entries were identified, and six previously incomplete entries could be completely restored. These entries contained a wealth of information that could not have been confirmed through other sources (Table 1). Fig. 10. Connected state of the fragments of the Report from the Board of Revenue in the Korean and Chinese collections. Documents Unearthed in Turpan by China Institute of Cultural Relics et al. (Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1996, pp.65-67) Table 1. Contents of the entries that were newly restored by combining the documents from the “Report of the Board of Revenue” in the NMK and Chinese collections Document Line Entry Content Note 2020NMK1:1 1-3 1 Expenditure of production costs for ling (綾) and luo (羅) New discovery 4-8 2 Guidelines for the processing of yong (庸) and diao (調) tax receipts from Guizhou (桂州), Guangzhou (廣州), and Jiaozhou (交州) Area Commands Supplement to known entry 9-10 3 Storage regulations for grain receipts from the provinces belonging to the Lingnan Circuit Domain (嶺南道) Supplement to known entry 11-17 4 Guidelines for the processing of taxes collected from the prefectures belonging to Guizhou and Guangzhou Area Commands Supplement to known entry 18 5 Guidelines for allocating state military expenses to Jiaozhou Area Command Supplement to known entry 72TAM230:46/2 1-6 12-18 8 Regulations related to water transportation of yong and diao taxes Supplement to known entry 2020NMK1:2 1-2 3-9 9 Guidelines for the supply and demand of personnel needed for the transportation and escort of yong and diao taxes as well as fabric (雜綵) New discovery 10-12 10 Regulations related to financial rewards for those who kill tigers and wolves New discovery 13-15 11 Regulations on payment of diao taxes in Luzhou (潞州) and Zezhou (澤州) New discovery 16 12 Guidelines for managing financial resources for the accommodation of foreign envoys (蕃客) Supplement to known entry 72TAM230:46/1 1-3 Additionally, it was possible to determine the size of the document sheets that had been cut out from the Report from the Board of Revenue to be repurposed into funerary items. As indicated by the combined restoration diagram, both edges of 2020NMK1:1 and 72TAM230:46/2 were cut in a neat fashion, suggesting that the length of the sheet that was cut out would have been around 92 centimeters, making it identical to the combined length of 2020NMK1:2 and 72TAM230:46/1 at around 93 centimeters. In other words, segments around 93 centimeters in length were cut out from a long paper roll report, comprised of paper sheets around 40 centimeters wide and 28.5 centimeters high, that were stitched together when making the reed mat. Meanwhile, in a previous study, it was observed that the Report from the Board of Revenue documents in the Japanese collection consisted of six document sheets that would have followed the Chinese collection document sheets within the original report, meaning that the documents from the NMK collection constitute the very first part of the extant Report from the Board of Revenue. Although the entire length of the original report remains uncertain, considering the nature of the document as a budget directive concerning all of the administrative districts of the Tang Dynasty, it is likely to have been of considerable length. The arrangement of documents from the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese collections in the order in which they originally appear in the Report from the Board of Revenue can be illustrated as follows (Fig. 11). Fig. 11. Reconstruction of the Report from the Board of Revenue and the sequence of the document sheets from the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese collections. Author Official Document Regarding Fugitive Imperial Guards The two documents covering Side B of the reed mat (Fig. 12) were confirmed to have been part of the same set as documents 72TAM230:62 and 72TAM230:63 from the Chinese collection, both excavated from the Astana Tomb 230. Most notably, it was verified that 2020NMK2:1 could be combined with 72TAM230:62 and three other “document fragments” (文書殘片) numbered 72TAM230:80/4, 72TAM230:80/9, and 72TAM230:80/10 (Fig. 13). Fig. 12. Document fragments of the Official Document Regarding Fugitive Imperial Guards in the in the collection of the NMK 2020NMK2:1 (left), 2020NMK2:2 (right). Tang, 674–676. (left) 17.9 × 8 cm (right) 29 × 16 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 13. Document Sheet (3) – Connection of document fragments in the Korean and Chinese collections (solid line: cutting line; dotted line: seam; [元]: signature written on the seam; band-shaped outline: range of the reed mat impression). Documents Unearthed in Turpan by China Institute of Cultural Relics et al. (Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1996, pp.85–88) The document fragments in the Korean and Chinese collections, numbering seven in total, came from three document sheets that had been attached to Side B of the reed mat in the NMK collection. For convenience, according to the order of the contents, the three document sheets will be referred to as Document Sheets (1), (2) and (3). Document Sheet (3) (Fig. 13) consisted of 2020NMK2:1 from the Korean collection and four document fragments from the Chinese collection, making up the uppermost layer among the three overlapping document layers of Side B. Document Sheet (2), which corresponds to 2020NMK2:2 (Fig. 14), was covered by Document Sheet (3) and attached to the right section of the reed mat, with the left and right ends of the sheet tailored to match the width of the mat. The document sheet features a band-shaped impression mark from the reed mat in the center, which can also be observed on Document Sheet (1) (72TAM230:63) (Fig. 15). It is presumed to have been attached to the left section of the reed mat which does not have any documents attached to it in its current state. Fig. 14. Document Sheet (2) – 2020NMK2:2 (solid line: cutting line; band-shaped outline: range of the reed mat impression). National Museum of Korea Fig. 15. Document Sheet (1) – 72TAM230:63 (solid line: cutting line; dotted line: seam; [大]: band-shaped outline: range of the reed mat impression). Documents Unearthed in Turpan by China Institute of Cultural Relics et al. (Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1996, p.85) This set of documents addresses the measures taken by the Xizhou Area Command in response to a Gaochang Prefecture (高昌縣) report on the loss of taxes in the form of cloth, known as yongxie (庸緤), due to the desertion of Imperial Guards (衛士), which includes an estimation of the incurred losses to be collected from the Xizhou Area Command in the form of silver coins. As such, this set of documents was given the title “Official Document Issued by the Granaries Section of the Xizhou Area Command in the Tang Shangyuan Era Regarding Fugitive Imperial Guards of Gaochang Prefecture” 唐上元年間(674–676) 西州倉曹司案卷爲高昌縣申送逃走衛士庸緤價錢事) (hereafter “Official Document Regarding Fugitive Imperial Guards”). To determine the date of this document set, research was carried out on an individual by the name of Yuanli (元利), who served as the Military Advisor of the Granaries Section (倉曹參軍) of the Xizhou Area Command. According to document 2004TBM207:1-12 excavated from Tomb 207 in the Turpan cemetery of Badamu (巴達木), the individual’s full name was Zhang Yuanli (張元利), and he was serving as the Military Advisor of the Granaries Section of Xizhou Area Command in the twenty-ninth day of the seventh month of 675, resigning from his position not long after in the third month of 676 (Rong Xinjiang, Li Xiao, and Meng Xianshi 2008, 72–73). If we leave open the possibility that his tenure may have started earlier than the recorded dates, then it may be suggested that he served as Military Advisor of the Granaries Section from around 674 to early in the third month of 676. The Official Document Regarding Fugitive Imperial Guards could then be regarded as having been written around this time. In summary, the making of the reed mat in the NMK collection was done with sheets from two sets of documents that had been produced by the Granaries Section of Xizhou Area Command around the 670s. In addition, the document fragments from the Chinese collection would have originally been attached to the reed mat which is now part of the NMK collection. Prototype and Production of NMK Collection Reed Mat Lastly, in order to determine how these documents were arranged, it is necessary to understand what the reed mat, currently divided into a larger and a smaller piece, originally looked like. Both pieces feature an unraveled side, suggesting they were originally part of a single item. Adjusting the shapes of the reed mat pieces by rearranging loose reeds and virtually filling the space in between, the restored reed mat measures approximately 16×78 centimeters, which corresponds to the length of the document sheet cut out from the Report from the Board of Revenue (92 cm) when the lengths of the folded parts at the left and right ends (14 cm in total) are taken out. Based on the above, and comprehensively taking into account the nature of the connection between the document types in the Korean and Chinese collections, the size of the connected document pieces, as well as the layout and layer sequence of the document sheets attached to the reed mat including the appearance of the currently attached document fragments, a restoration diagram of the extant document pieces can be produced with an understanding of how they were attached to the reed mat, as illustrated in Fig. 16. In addition, the traces of purple fabric which covered the documents along the edges of the reed mat on both sides suggest that it was used as a finishing material (Fig. 17). Based on this information, the production process of the original reed mat from the NMK collection can be restored as follows (Fig. 18). Fig. 16. Scheme of how the document fragments in the Korean and Chinese collections were attached to Side B of the reed mat in the collection of the National Museum of Korea. National Museum of Korea. Author Fig. 17. Purple qi (綺) fabric attached to the reed mat in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, Side A (left): Glass Plate No. 030231; Side B (right): Glass Plate No. 030234. Images in the National Museum of Korea’s collection of dry glass plate negatives Fig. 18. Prototype and production process of the reed mat in the collection of the National Museum of Korea. Author • Step 1: Make a reed mat measuring 78 centimeters in length and 16 centimeters in width. In order to wrap the reed mat, stack two 92 centimeters-long sheets cut out from the Report from the Board of Revenue and place the reed mat at the center. • Step 2: Fold the sections of paper sticking out beyond the edges of the reed mat, making sure to cover the top, bottom, left and right edges at the front of the reed mat. • Step 3: Take two sheets cut out from the Official Document Regarding Fugitive Imperial Guards (i.e. Document Sheets (1) and (2)), place them at a ninety degrees angle, and attach them to the left and right sides of the reed mat. Attach Document Sheet (3) to the center of the reed mat’s exposed surface ensuring the documents entirely cover the mat without leaving any gaps. • Step 4: Finish by wrapping the purple fabric along the front and back edges of the reed mat. New Restoration Plan for the Reed Mat Document Fragments in the Ryukoku University Collection The text featured in the eighty-six pieces of “reed mat document fragments” in the Ryukoku University collection is approximately three times the length of the text featured in the combined document fragments in the Korean and Chinese collections. Based on the restoration case of the reed mat in the NMK collection, a review will be undertaken on the previous restoration plan for the document fragments in the Japanese collection. According to Otsu and Enomoto’s research, the eighty-six document fragments were originally composed of two document sheets glued together which were torn to pieces as they were separated from the reed mat. By connecting the document fragments in their current state (combined in the two document layers), it was possible to make a restoration consisting of six sheets that had been cut out from the Report from the Board of Revenue, with two layers of document sheets positioned to form three rows (Fig. 5). The first version of the conceptual diagram illustrating the connected state of the document fragments (Fig. 19) is composed of the following three rows: D-E-F (F´-E´-D´), G-A (G´-A´) and B-C (B´-C´). However, it can be observed that fragment F (F´), which should be part of the first row, is actually attached to the backside of fragment A´, on the left side. In addition, G (G´), which should be connected to the right of fragment A (A´) in the second row, is attached to the right of D (D´) in the first row. This demonstrates that some of the document fragments in the original restoration plan were misplaced. Based on the fold marks on the documents and the traces of purple fabric on the back, Otsu and Enomoto presented a second version of the conceptual diagram in which the connected state of the documents was closer to the original (Fig. 20). Fig. 19. Conceptual diagram of how the document fragments of the Report from the Board of Revenue in the Ryukoku University collection were connected (first version). (Otsu Toru and Junichi Enomoto 1987, p.66) Fig. 20. Conceptual diagram of the reconstruction of the document fragments of the Report from the Board of Revenue in the Ryukoku University collection (second version). (Otsu Toru and Junichi Enomoto 1987, p.68) Meanwhile, Otsu and Enomoto interpreted the state of the document fragments illustrated in the second version of the conceptual diagram as the result of the detached document fragments having been reassembled into the shape of an envelope for ease of transportation by the expedition team during the recovery process, rather than representing the original layout of the documents as they had been attached to the reed mat (Otsu Toru and Enomoto Junichi 1987, 68–70). Originally, document sheets of the same length had been attached in three rows and two layers to the reed mat. In the process of making an envelope, however, the expedition team removed several centimeters from both ends of the first row, folded the document sheets along the dotted lines (3), (4) and (2) marked on the second version of the conceptual diagram, and folded the sheets by tucking the first row inwards along dotted line (1). In addition, the two small document fragments attached to the backside of the sheets forming the third row were believed to have fallen off the upper section of sheet D-E-F of the first row. It was also proposed that the sheets forming the first row (D-E-F (F´-E´-D´)) would have originally been attached below the sheets currently forming the third row (B-C (B´-C´)). In other words, the connection between the sheets of the first and second rows was seen as having been artificially made by the expedition team who reassembled the documents. As a result, a third version of the conceptual diagram was produced in which the three rows of documents looked as though they had been spread out and attached to one side of the reed mat, rather than having been folded and attached to both sides of the reed mat (Fig. 21). Otsu and Enomoto argued that the reed mat, over which a deceased individual would have been laid to rest, should have been longer than the length suggested in the proposed restoration plan for the three rows of documents (the dimension of which was 94.0 × 103.0 cm) in order to be closer to the estimated height of the deceased. In other words, it was suggested that there could have been additional documents attached above or below the three rows of documents, in which case some of them could have been documents from the Chinese collection. Fig. 21. Conceptual diagram of the final reconstruction of the document fragments of the Report from the Board of Revenue in the Ryukoku University collection (third version). (Otsu Toru and Junichi Enomoto 1987, p.69) If we re-examine the three restoration plans based on the way the documents were laid out on the reed mat from the NMK collection, it appears more likely that documents had been laid out in a way closer to the second version of the conceptual diagram, rather than the third version. The traces of the purple fabric located along the fold lines on the backside of the document can be regarded as clear evidence of the outline of the reed mat and its original form. Therefore, the documents of the first and second row should be viewed as having been combined at the time of the reed mat’s production rather than as having been artificially put together at the time that the documents were taken out to Japan. In addition, the reason that the length of the first row (D-E-F (F´-E´-D´)) is shorter than that of the second and third rows is not because the expedition team cut off both ends to form an envelope, but because the sheet had been tailored to fit the dimensions of the reed mat during the production stage. A similar phenomenon could be observed in the case of the reed mat from the NMK collection, in which the front side of the reed mat was covered using the Report from the Board of Revenue, which was folded at the edges to cover parts of the back side, and the remaining exposed surface of the back side were covered using sheets from the Official Document Regarding Fugitive Imperial Guards, which were tailored according to the dimensions of the reed mat. One plausible explanation for the slight offset (about 10 cm) between document sheets D-E-F and F´-E´-D´ is that sheet D-E-F was initially used during the process of covering the exposed section of the reed mat before sheet F´-E´-D´ was subsequently added to cover the remaining exposed areas. In light of the arguments presented above concerning the restoration process, the original reed mat to which the Ryukoku University collection documents were attached can be reproduced using the following method (Fig. 22). Fig. 22. New reconstruction scheme and production process of the reed mat to which the document fragments in the Ryukoku University collection would have been attached. Author • Step 1: Make a reed mat measuring approximately 48×90 centimeters. To wrap this reed mat, cut out four sheets from the Report from the Board of Revenue each about 103 centimeters in length (slightly longer than the reed mat) so as to leave a margin. • Step 2: Combine sheets ⑧ B-C and ⑦ G-A into two rows so as to form one large sheet, doing the same for sheets ⑥ B´-C´ and ⑤ G´-A´, and stack the two large sheets on top of each other to form a single, double-layered sheet. • Step 3: Place the reed mat in the center of this double-layered sheet and fold the parts that extend beyond the top, bottom, left, and right margins of the reed mat inward. • Step 4: Cut out two 90 centimeters-long sheets from the Report from the Board of Revenue and glue sheet ④ D-E-F onto the folded section of sheet B-C (B´-C´). Next, position sheet ③ F´-E´-D´ so as to make the writing appear backward, and glue it to the folded section of sheet G-A (G´-A´). • Step 5: Finish by wrapping a purple fabric along the front and back edges of the reed mat covered entirely in documents. Conclusion The Official Document Regarding Fugitive Imperial Guards and Report from the Board of Revenue documents were each produced between 674–676 and 679 respectively by the Granaries Section of Xizhou Area Command. After the completion of relevant events, the corresponding documents would have been stored in the Granaries Section for a certain period of time, after which they were distributed to the private sector once their original purpose was fulfilled. The document sheets were repurposed into materials used to make funerary items, eventually ending up in the burial site currently known as Astana Tomb 203 the year following Zhang Lichen’s death in 702. The reconstruction scheme for the reed mat in the Korean collection, along with the lost reed mat to which the document fragments in the Japanese collection came from, contains information on how each document sheet was sequentially cut out from the original report, which is reflected in the order in which the document sheets were organized. In the restoration scheme presented above, the circled numbers in Figs. 18 and 22 indicate the order of the documents in the original report. Comparing these numbers with the order of production of the two reed mats, it becomes apparent that sheets were cut out from the Report from the Board of Revenue in a reverse order, beginning with part C and ending with sheet 2020NMK1:1. This fact indicates that the reed mat onto which the documents in the Japanese collection had been attached was made before the reed mat from the NMK collection. It is also apparent that the document sheets were cut out from the report with the dimensions of the reed mat in mind from the outset, rather than using materials cut in advance. Since there does not appear to be any missing parts between the cut lines of the documents in the Japanese collection, it is unlikely that the document sheet was cut anew after having been cut out from the original report. Therefore, it can be proposed that, after six document sheets were cut out in reverse order from the Report from the Board of Revenue (now part of the Ryukoku University collection) to be used to make a reed mat (which no longer exists), an additional two document sheets were cut out from the Report from the Board of Revenue (now part of the Chinese and NMK collections) and three document sheets from the Official Document Regarding Fugitive Imperial Guards (now part of the Chinese and NMK collections) to be used to make a smaller reed mat which currently finds itself in the NMK collection. The above results naturally lead to the question of how the reed mat was used, which remains an unresolved issue. Was this reed mat actually used as a type of covering upon which to lay the body of a deceased individual to rest? Yoshikawa’s mention of reed mats and scrap, quoted above, is most likely to have been referring to the reed mat from the NMK collection and the document fragments in the Japanese collection, given that they represent the only extant examples of a reed mat with documents still attached. Although both his description and illustration (Fig. 2) indicate that the size of the reed mat had been close to the height of the bodies, the reed mat from the NMK collection and the one that can be reconstructed from the document fragments in the Ryukoku University collection are actually much smaller. Nevertheless, although the two reed mats are different in size, it is clear that they were both made into the shape of a rectangular sheet using the same materials and manufacturing method. In other words, it is clear that they had been originally planned and produced as a set, consisting of at least two items that served the same purpose. In addition, the entire surface of the reed mat had been covered with paper to completely cover the exposed surface, and a strip of purple fabric had been attached along the square border of the mat on both sides, embellishments that cannot be interpreted simply as having served a purpose for maintaining the original shape of the reed mat. In relation to this, it is worth nothing that the purple fabric attached to the reed mat (Fig. 9) is identical to the fabric attached to the border of the six-panel folding screen painting entitled “Woman Figure with a Musical Instrument” (樂伎圖) also excavated from Tomb 230, as well as the fabric used in the “dark purple diamond lattice cicada pattern twill” (絳紫色菱格蟬紋綺) (72TAM 188:B) excavated from Tomb 188, which is presumed to be the tomb of Zhang Lichen’s brother judging from the color, size, and pattern (Tokyo National Museum 2002, 60, Figure 43; Xinjiang Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology 2000, 118, Figure 24-5, Plate 6-2). Since the qi excavated from Tomb 188 is only a piece of fabric, and the dimensions of a single folding screen panel from Tomb 230 are different from those of the reed mat, it is obviously difficult to establish a correlation between the three. However, given that the same type of fabric was used, that the method of using a band of fabric to wrap the edge as a finishing technique is similar, and that the purpose of the folding screen painting was to cover the back wall of the location where the deceased would have been laid to rest, it is entirely possible that the reed mat and the folding screen were made by the same group of individuals. As such, the interrelationship between the groups who produced these funerary items is a topic that requires consideration from various angles. This paper expanded on previous research efforts aimed at elucidating the connection between the document fragments of the Report from the Board of Revenue and their content through an investigation of the process involved in the production of reed mats used as funerary items, which included the repurposing of official documents. The reed mat along with the attached Tang documents that are part of the NMK collection serve as important artifacts with the potential to generate new topics of research in the future.

The Buddhist monk artisans of Korea are considered exceptional even in the East Asian cultural sphere that shares much of their Buddhist culture. They entered the Buddhist priesthood, abided by Vinaya (precepts) and possessed considerable technical skills. Their existence is verified in historical records going back as far as the Three Kingdoms period (57 BCE-668 CE). When the Seon (Chan), or meditation, school of Buddhism was introduced during the Unified Silla Dynasty (676–935), physical effort became recognized as an ascetic practice. Accordingly, monks actively engaged in building temples and producing images for worship. During the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392), groups of expert monk artisans were formed, such as monk transcribers. Monk artisans who participated in public service to the state were given the posts of Seon (meditation) master (禪師) or Great Seon master (大禪師). Notable monks specializing in arts and crafts include Trice-exalted Great Master (三重大師, K. samjungdaesa) Anche (安締), a monk transcriber who was commissioned by the king to hand-copy the Tripitaka at the Eunjadaejangwon (銀字大藏院, Silver Letter Tripitaka Office) and Noyeong (魯英), who painted the Small Black-lacquered Screen with Image in Gold (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Dharmodgata Bodhisattva and Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva by the monk Noyeong. Goryeo, 1307. 22.5 × 13.0 cm. Gold on lacquer. National Museum of Korea Noteworthy changes in the characteristics of Buddhist monk artisans during the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910) can be understood in the context of the difficulties that Buddhist circles faced in a society that had proclaimed Confucianism as its governing philosophy. The ruler and leading figures in Joseon-era Korean society often regarded Buddhist monks as a mobilizable labor force that could reduce the people’s burden of corvee labor. Institutional restrictions on becoming a Buddhist monk and on the construction and maintenance of Buddhist temples were put in place, but the demand for the functions of a religion that could support communities and the lives of individuals rose. The roles of monk artisans expanded as they took part in both Buddhist temple projects and national public works. Although bronze casting of Buddhist craftworks, including bells and gongs, was gradually taken over by artisans from the commoner class, the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings was entrusted solely to monk artisans. The situation in Joseon greatly differed from that in its neighbors, China and Japan. In China, professional painters called huashi (畫師) or huagong (畫工) were responsible for producing Buddhist art during the Ming Dynasty (明, 1368–1644). In Japan, artisans known as busshi (佛師) had taken charge of Buddhist projects commissioned by the nobles and imperial court since the late Heian period (平安時代, 794–1185). Japanese busshi created a genealogy based on blood ties or teacher-student relationships and gradually evolved into Buddhist project groups that maintained private workshops. Busshi artisans received dharma names as monks do, but those names simply indicated that the state had granted a type of honorary position to them. They were not monks who had entered the Buddhist priesthood. As the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings became the exclusive responsibility of monk artisans during the Joseon Dynasty, diverse schools displaying distinctive production styles came to be established in different regions (Fig. 2). Buddhist sculptures and paintings were produced through collaboration among several monk artisans within a school, and techniques were shared and disseminated among them according to their skill levels rather than being monopolized by particular members. The areas of their activities were broad since these monk artisans worked based not only on the temples where they stayed but also on human networks centering around their monastic lineages (門中, K. munjung). In the process, some temples became famous for training apprentices and producing monk artisans by transmitting key techniques. Fig. 2. Monk Seokjeong (1928–2012) who is creating a Buddhist painting This paper aims to explore the roles and working practices of Joseon-era Buddhist monk painters who served as both Buddhist practitioners and artists. It also examines the organization and working environment of monk painters through historical materials that have been passed down to temples. By doing so, I hope to enhance the understanding of Joseon Buddhist temples not only as religiously sacred spaces, but also as places that played a social role in the creation and consumption of art. Monks Called Hwawon Buddhist Rituals and the Roles of Monk Painters In China, Buddhist scriptures emphasizing rituals and rules for creating images were published starting in the Tang Dynasty (唐, 618–907). There was no regulation stating that only monks should produce Buddhist sculptures and paintings. Nonetheless, in Korea, monks rather than artisans from the commoner class, assumed full responsibility for producing Buddhist sculptures and paintings. This was because the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings required expertise in Buddhist iconography and doctrines, and also because rituals for enlivening images by dotting the eyes (點眼, K. jeoman) or depositing votive objects (佛腹藏, K. bulbokjang) inside the images were practiced. Joseon-era Buddhist temples served as publishers. They carved the woodblocks for a wide range of books, including scriptures, annotations, and textbooks used at Gangwon (講院, Buddhist seminaries) and then printed them out. As ritual procedures became central religious activities in Buddhism within a society pursuing Confucian order and stressing Confucian rites, various types of ritual manuals were published. These manuals include Sanbobeomeumjip (刪補梵音集, Collection of Supplemented Sanskrit Sounds), Yeongsan daehoe jakbeop jeolcha (靈山大會作法節次, Procedures of the Rite for the Great Vulture Peak Assembly), and, Cheonji myeongyang suryukjaeui beomeum sanbojip (天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集, Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ceremony of the Heaven and Earth, Dark and Bright, Water and Land Feast). According to them, large-scale Buddhist projects and rituals should start only after hanging Buddhist paintings. Another ritual manual, Jagimun jeolcha jorye (仔夔文節次條列, List of Ritual Procedures by Zi Kui), was compiled by Gyepa Seongneung (桂坡聖能), who founded Haeinsa Temple and constructed Bukhansanseong Fortress as Paldodochongseop (八道都摠攝, A General Commissioner of the Eight Provinces). The manual advises that pictorial images of several deities should be placed out before a ritual and that they should be enlivened by dotting the eyes based on certain formalities (Fig. 3). It also contains methods for writing Sanskrit characters on a variety of types of Buddhist paintings used for rituals (Fig. 4). Fig. 3. Jagimun jeolcha jorye (List of Ritual Procedures by Zi Kui) compiled by Monk Gyepa Seongneung. Published by Haeinsa Temple in 1724 Fig. 4. Sanskrit characters written on the pupils, eyelids, and a tuft of hair in a detail of the gwaebul painting at Cheonggoksa Temple by Uigyeom and nine other monk painters. Joseon, 1722. Ink and color on hemp cloth. Cheonggoksa Temple, Jinju. National Treasure The demand for Buddhist sculptures was huge in the seventeenth century. In and after the eighteenth century, however, a reorganization of rituals resulted in a growth in the demand for Buddhist paintings and the expansion of the roles of monk painters. Buddhist halls served not just as symbolic spaces for enshrining Buddhist sculptures, but as important spaces for worshipping deities and performing rituals. Among the several types of Buddhist halls, the main hall included a representation of the process of a three-altar ritual by enshrining Buddhist paintings suitable for the three altars. During outdoor rituals, large-scale gwaebul (掛佛) paintings and other paintings produced for the rituals were hung outside the halls. Inside the halls, several Buddhist paintings used in rituals were hung as well. The spaces of these halls were utilized in a multi-faceted way. The names of the monks who created Buddhist sculptures can often be identified in the votive texts inserted in the sculptures. They are not written or carved on the surfaces of the sacred images, however. Contrarily, Buddhist paintings bear inscriptions recording their production dates, prayers, the list of donors, and the monks who produced them. The inscriptions on a Buddhist painting include a section listing the official duties of the monks involved (本寺秩, K. bonsajil ), a list of the names of donors (施主秩, K. sijujil ), and a list of names of the people who participated in the production of the painting (緣化秩, K. yeonhwajil). In particular, the yeonhwajil list contains the names of the hwaju (化主, fundraising monks soliciting donations from devotees for a Buddhist project), monk painters, jeungmyeong (證明, the monk supervising a Buddhist project and the ritual of depositing votive objects), and songju (誦呪, a reciter of dharani and Buddhist sutras). In order to effectively proceed with a Buddhist project, the duties of monks were specified and systematized based on a division of roles. Monk painters took part in the process of the eye-opening ritual as well. According to the Eye-Opening Rite for Buddhist Images in the Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ceremony of the Heaven and Earth, Dark and Bright, Water and Land Feast, “Once the chief officiator of a ritual recites a mantra of five colored threads (五色絲眞言), a hwawon (court painter) makes lotus leaves with five colored threads, ties them to a five-ja pole (about 151.5 centimeters), and pulls the other ends of the threads to tie them to the fingertips of a Buddhist sculpture. In case of a Buddhist painting, the lotus leaves are tied around a water bowl with the thread ends being pulled to be tied to the fingertips of a donor, while an indo (咽導) loudly recites gatha (poetic verses) on the five Buddhas.” This indicates that monk painters participated in the ritual procedures of investing sacred treasures with authority and divine power (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Deposited votive objects for a Buddhist painting Chimgoengjip (枕肱集, Collected Works of Chimgoeng), a collection of literary works by the monk Chimgoeng Hyeonbyeon (枕肱懸辯), describes hwawon (court painters) as being busy adorning the precincts of a temple even on the day of a ritual. It also records that paintings by the hwawon transform a temple into a space where the Vulture Peak Assembly, where the Buddha preaches ideal sermons, is being held. According to the Congratulatory Vows by Six Partakers from the Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ceremony of the Heaven and Earth, Dark and Bright, Water and Land Feast, hwawon can be divided into the naebaebi (內排備) who are responsible for the interiors of a temple precinct and the oebaebi (外排備) responsible for its exteriors. As greater emphasis was placed on visually adorning the temple precincts, choosing and inviting a skillful hwawon who had achieved national fame had to be done carefully. Since monk painters had an in-depth understanding of Buddhist doctrine and iconography owing to their experiences with several Buddhist projects, they were often invited to serve as jeungmyeong (project supervisor and verifier monks). Even after retiring from the production of Buddhist paintings, they assumed responsibility for overseeing Buddhist projects. Monk painters engaged in diverse activities and a wide range of exchanges. Thus, they were able to serve as an additional agent for Buddhist projects by playing diverse roles as fundraisers, donors, and supervisors. Changes in the Appellations and the Perception of Monk Painters Many people whose names were recorded as the producers of Buddhist sculptures and paintings prior to the Joseon period turned out to be the commissioners rather than the actual creators. Before the Joseon era, the production of images of worship was not considered to be an area of expertise for monk artisans alone, and people who sponsored the production of images were considered more important than those who actually made them. Monk painters were called hwawon (畫員, court painters), hwaseung (畫僧, painting monks), hwasa (畫師, painting masters), yanggong (良工, skilled artisans), and hwagong (畫工, painting artisans). The most commonly used appellation among them was hwawon (Fig. 6). The term was widely used to refer to not only monk painters, but also monk artisans who created Buddhist sculptures or cast Buddhist bells. The term was originally used for those who belonged to the Dohwaseo (圖畫署, Royal Bureau of Painting) and were in charge of producing paintings, but it was expanded because of incidents during the Joseon Dynasty. When the government-run handicraft industry declined after the Japanese (1592–1598) and Manchu (1636–1637) invasions of Korea, monk artisans were mobilized. The state utilized the expertise and skills of monk artisans for government and private construction needs. A large number of monk artisans were summoned to rebuild the capital city and palaces. Fig. 6. Yeonhwajil (a list of names of people who participated in the production of a painting) and court painters recorded for the gwaebul painting at Bongjeongsa Temple by Domun and six monk painters. Joseon, 1710. Bongjeongsa Temple, Andong Seonsu Dogam (Superintendency of Repairing Palaces and Fortresses) stated that “[We] have ordered and urged officials in local regions to send artisans (工匠) to [the capital] for a large construction project several times, but to my surprise, they are quite indifferent to the given order and have no intention of carrying it out. Particularly, the government office of Gaeseong sent not even one person although we have asked for dozens of tile-making artisans, stonemasons, and monk painters. (Emphasis by the author) From the entry on the seventeenth day of the third lunar month of Jeonghae year (the eighth year of the reign of King Gwanghaegun [光海君, r. 1608–1623]) in Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon Dynasty) Like artisans from the commoner class, monk painters were enlisted on the census register and required to provide labor for building and repairing government and private structures. In the history of the gongjang (工匠, artisans) who took charge of handicrafts in pre-modern times, the presence of Joseon-era monk artisans has not been addressed. However, a reevaluation of monk artisans is needed since they played a significant role in the process of undertaking national projects. As were the official artisans (官匠, K. gwanjang) who belonged to local government offices (including tile-making artisans and stonemasons), monk painters were a part of the system of mobilization for public works (公役, K. gongyeok). Monk artisans from temples throughout the country were recruited to participate in national projects, such as the construction of palaces, the construction of Yongjusa Temple in 1789, and the construction of Hwaseong Fortress in 1790. In and after the eighteenth century, new terms for court painters appeared. These include dopyeonsu (都片手), geumeo (金魚), pyeonsu (片手), yongmyeon (龍眠), and yongan (龍眼). These new terms developed around the time when the roles of monk painters had expanded to include the re-gilding, repairing, or carving of Buddhist sculptures, in addition to producing Buddhist paintings. They allow us to understand changes in the perception of monk painters at the time and their sense of their own identity. Historical records document monk artisans creating Buddhist sculptures as “myosujangsa” (妙手匠師) or “gyojang” (巧匠), both meaning an “outstanding artisan,” and the invited monk painters as “dohwawon” (都畫員, chief court painter), “jonsuk” (尊宿, erudite and virtuous monk), or “myeonghyeonseokdeok” (明賢碩德, wise and virtuous monk). By referring to the monk artisans with these honorifics, temples indicated that their creations were sacred treasures. In doing so, they attempted to advance the authority of Buddhist projects. Monk painters were likened to particular artists like Wu Daozhi (吳道子), a Chinese painter who excelled at landscape and Buddhist painting. They were compared to renowned painters such as Zhang Sengyou (張僧繇) and Zhang Sigong (張思恭), ancient legendary sculptors, or legendary artisans. The monk painters were also recognized for rising to national fame through their remarkable abilities. When the monk painter Hyesik (慧湜) produced the Vulture Peak Assembly to be enshrined at Yeongchwisa Temple in 1742, he and other monk painters were recorded collectively as “bisuhoe” (毘首會) (Fig. 7). The term “bisuhoe” is derived from Bisugalmacheon (毘首羯磨天, Skt. Vishvakarman), the god of craftsmen who is believed to have created the first image of Buddha for King Udayana (優塡王) of Kaushambi. This deity was described as an artisan who produced Buddhist images in the Life and Activities of Shakyamuni Buddha Incarnate (釋氏源流應化事蹟) (Fig. 8), a biography of Shakyamuni Buddha. This designation reflects the notion that monk artisans were held to ideals that people from the secular world could not reach. Fig. 7-1. Vulture Peak Assembly by Hyesik and six other monk painters. Joseon, 1742. Ink and color on silk. 364 × 242.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 7-2. “Bisuhoe” written in the inscription Fig. 8. Bisugalmacheon (Skt. Vishvakarman), the artisan who made the first image of the Buddha. From Life and Activities of Shakyamuni Buddha Incarnate, vol. 2. Joseon, 1673. 27.0 × 18.2 cm The texts of praise (讚文, K. chanmum) on monk’s portraits, biographies (傳記, K. jeonggi), and the records from offering rice paddies to temples (獻畓記, K. jeondapgi) emphasized that monk painters had noble characters and excelled at ascetic practices and meditation. Monk painters were described in the narrative style used in most biographies of eminent monks. The biography of the monk painter, Geumamdang Cheonyeo (錦巖堂 天如, 1794–1878), highlights his nature as a Buddhist practitioner by relating an episode of how he devoted himself to the pursuit of his faith for 200 days in front of a sculpture of Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Geumsuam Hermitage. It also stressed his talents and eccentric behavior. The biography of Cheonyeo, the texts written on his portrait, and the inscriptions on the stele for Yakhyo (若效), the canonical monk painter of modern era, at Magoksa Temple all indicate how monk painters were described in a narrative style of presenting myths about artists that emphasized their genius and talent (Fig. 9). Monk painters’ eccentric behaviors were portrayed as well. As children they were said to play by drawing images of the Buddha on the ground or practiced drawing tens of thousands of drafts to refine their skills. For example, the monk painter, Kwaeyun (快允) of Seonamsa Temple, is believed to have wrapped his right hand with a cloth most of the time and only unwrapped it for use when creating Buddhist paintings. Fig. 9. Portrait of Geumhodang Yakhyo (1840–1928). 1934. Ink and color on silk. 116 × 60.5 cm. Josajeon Hall at Magoksa Temple Chukyeon (竺衍), a monk painter active on Geumgangsan Mountain in the late nineteenth century, hid his hall name “Hyesan” (蕙山) within a painting like a signature, or included it on the roller of a hanging scroll or handscroll. This addition of a hall name differs from the inscription on the painting added as a record of the associated project. It is more of an expression of self-identity as an artist. Chukyeon (Fig. 10) was introduced in A History of Korean Art by Andre Eckardt and was named in a newspaper as “a master of Buddhist painting” along with Cheolyu (喆侑). The Sixteen Arhats painted by Chukyeon in 1926 was featured in commemorative photographs produced during the tourist boom on Geumgangsan Mountain (Figs. 11 and 12). As shown by the case of Chukyeon, the self-identity of monk painters changed from seeing themselves as a simple agent in the production of religious painting to viewing themselves an artist. This change can be observed in Buddhist paintings and relevant records. Fig. 10. Photograph of Gosan (Hyesan) Chukyeon (?–after 1930) by Andre Eckardt. 1915 Fig. 11. The “Tenth Arhat” from the Sixteen Arhats by two monk painters, including Chukyeon (active late 19th–early 20th century). 1926. Ink and color on silk. 289.0 × 225.0 cm. Tongdosa Seongbo Museum Fig. 12. A commemorative photograph of a visit to Geumgangsan Mountain The economic contributions of monk painters can be verified in hanging boards and steles at temples. As a case in point, even at in his old age, Yakhyo walked up to 196 kilometers to take part in Buddhist projects undertaken by temples scattered throughout the eight provinces. He participated in several Buddhist projects as a major donor, and in his later years donated his personally owned lands to temples. Joseon-era monk painters served not only as creators but also as promoters and supporters of Buddhist projects through their own financial resources, their influence within Buddhist circles, and their exchanges with the faithful. The Organization and Working System of Monk Painters The Production Agents of Buddhist Paintings and the Working System of Monk Painters A distinctive Buddhist culture developed during the Joseon Dynasty. A demand for the functions of religion underlaid a society despite its official pursuit of a Confucian state. Before the establishment of Confucian funeral rites, traditional faiths and views on the afterlife coexisted. Buddhist circles flexibly responded by placing an emphasis on Confucian virtues as a means to seek coexistence with Confucian ideology and values. Not all Buddhist paintings from the Joseon period were produced by monk painters. Like in the Goryeo Dynasty, court painters from the Dohwaseo (圖畫署, Royal Bureau of Painting) created Buddhist paintings sponsored by the members of the royal family and royal relatives during the early Joseon period. The Buddhist paintings made by these court painters from the Dohwaseo were enshrined at temples within the palace precincts and at other temples by monks who facilitated the patronage of the Joseon royal family, eventually exerting an influence upon works by monk painters. Sixteen Contemplations of the Visualization Sutra commissioned by King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) in 1465 was produced by the court painter Yi Maenggeun (李孟根). Welcoming the Salvific Dragon Boat commissioned by the wife of Deokheung Daewongun (德興大院君), the father of King Seonjo (宣祖, r. 1567–1608), in 1549 was painted by the court painters Yi Baeryeon (李陪連) and Yi Heunghyo (李興孝). Moreover, 400 Buddhist paintings and Medicine Buddha Triad with Twelve Guardians (in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston) commissioned by Queen Munjeong (文定王后) in 1565 after the repair of Hoeamsa Temple, were all produced by court painters, although no records about them have survived (Figs. 13 and 14). In 1599, Queen Uiin (懿仁王后) led a project for repairing the Dosolam Hermitage and producing a painting of a White-robed Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva. She ordered the Naesusa (內需司, Royal Treasury) to provide money from the private holdings of the royal family and send monks to repair the temple. She had Yi Jeong (李霆, 1554–1626), one of the three Joseon painters considered the masters of ink bamboo painting, produce the White-robed Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva. Many Buddhist paintings created by court painters from the Dohwaseo under royal orders do not specify their creators. They simply bear inscriptions with information such as that they were produced by recruiting yanggong (良工, skilled artisans) or that a subject (臣) [named] ○○○ painted them with respect. However, it was common in Buddhist paintings commissioned by common people to name the monk painters. Fig. 13. Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine) Buddha Triad painted by court painters and commissioned by Queen Munjeong. Joseon, 1565. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 54.2 × 29.7 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 14. Medicine Buddha Triad with Twelve Guardians painted by court painters and commissioned by the Joseon royal family. Joseon, late 16th century. Ink and color on silk. 123.0 × 127.5 cm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston As Buddhist paintings began to be perceived as a special field reserved for monk painters in and after the late sixteenth century, a great number of monk painters came to be mobilized for state-led projects. For example, 366 artisans from the capital and local regions participated in the production of the Uigwe (Royal Protocol) of the Repair of Changdeokgung Palace in 1647. Among these artisans, there were only nine court painters from the Dohwaseo, while 131 monk painters participated in the project. These 131 monk painters included forty-seven from Chungcheong-do Province, forty-five from Jeolla-do Province, and one from Gyeongsang-do Province. This indicates that large-scale monk painter organizations existed in different regions and could be mobilized as needed. Monk Seokjeong (1928–2012), a human cultural property in Buddhist painting, said that some monk painters had worked at several major temples, including Daeseungsa Temple on Sabulsan Mountain, Songgwangsa Temple on Jogyesan Mountain, Magoksa Temple on Gyeryongsan Mountain, and Yujeomsa and Geonbongsa Temples on Geumgangsan Mountain. Recent studies have focused on head monk painters. Among the renowned monk painters, Uigyeom (義謙), who was active in the eighteenth century, worked at Borimsa Temple in Jangheung during the early days of his career. Afterwards, he moved about in pursuit of Buddhist projects in the areas surrounding Jirisan Mountain and in the provinces of Jeolla-do, Gyeongsang-do, and Chungcheong-do (Fig. 15). Fig. 15. Diagram of temples that house Buddhist paintings produced by the monk painter Uigyeom (active 18th century) It is unclear whether or not contemporaneous people distinguished monk painters by the schools of their painting styles. According to records, when Buddhist sculptures were produced in 1719 for Daeungjeon Hall at Girimsa Temple in Gyeongju, people from Honamsan Mountain (湖南山人), those from Palgongsan Mountain (八公山人), and those from Wolseongsan Mountain (月城山人) participated. There are other records indicating that eighteen monks from Jeolla-do Province and ten monks from Gyeongsang-do Province took part in the reconstruction of Daeungjeon Hall at Bulguksa Temple in 1765. These records suggest that monks were perceived based on their affiliated temples, mountains, and regions. Monk painters and monk sculptors have been main areas of interest in Buddhist art history for over twenty years. As Buddhist cultural heritage at temples was investigated and the efforts of famous monk artisans were detailed, information about the periods of monk artisans’ activities and the context surrounding the production of their works has been accumulated. Art historians have defined the characteristics of monk artisan groups by dividing them into several schools. They examined whether there were any monk painters who repeatedly engaged in projects led by a certain head monk painter and formed a group. They analyzed head monk painters’ iconography and styles to see how they were different from those applied by other groups of monk painters. Their research started with the premise that a head monk painter could control his situation, plan schedules, and develop painting styles. Commonly, Buddhist paintings were produced following a commission from a temple rather than based on the painters’ personal impulses. The expenses required for buying painting tools and handling the relevant affairs differed based on the social standing of the patrons and economic situations, such as the amount of funds raised for Buddhist projects. A head monk painter supervised the production of Buddhist paintings that involved collaboration between two or more monk painters. Uigyeom, who supervised a project at Songgwangsa Temple between 1724 and 1725, divided the available monk painters into groups by halls and assigned them different painting themes. The number of monk painters involved changed according to the hierarchy and significance of the Buddhist paintings in question. Uigyeom served as a head monk painter for the Vulture Peak Assembly in Eungjindang Hall, and its preparatory drawing and painting style followed his style (Fig. 16). He oversaw the entire project, but designated certain monk painters to be in charge of each theme of the Buddhist paintings. Accordingly, the inscription on the Sixteen Arhats produced along with the Vulture Peak Assembly in Eungjindang Hall does not bear Uigyeom’s name (Fig. 17). Both paintings demonstrate an identical overall painting style. However, they show slight differences in the preparatory drawings, in the depictions of deities and patterns, and in the application of colors. These discrepancies resulted from the division of labor. Fig. 16. The Vulture Peak Assembly in Eungjindang Hall at Songgwangsa Temple Fig. 17. Sixteen Arhats in Eungjindang Hall at Songgwangsa Temple The roles of monk painters who participated in a collaborative project were divided among chulcho (出草), who created the preparatory drawings, sangcho (上草), who transferred the preparatory drawings, and seolchae (設彩), who applied glue and color. Historical records did not specify these roles. In many cases, monk painters were largely divided into head monk painters and participant monk painters. Head monk painters assumed full responsibility for producing preparatory drawings for Buddhist paintings. Preparatory drawings were blueprints for Buddhist paintings and served as a means to transmit painting styles. Monk painters from the same painting lineage shared preparatory drawings, and the characteristics of painting schools were shaped in the process of studying teachers’ preparatory drawings. Accordingly, preparatory drawings often bear the names of their owners or sometimes sugyeol (手決, signatures or marks) or seals of the monk painters who created them (Fig. 18). In and after the eighteenth century, there were some cases where regular monk painters produced preparatory drawings rather than the head monk painters. As a case in point, in the Amitabha Buddha Assembly at Namjangsa Temple from 1741, the head monk painter Segwan (世冠) was recorded as a supervisor and a monk named Wolryun (月輪) took charge of the preparatory drawings. Three years later, in 1744, when a large-scale project for producing thirty Buddhist paintings was held at Jikjisa Temple, monk painter Segwan was documented on the first line of the inscriptions on the paintings as the hamjang (函丈)—meaning a teacher undertaking a task of overseeing the project—and his disciple, Wolin (月印), was in charge of producing the preparatory drawings. Segwan supervised the project as an elder, and his disciple serving as the chief official created the preparatory drawings. In and after the nineteenth century, monk painters who were proficient at drawing rough sketches were commonly assigned the role of creating preparatory drawings. Fig. 18. Monk Manbong (1910–2006) working on a preparatory drawing In addition to Buddhist paintings, monk painters created paintings needed by local communities. In 1536, the monk painter Okjun (玉埈) from Donghwasa Temple produced a portrait of Yi Hyeonbo (李賢輔, sobriquet: Nongam) (Fig. 19). In 1686, the monk painter Uiin (義仁) produced the painting Gathering of Elders Born in the Eulchuk Year to commemorate a gathering of seven officials of the same age at Bosalsa Temple in Cheongju (Fig. 20). The monk painter Hyeho (慧皓) from Geumgangsan Mountain, who maintained friendships with literati, created Su Shi (Dongpo) in a Bamboo Hat and Clogs (Fig. 21). The styles that monk painters adopted while responding to a request for a painting from local communities impacted the production of Buddhist paintings. Fig. 19. Portrait of Nongam Yi Hyeonbo by the monk painter Okjun. Joseon, 1537. 126 × 105 cm. Ink and color on silk. Cultural Heritage Administration website Fig. 20. Gathering of Elders Born in the Eulchuk Year by the monk painter Uiin. Joseon, 1686. Ink and color on silk. 139.0 × 71.4 cm. Tangible Cultural Heritage of Seoul Fig. 21. Su Shi (Dongpo) in a Bamboo Hat and Clogs by the monk painter Hyeho. Joseon, 19th century. Ink and light color on paper. 107.0 × 31.6 cm. National Museum of Korea Besides preparatory drawings inherited from their teachers, monk painters consulted hwabo (畫譜, painting manuals consisting of printed versions of secular and religious paintings), which professional painters could obtain. In this process, the iconography of secular paintings came to be reflected in religious paintings. The Sixteen Arhats by Uigyeom and the preparatory drawings of Thirty-three Patriarchs by Hwaryeon (華蓮) demonstrate how monk painters quickly embraced iconography from figure paintings included in painting manuals like the Sancai tuhi (三才圖會, Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (Fig. 22). Moreover, paintings of the banquet of the Queen Mother of the West and of Daoist immortals, both themes frequently used in court paintings that later became famous among common people, were placed at important locations in Buddhist halls. Iconography from novels and book illustrations as well as the motifs from folk painting and paintings of books and scholar’s accoutrements constantly influenced mural paintings at temples. A monk painter named Yeonhong (演弘) working in Gyeonggi-do Province oversaw the production of mural paintings in Daegwangbojeon Hall at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, Chungcheong-do Province (Fig. 23). The mural paintings in the upper walls of the hall feature arhats depicted in the hwabo (painting manual) style adopted by Uigyeom. This style was popular in Jeolla-do Province at the time. The mural paintings on the main walls of the hall present Daoist iconography of the immortals Li Tieguai (李鐵拐) and Liu Haichan (劉海蟾), who were widely popular among the common people as granters of eternal youth and immortality (Fig. 24). Fig. 22-1. Sancai tuhi (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms). Ming, China, 17th century Fig. 22-2. Detail of the Sixteen Arhats at Heungguksa Temple in Yeosu by Uigyeom and other monk painters. Joseon, 1723 Fig. 22-3. Preparatory drawing by Hwaryeon for the Thirty-three Patriarchs at Ssangbongsa Temple. Joseon, 1768. Tongdosa Seongbo Museum Fig. 22-4. Mural painting in Daegwangbojeon Hall at Magoksa Temple. Joseon, ca. 1788 Fig. 23. Mural painting of Daoist immortals on the lintel on the north side of Daegwangbojeon Hall at Magoksa Temple Fig. 24-1. Daoist immortal Li Tieguai by Sim Sajeong. Kansong Art and Culture Foundation Fig. 24-2. Daoist immortal Liu Haichan by Sim Sajeong. Kansong Art and Culture Foundation Monk painters moved across multiple regions and worked jointly with monk painters from other painting schools at different sites. Such collaboration allowed them to master ancient Buddhist painting styles and works by renowned monk painters, as well as to embrace emerging innovations. Identical painting styles can be observed within paintings created in different times and places. This sharing of painting styles is demonstrated by the case of Singyeom, who led a Buddhist project at Jungheungsa Temple on Bukhansan Mountain by using preparatory drawings of the Ten Kings of Hell that he had produced for a project one year earlier at Gounsa Temple in Uiseong. Similarly, the monk painter Yakhyo practiced painting by using preparatory drawings by Yuseong, who was active in the Gyeongsang-do region, and Cheolyu, a monk painter on Geumgangsan Mountain, utilized preparatory drawings from Tongdosa Temple. The Variability of the Organization and Wages of Monk Painters Some head monk painters who made remarkable achievements worked in many different regions and maintained rather weak bonds with the temples to which they belonged. The monk painter groups led by these head monk painters for certain periods of time had no regular members. The members varied based on several elements, including the hierarchy among the monk painters who participated in a project, their “dharma age” (法臘, the number of years since being ordained as a monk), and the significance of their assigned tasks. The organization of the monk painters also changed when head monk painters were invited to undertake public works and requested by their affiliated monastic lineages to work on Buddhist projects. At those times, monk painters who united for these particular projects joined with the monks who belonged to the temples where the projects were held, indicating that the organization of monks involved in the projects could vary. In 1740 (the sixteenth year of the reign of King Yeongjo [英祖, r. 1724–1776]), Hyesik (慧式), a monk painter from Gayasan Mountain, supervised a Buddhist project that donated one thousand Buddhas to Pagyesa Temple. It was based on sponsorship from royal family members, including King Yeongjo himself (Fig. 25). Before producing the Buddhist paintings and repairing and re-gilding the Dry-lacquered Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Pagyesa Temple, he created some preparatory drawings needed at neighboring temples, including for Okryeonsa and Gounsa Temples in Uiseong. At Pagyesa Temple, he re-gilded Buddhist sculptures in the large lecture hall, repaired the sculptures of the Ten Kings of Hell and paintings in its affiliated hermitages, and produced the Buddha triad sculpture in Nahanjeon Hall. The dohwawon (chief court painter) Hyesik, who vowed to undertake this Buddhist project at Pagyesa Temple, worked with thirteen monk painters over the course of two years. Among these thirteen monk painters were head monk painters who worked independently, including Milgi (密琦) and Uigyeom (Fig. 26). Similarities in painting styles can be found in temples far from one another since monk painters traveled to engage in different Buddhist projects. Moreover, exchanges among monks brought about the development of new styles. Fig. 25. The Dry-lacquered Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva in Wontongjeon Hall at Pagyesa Temple Fig. 26. Votive Text for the Dry-lacquered Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Pagyesa Temple. Joseon, 1740. Ink on paper. 50.0 × 180.0 cm. Pagyesa Temple, Daegu.Treasure Most of the workshops for monk artisans were installed at the temples where the Buddhist projects were carried out since the fundraising by monks, the provision of materials, and the supervision and verification of the projects were all managed by the temples involved. Monk artisans traveled to the temples where there was a demand for them. Temporary workshops called bulsaso (佛事所, Buddhist project office), hoehwaso (繪畫所, painting office), and seongjoso (成造所, construction office) were installed at these temples. Sometimes, hermitages or pavilions in the temple precincts were utilized, as demonstrated by the project for producing a gwaebul painting in 1759 at Heungguksa Temple in Yeosu. Help from local government offices was often needed to secure and purchase materials for Buddhist projects and to transport the goods and monetary offerings. The records housed at temples where monks’ militias defended fortresses and sago (史庫, history archives) and records at offices used by troops protecting coastal areas after war both document support coming from officials such as hyeongam (county magistrates) and sugun jeoldosa (provincial naval commanders). For example, when the old lecture hall at Borimsa Temple in Jangheung was reconstructed in 1715, the provincial naval commander administering the left Jeolla-do Province commandries helped obtain wooden materials from a neighboring island and transported them via ship. According to some records, lawsuits were sometimes filed even after expenses for materials were paid. This implies that aid from government offices was required at several stages for undertaking a Buddhist project. The wages received by monk artisans have not been researched in detail. Probably because Buddhism emphasized merit-making, specific records are rare. Nevertheless, the financial management of temples was handled strictly, and monk artisans were given their due. The List of Jeongokyusa at Daeheungsa Temple from 1790 records the monks who were entrusted with managing the properties and grain of each temple and the dates they started new posts. Here, the roles of the jeongokyusa (a minor official dealing with financial affairs) rigidly and fairly managing temple properties was likened to those of a minister within the Takjibu (Ministry of Finance) in the central government or an ajeon (local civil functionary) controlling grain in a village, highlighting the importance of the task of managing finances and accounting at a temple. When mobilized for public works, monk painters received wages just as artisans from the commoner class did. The monk painter Sanggyeom (尙謙) was mentioned in the section on the joseongso (造成所, an office for construction) in the Uigwe (Royal Protocol) of the Construction of Hyeonryungwon Tomb of King Jangjo (莊祖顯隆園園所都監儀軌) from 1789. He collaborated with court painters and received 162 liters of rice and a roll of linen and cotton as compensation like them. According to the Uigwe (Royal Protocol) of the Construction of Hwaseong Fortress, as the number of painters capable for taking responsibility for the traditional decorative coloring (丹靑, K. dancheong) of a gate-pavilion was low, the state ordered temples to search for skillful monk painters and send them to Hwaseong in the nineth lunar month of 1794 (the eighteenth year of the reign of King Jeongjo [正祖, r. 1776–1800]). It also contains an official document stating that the monk, Yeonhong, was appointed as the chief monk painter. In public works, monk painters mainly undertook the traditional decorative coloring of buildings. Their wages were the same as those of varnishing and sculpting artisans. Gyeo (戒悟), a monk painter from Dorimsa Temple, crafted and painted a wooden container for votive texts over the course of three months in 1683 (the ninth year of the reign of King Sukjong [肅宗, r. 1674–1720]) and received fifty rolls of hemp cloth and eighteen liters of white rice in return. Gyeo received these wages in exchange for his participation in a project carried out at the temple to which he belonged. According to the Record of the Construction of Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, a head monk painter named Saekmin (色旻) and his sixteen disciples were recruited for producing a large painting of Indra hung at Daeyangmun Gate. They received 8,100 liters of rice and 200 yang (the currency of Joseon Dynasty). The Record of Donations Received upon the Establishment of Pyochungsa Temple (表忠設立有功錄) written in 1789 and stored at Daeheungsa Temple in Haenam contains a list of donations categorized by province (Hwanghae-do, Hamgyeong-do, Gangwon-do, and others) and by head monks at temples. The list includes the monk painter Gwangyeop (廣曄), who created paintings for Woljeongsa, Sinheungsa, and Gimryongsa Temples and donated to his affiliated temple fifty yang that he earned by applying traditional decorative coloring. The Record of Donations Received upon the Establishment of Pyochungsa Temple also documents that Pyochungsa Temple paid Baekheun (白欣) wages for the rough application and re-application of traditional decorative coloring as well as additional expenses for traveling, painting tools, and pigments (Fig. 27). Fig. 27. Record of Donations Received upon the Establishment of Pyochungsa Temple. Joseon, 1789. Ink on paper. 36.0 × 27.8 cm. Yongheungsa Temple, Damyang Pigments and painting tools were either donated or the temples could purchase them after selling other donated goods. Monk painters were familiar with the procurement of pigments, as noted in the elaborate and touching story of the re-gilding of the peeled-off gold plating on the Buddhist sculptures in Daeungjeon Hall at Donghwasa Temple. Thousands of pieces of gold were collected for the re-gilding from Donghwasa Temple and several other temples. However, as the government fell into chaos and the people were traumatized by the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–1598), Donghwasa Temple used up all of these golden pieces for rebuilding the temple and soothing the people. Three years later, people put their hearts into collecting more gold, but the monk painter entrusted with re-gilding the sculptures tried to leave after stating that the gold was insufficient for the re-gilding project. The temple earnestly asked him to proceed with the re-gilding. He worried that the new layer of gold plating would peel off because it was applied over the old gilt layer due to the lack of gold and the previously applied glue had lost its adhesion. He also said that the re-gilding of the Buddha triad required 240 pieces of gold. The records on the re-gilding of Buddhist sculptures at Borimsa Temple in Jangheung in 1748 document a debate among monks over the price and purchasing routes for gold. Several people, including goldsmiths in Jeonju, heard about the need for the re-gilding and wanted to participate in the project, but monks worried that these goldsmiths from the commoner class might cheat them regarding the price or quality of gold. Since hwawon (monk painters) were well aware of the quality of gold, the monks had them visit goldsmiths in the capital to obtain gold of high quality. Such records handed down at temples provide information about the working environment of monk artisans. However, there are few remaining records that detail the environments in which monk artisans worked and how the overall process of a Buddhist project proceeded from the completion of paintings until their enshrinement. The Diary of the Seongjoso (Construction Office) at Daedunsa Temple (大芚寺成造所日記) (stored at Yongheungsa Temple in Damyang) records the rebuilding of several halls at Daeheungsa Temple (or Daedunsa Temple) in Haenam, which was destroyed in a fire on the fourteenth day of the tenth lunar month of 1899 (Fig. 28). It also documents expenses and other expenditures for the rebuilding project. This diary helps us understand the increase in the number of artisans from the commoner class participating in Buddhist projects. Fig. 28. Diary of Seongjoso (Construction Office) at Daedunsa Temple. Joseon. Ink on paper. 30.2 × 27.8 cm. Yongheungsa Temple, Damyang The Diary of the Seongjoso (Construction Office) at Daedunsa Temple provides information about the revenues and expenditures of the temple, prices of goods, and wages for labor. A rare surviving example of accounting documents from temples, this diary indicates that greater numbers of artisans from the commoner class gradually came to participate in Buddhist projects in the late nineteenth century. It lists detailed expenditures, including personnel expenses (for lumberjacks, stonemasons, carpenters, and artisans), traveling and food expenses for a person who went to bring a blacksmith, traveling expenses for artisans, expenses for snacks for children who served as helpers at the temple, and a charge for a letter delivery service. The diary also lists additional expenses such as the wages for the carpenters’ or the laborers’ repair of a temporary office for a Buddhist project, traveling expenses or money for drinking, and expenses for materials and tools used for repairs, including an iron hammer utilized for erecting pillars, other tools like a plane, large ruler, axe, paper, brushes, and ink. Similar expenditure items might have been recorded for monk artisans. Although more artisans from the commoner class came to be involved in Buddhist projects, the production of Buddhist paintings was considered an area of expertise for monk painters. Seventeen new paintings for the rebuilt Daeheungsa Temple were produced by inviting Gyeongseon Eungseok (慶船應釋), a monk painter from Gyeonggi-do Province, and Seokong Cheolyu (石翁喆侑), a monk painter from Geumgangsan Mountain. In order to manage temple finances, monks maintained a Bosachong (補寺廳, an office for supporting the temple) or established a gapgye (甲契, fraternity) among monks born in the same year (as seen in the production of the gwaebul painting at Heungguksa Temple in Yeosu in 1759). Since monk painters carried out several Buddhist projects by traveling to different regions and were paid for their labor, they were relatively well off compared to general monks. Those who owned their own pigments or gold took part in projects as donors. As a case in point, a major donor of gold for the project of re-gilding a sculpture at Jikjisa Temple in 1714 (the fortieth year of the reign of King Sukjong) was the monk artisan Cheongyun (淸允) who was also responsible for re-gilding the Jikjisa sculpture. In 1728, disciples of Uigyun (義均), a monk painter from the Palgongsan Mountain region, led a project to produce sixteen Buddhist paintings for Donghwasa’s neighboring temples in Gyeongju and Cheongdo. At the time, Uigyun, who had retired, served as a major donor for the project. Based on their financial foundation and the area of their activities, monk painters formed relationships with Buddhist devotees and extended their influence. Moreover, by initiating Buddhist projects or becoming donors, they helped bolster temple finances. By passing down fields and paddies to their disciples that they had inherited from their birth parents or teachers, monk painters contributed to the expansion of their affiliated temples’ or lineages’ farmlands. Conclusion Buddhist paintings of the Joseon Dynasty were not only objects of faith and worship, but also cultural products created in specific social and economic environments. Monk organizations at temples had accommodated the demand for Buddhist projects since the Goryeo Dynasty. However, the application of traditional decorative coloring and the production of Buddhist paintings were considered the specialty of monk painters. The overall process of producing a Buddhist painting from its design to its enlivening through an eye-opening ritual was believed to fall outside the scope of artisans from the commoner class. The range of monk painters’ local activities was broad since they worked based on networks centering around their affiliated temples and monk lineages. The formation of different schools of monk painters and the transmission of the traditions of these schools was made possible by production practices that passed along knowledge, skills, and styles through apprenticeship education under the leadership of head monk painters. These head monk painters directed and supervised the full process of the production of Buddhist paintings from the creation of preparatory drawings through the application of pigments and addition of patterns. Accordingly, the styles of head monk painters hold a critical position for interpreting the style of a given painting school. The roles of monk painters expanded when they started participating in public works after the state handicraft system collapsed and as they responded to local communities’ needs for paintings. The expansion of their roles impacted the styles of Buddhist paintings. An illustrative example of the public works for which famous monk painters throughout the country were recruited is the foundation of Yongjusa Temple in 1790 when King Jeongjo constructed the tomb of Crown Prince Sado. The collaboration among monk painters from different regions led to the development of new styles. Based on their financial capacity and the areas of their activities, monk painters served as further agents for Buddhist projects by serving as donors, fundraisers, and verifiers. Monk artisans were a distinctive feature of the Joseon Dynasty within the East Asian cultural sphere.

Following the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–1598 CE), the Joseon Buddhist community rebuilt many war-ravaged temples, produced a vast body of Buddhist sculptures and paintings, and enshrined them at restored temples throughout the country. A self-sufficient creation and construction system based on monk artisans was established around this time. This system enabled late Joseon monk artisans to actively engage in image creation and building construction in and after the seventeenth century. These monk artisans stably transmitted their accumulated production and construction know-how to later generations. In this light, some scholars view the late Joseon Dynasty as a golden age for Buddhist art in Korea. Compared to those from the early Joseon Dynasty, Buddhist sculptures from the late Joseon Dynasty are considered to be relatively free from external formative influences. Overall, they exhibit characteristics distinctive to Korea. Several outstanding monk sculptors with remarkable skills emerged in the early seventeenth century, became leaders of teams of monk sculptors, and produced a monumental amount of Buddhist sculptures. As a next generation of monk sculptors inherited this tradition in the mid- and late seventeenth century, Buddhist sculpture reached a high degree of maturity and showed their creativity through new formative experiments. Among this succeeding generation of monk sculptors were Saeknan (色難) in Jeolla-do Province and Seungho (勝浩) in Gyeongsang-do Province. Daneung (端應), who will be be discussed in this paper, was a member as well. Around the year 2000, records on votive objects deposited inside the late Joseon Buddhist sculptures enshrined at temples throughout South Korea began to be examined and publicized. As a result, the monk-sculptor, Daneung, came to be known to the general public. He has been identified as the creator of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece (also known as the Wooden Altarpiece of the Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land) from 1684 that is enshrined at Yongmunsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. The study of wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces was accordingly reinvigorated, leading to an investigation into the genealogies and activities of monk sculptors and an examination of their applied iconography and styles. A wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece is made from several woodblocks that are engraved with diverse deities and then pieced together. It can be considered a convergence of Buddhist sculpture and painting. There are ten currently known surviving examples of these wooden altarpieces in Korea. As an original creation of late-Joseon Buddhist art that was not found in China or Japan at the time, wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces have received considerable attention. Wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces with known dates of production are found in: Daeseungsa Temple (1675) in Mungyeong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 1), Gyeongguksa Temple in Seoul the fifth lunar month of 1684 (Fig. 2), Yongmunsa Temple the ninth lunar month of 1684 (Fig. 3), Gwaneumseonwon Hall at Namjangsa Temple (1694–1695) in Sangju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Yaksuam Hermitage (1782) at Silsangsa Temple in Jeollabuk-do Province. Among these examples, the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple is presumed to have been produced by Daneung based on its sculpting style and production method. Those at Gyeongguksa and Yongmunsa Temples are clearly indicated in written records to also be works by Daneung. This demonstrates Daneung’s significance to late Joseon Buddhist sculpture. The Yongmunsa altarpiece in particular provides important reference material for understanding late Joseon Buddhist art since it bears diverse symbolic elements, there are related surviving documents, and its accompanying sculptural set of a Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad remains intact. Fig. 1. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece. Joseon, 1675. 3.47 × 2.79 m. Daeungjeon Hall at Daeseungsa Temple, Mungyeong (originally enshrined at Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju). National Treasure Fig. 2. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece by Daneung and five other monk sculptors. l684. 1.77 × 1.76 m. Geungnakbojeon Hall at Gyeongguksa Temple, Seoul (originally enshrined at Yaksaam Hermitage, Wanju-gun). Treasure Fig. 3. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece and Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad by Daneung and eight other monk sculptors. 1684. H. 90 cm (main Buddha). Daejangjeon Hall at Yongmunsa Temple, Yecheon. Treasure Based on the preceding research, this paper intends to explore the faith, ideological meaning, and production background behind the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple by focusing on several of its symbolic elements. These symbolic elements can be largely divided into Buddhist and non-Buddhist elements, both of which will be analyzed in this paper. Notably, the non-Buddhist elements from Zhouyi (周易, The Book of Changes) were incorporated. For a better understanding of the work, the status and role of Daneung—the producer of the Yongmunsa altarpiece—as a monk sculptor will be also examined. Moreover, by comparing from multiple perspectives the symbolic elements in the Yongmunsa altarpiece with similar symbolic elements in other Buddhist sculptures created by Daneung, this paper aims to broaden the understanding of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. All of these efforts will ultimately help to explain the complex and multilayered characteristics of late Joseon Buddhist art. The Sculpting Activities and Roles of Daneung The monk sculptor, Daneung, produced Buddhist sculptures for over fifty years, from the late seventeenth through the early eighteenth century. Some records on the production of Buddhist sculptures made by Daneung describe him as a monk sculptor based at Songgwangsa Temple in Wanju, Jeollabuk-do Province or at Wibongsa Temple in Jeonju, Jeollabuk-do Province. However, sculptures produced by Daneung are found in several other regions as well, including the northern areas of Gyeongsangbuk-do Province and various sites in Chungcheong-do and Gangwon-do Provinces. There are thirteen sculptures that are known to have been produced by Daneung. They include the Wooden Seated Shakyamuni Buddha and Clay Arhats from 1656 at Songgwangsa Temple in Wanju, Jeollabuk-do Province, the Wooden Four Guardian Kings from 1665 at Jikjisa Temple in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas from 1681 at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, Chungcheongnam-do Province (Fig. 4), the Wooden Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva from 1689 at Jeongbangsa Temple in Jecheon, Chungcheongbuk-do Province, the Portable Shrine with a Wooden Amitabha Triad from 1692 at Yeongjosa Temple on Jeju-do Island (Fig. 5), the Wooden Seated Shakyamuni Buddha Triad from 1692 at Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and the Wooden Four Guardian Kings from 1705 at Ssanggyesa Temple in Hadong, Gyeongsangnam-do Province. Fig. 4. Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas by Daneung and nineteen other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1681. Yeongsanjeon (or Cheonbuljeon) Hall at Magoksa Temple, Gongju. Chungcheongnam-do Province Tangible Cultural Heritage Fig. 5. Portable Shrine with a Wooden Seated Buddha (created for Soyeong Singyeong for his private worship). Joseon, 1692. H. 22.5 cm. Yeongjosa Temple, Seogwipo. Jeju-do Tangible Cultural Heritage Daneung’s fifty-year-long career can be broadly divided into its first and second phases. The first phase falls roughly between the 1650s and the late-1680s, while the second spans the late 1680s to the early 1700s. The 1680s appear to be a particularly prolific period for Daneung as a monk sculptor, and this decade is considered his peak. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple with its artistic creativity and a high level of accomplishment was produced during this period. The standing of Daneung within the Buddhist community as a monk sculptor while he was producing Buddhist sculptures can be understood to some extent through the terms recorded in the texts related to the sculptures he made. Like other contemporaneous monk sculptors, Daneung was referred to as “hwawon” (畫員, a court painter), “seonsu” (善手, a man of great skill), “hwagong” (畫工, a painter), or “seonsuyanggong” (善手良工, a skilled artisan of great skill). These titles indicate nothing particularly special since they were commonly applied to monk sculptors and monk painters during the Joseon Dynasty. However, it is worth noting that the record on the Clay Seated Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine) Buddha from 1692 at Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong documents Daneung as “sudaeseonsa” (首大禪師, a great head Seon master). Daeseonsa (大禪師) was a high clerical rank given to those who gained a promotion after passing the state examination on Seon (Chan) Buddhism that was held to recruit monks during the early Joseon Dynasty (ranks from low to high: Daeseon [大選] → Jungdeok [中德] → Seonsa [禪師] → Daeseonsa [大禪師] → Dodaeseonsa [都大禪師]). Since the state examination for Buddhist monks was no longer administered in the late Joseon Dynasty, there was no state-sanctioned clerical rank system. Calling a monk sculptor daeseonsa might have been simply an idiomatic honorific title at the time. Nevertheless, there are several cases of famed Joseon monk sculptors being recorded as daeseonsa. Therefore, when Daneung was referred to as sudaeseonsa, it is presumed to be an indication that he was recognized as both a skillful artisan and a monk well-versed in Buddhist practices and doctrine. Daneung assumed the responsibilities of a jeungmyeong (證明) when producing a Buddhist table and a pedestal for Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong in 1694. A jeungmyeong is a figure who ensures that a Buddhist project corresponds to doctrine. Commonly, eminent monk scholars or high priests well-versed in Buddhist practices were invited to serve as jeungmyeong. Accordingly, we can assume that Daneung held a high standing in the Buddhist community. Daneung is presumed to have been skilled at sculpting and to have possessed a deep understanding and broad knowledge of Buddhist doctrine. With this in mind, this paper will explore the meanings of several symbolic elements in Daneung’s work, including the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. Symbolism in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple According to “A Record on the Construction of the Main Hall at Yongmunsa Temple,” a monk named Soyeong Singyeong (昭影神鏡) passed by Yongmunsa Temple one day and discovered that there was no main hall (金堂, K. geumdang). It continues on to say that in the ninth lunar month of 1684, he led the construction of a main hall and the production of a Buddha triad and a wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece. The lower-right section of the bottom edge of the frame of this wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece also bears an inscription reading, “The one who constructed the main hall for the first time and created the wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece was the high priest, Soyeongdang Singyeong” (金堂始刱造佛像版幀ㅇ 名賢大德昭影堂大師神鏡). The written record and the inscription on the altarpiece both indicate that Soyeong Singyeong played a significant role. It should be noted that Daneung fully understood the abstract ideas of Soyeong Singyeong and was able to visually materialize them by closely communicating with him as a fellow monk who walked the path of a truth-seeker rather than just serving as a technician following the instructions of Soyeong Singyeong. In addition to the main theme of Amitabha Buddha preaching, the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple features a wide variety of Buddhist elements alongside non-Buddhist elements incorporated from the Book of Changes. Its creator, Daneung, included similar symbolic elements in other Buddhist sculptures. By comparing them with symbolic elements in the Yongmunsa altarpiece, I will examine their meanings from multiple perspectives. The Manifestation of Buddhist Elements 1. Elements of Pure Land Buddhism The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple presents the seated Amitabha Buddha surrounded by his eight great bodhisattvas standing in two rows (Fig. 6). These bodhisattvas are Manjusri, Samantabhadra, Avalokiteshvara, Mahasthamaprapta, Vajragarbha, Sarvanivarana-Viskambhi, Maitreya, and Kshitigarbha. In the upper row next to Maitreya Bodhisattva and Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva kneel the Buddha’s disciples, Kasapya and shaven-headed Ananda. Below the eight bodhisattvas, the Four Guardian Kings stand in a row. A jar with lotus stalks inside can be found in the lowest section of the altarpiece. At the ends of the stalks are nine blooming lotus flowers. They are inscribed with the nine grades of rebirth in Amitabha’s Western Pure Land, ranging from the upper grade-upper birth (上品上) to the lower grade-lower birth (下品下) (Fig. 6). These visually represent the nine grades of rebirth (九品往生) in the Buddhist faith in the Western Pure Land. Such depictions of the nine grades of rebirth visually represent the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth contemplations which are considered the most essential among the sixteen contemplations (觀) included in the Amitayurbhavana Sutra (觀無量壽經, the Sutra on the Visualization of the Buddha Amitayus). They facilitate the understanding of the main theme depicted in the Yongmunsa altarpiece—that the deceased reach Amitabha Buddha’s Western Pure Land through a process of being reborn across the nine grades. Fig. 6-1. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece by Daneung and eight other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1684. 2.65 × 2.18 m. Daejangjeon Hall at Yongmunsa Temple, Yecheon. Treasure Fig. 6-2. Detail of inscriptions and the Nine Grades of Rebirth in the lower section of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Moreover, four phrases engraved on the left and right edges of the frame, two at each, aptly demonstrate the Pure Land faith espoused by this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece (大須彌之中微塵刹土/三世空色是圓融之法乃至/當極樂之界寶池九品/三種尊容又聖僧之位). The phrases read as follows: “(There are) numerous Buddha lands in Great Sumeru, and the emptiness and form of three ages reach them through the law of perfect interfusion. Here are nine grades of the jeweled pond of paradise, and three kinds of honored visages and sacred monks are enshrined there.” These phrases confirm that the main theme of this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece is rebirth in the Western Pure Land. Iconography relating to the nine grades of rebirth based on the motif of nine lotus flowers can also be observed in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Gyeongguksa Temple produced by Daneung in the fifth lunar month of 1687. In the Gyeongguksa piece, however, the nine lotus flowers are sculpted into three rows in the lower-center section of the picture plane (Fig. 2). Another work by Daneung, the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha from 1689 at Seonseoksa Temple in Seongju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 7), shows a form and composition of nine-graded rebirth iconography similar to that found in the Yongmunsa altarpiece. During the late Joseon Dynasty, wooden sculptures were not generally provided with mandorlas, but Daneung separately produced a mandorla and installed it behind the Seonseoksa sculpture. The lower section of the mandorla is adorned with nine circles against a background of lotus flowers and clouds. Inside these nine circles are written the names of the nine grades of rebirth from the upper grade-upper birth to the lower grade-lower birth, reflecting the faith in rebirth of these nine grades. Daneung seems to have intended these compositional and textual similarities between the Yongmunsa altarpiece and the Seonseoksa mandorla. They demonstrate a style unique to Daneung and embody his belief in Pure Land Buddhism. Fig. 7-1. Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha by Daneung and six other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1789. H. 1.17 m. Daeungjeon Hall at Seonseoksa Temple, Seongju Fig. 7-2. Detail of the Nine Grades of Rebirth in the lower section of the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Seonseoksa Temple 2. Elements of Seon (Chan) Buddhism The top edge of the frame of this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece is carved with the Sanskrit character (om) and a reversed swastika (卍, K. man) (Fig. 8). The bottom edge of the frame has engraved Chinese characters reading “myeongsim” (明心, luminous mind or illuminating the mind) (Fig. 9). In Buddhism, the Sanskrit character “om” symbolizes the energy and fundamentals of the universe and is often used at the beginning of various darani (invocations). The swastika represents auspiciousness and all virtues within the body of the Buddha. The word myeongsim reflects the concept of Buddhist practices illustrated by the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece. The word itself means “luminous mind” and can refer to something that illuminates the mind. In historical literature related to Seon (禪, Chan in Chinese) Buddhism, myeongsim is used as part of phrases like “myojeongmyeongsim” (妙淨明心, subtle, clear, and luminous mind) or “myeongsimgyeonseong” (明心見性, seeing the Buddha nature within oneself by illuminating the mind). In other words, myeongsim refers to the Buddha nature within oneself, that is, enlightenment itself, or the practice of discovering their Buddha nature. This word is intimately intertwined with Seon Buddhism. Fig. 8. “Om” and “Swastika” on the top edge of the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 9. “Myeongsim” (明心) on the bottom edge of the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Daneung widely used similar terms related to Seon Buddhism in his other sculptures. The Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas produced in 1681 at Magoksa Temple are a case in point. The middle shaft of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha (Fig. 10-1) bears carved inscriptions reading “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門) and “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治) at both ends of its front side (Fig. 10-2). These phrases are extracted from Beopjip byeolhaengnok jeoryo byeongipsagi (法集別行錄節要幷入私記, Excerpts from the Dharma Collection and Special Practice Record with Personal Notes) written by the National Preceptor Bojo Jinul (1158–1210), in 1209 during the Goryeo Dynasty. Donjeomimun means dono (sudden enlightenment) and jeomsu (gradual cultivation), which are the two methods of Seon Buddhist practice. Seongjeokdaechi is related to seongjeokdeungjimun (惺寂等持門, the path of parallel keeping of quiescence and alertness) among the three types of Seon Buddhist practices. The path promotes curing semi-consciousness with wisdom and subjective discrimination with meditation, corresponding to the concept of jeonghyessangsu (定慧雙修, joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom). Thus, the two phrases on the pedestal of the seventh Buddha sculpture at Magoksa Temple can be understood as referring to donojeomsu and jeonghyessangsu. Fig. 10-1. The Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple. H. 81.3 cm Fig. 10-2. Engravings on the middle shaft of the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple. From left to right: “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治, joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom), “pyeongdeungseongji” (平等性智, wisdom of equality), and “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門, sudden enlightenment and gradual cultivation) Jinul’s Excerpts from the Dharma Collection and Special Practice Record with Personal Notes was published several times during the Joseon Dynasty. It was so famous that it was quoted in Seonga Gwigam (禪家龜鑑, Models for Seon Practitioners) written in 1564 by Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604). Moreover, it served as a very important textbook for Sajipgwa (四集科), the second course in the Joseon monastic education system established in the seventeenth century. Daneung carved the foremost phrases from the Seon practices studied and mastered by monks of the time onto the pedestal of the Buddha sculpture. The precise centers of the four sides of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha at Magoksa Temple display carved inscriptions of the four wisdoms (智). From the right side in a clockwise direction (Fig. 11) appear “daewongyeongji” (大圓鏡智, the great perfect mirror wisdom), “pyeongdeungseongji” (平等性智, the wisdom of equality), “myogwanchalji” (妙觀察智, the wisdom of wondrous observation), and “seongsojakji” (成所作智, the wisdom of accomplishing that which is to be done). These four wisdoms refer to the Buddha’s four pure wisdoms expounded in the Yogacara (唯識, consciousness-only) from Buddhist epistemology. Given that the two phrases discussed above are Seon Buddhist concepts, the four wisdoms need to be examined from the perspective of Seon Buddhism as well. For example, in Liuzu fabaotan jing (六祖法寶壇經, The Dharma Jewel Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch), which recorded the achievements and teachings of Huineng (慧能, 638–713), the sixth patriarch of Chan Buddhism and a founder of the Southern School of Chan Buddhism during the Tang (唐) Dynasty, Huineng briefly explained the four wisdoms from the perspective of Seon (Chan) Buddhism. The Dharma Jewel Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch exerted considerable influence on the monk Jinul from the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392) and on Buddhist circles during the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1897). In this light, it seems natural to understand the phases engraved on the pedestal made by Daneung as falling within the context of Seon Buddhism. Fig. 11. The placement of four wisdoms and eight trigrams on the middle shaft of the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple As discussed above, I have analyzed elements of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism found in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple and explored their meanings. These elements show the fusion of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism. Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604), a high priest who suggested a direction for late Joseon Buddhism, advocated a synthetic practice of meditation, doctrinal learning, and recitation of the Buddha’s name as a path to reach enlightenment. Later, his disciple Pyeonyang Eongi (鞭羊彦機, 1581–1644) inherited this practice and further systemized it. Hyujeong also elucidated seonjeong ilchiron (禪淨一致論, a theory on the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism), insisting that meditation is like chanting the Buddha’s name, and that chanting the Buddha’s name is meditation. The yeombulseon (念佛禪) practice in Seon meditation of reciting the Buddha’s name that developed based on the theory of the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism became popular in late Joseon Buddhist circles. The creators of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa are thought to have merged elements of Seon and Pure Land beliefs into the work, taking into account these trends in faith and practice. The Utilization of Hexagram Images (卦象) from the Book of Changes 1. Eight Trigrams and Directions The full use of the symbol systems found in the Book of Changes, including the eight trigrams and sixty-four hexagrams, is another prominent feature of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. The Book of Changes entails a thinking system that describes the logic of the creation and the changes in nature and the human world through hexagrams composed of lines that are either yin (陰) or yang (陽). It is originally an ancient Chinese scripture unrelated to Buddhism. However, it both exerted an influence on and was influenced by Buddhism over the centuries in East Asia, and eventually came to be interwoven with Buddhism. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is an apt example of the interaction between Buddhism and the Book of Changes. The borders of the mandorla for the main Amitabha Buddha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are engraved with eight trigrams, or soseonggwae (小成卦), each consisting of three lines. Each of the four edges of the wooden frame of this altarpiece is carved with three hexagrams from among the sixty-four hexagrams (or daeseonggwae [大成卦]), with each hexagram consisting of six lines. The eight soseonggwae on the mandorla indicate space (directions), and the twelve daeseonggwae on the wooden frame symbolize time. The eight soseonggwae trigrams on the mandorla of the main Buddha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are li (☲), gon (☷), tae (☱), geon (☰), gam (☵), gan (☶), jin (☳), and son (☴), which are read clockwise from the lower left (Fig. 12). Each of these trigrams is associated with an element from nature: li (fire), gon (earth), tae (lake), geon (heaven), gam (water), gan (mountain), jin (thunder), and son (wind). When they are placed in a certain order, they also serve as symbols indicating directions. The diagram of the Later Heaven (後天) or King Wen (文王) eight trigrams included in Zhouyi benyi (周易本義, Original Meaning of the Book of Changes) compiled by Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130–1200) during the Song (宋) Dynasty consists of jin (east), son (southeast), li (south), gon (southwest), tae (west), geon (northwest), gam (north), and gan (northeast) (Fig. 13). This diagram was widely used as a directional system across East Asia, including in Joseon Dynasty Korea. The eight trigrams on the mandorla of the main Buddha Amitabha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple exactly match the eight directions based on the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams. Fig. 12-1. Main Buddha and mandorla of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 12-2. The placement of eight trigrams and taegeuk on the mandorla of the Main Buddha of Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 13. King Wen (or Later Heaven) Eight Trigrams *reversed Three years before the production of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple, Daneung attempted to express eight trigrams on the pedestal of one of the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple in Gongju. At the four corners of the middle shaft of the pedestal of the seventh Buddha, gon (☷), geon (☰), li (☲), and son (☴) are engraved from the southwest corner in a clockwise direction (Fig. 11). Among these four, three of them (gon [southwest], geon [northwest], and son [southeast]) correspond to the directions in the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams. Li, originally referring to south, is not supposed to be placed in the northeast. Gan (☶) should have been engraved here instead. While less than perfect in the Magoksa piece, the directional system of eight trigrams was accurately presented in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. It is also worth noting that the mandorla of the main Buddha in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is adorned with taegeuk (太極, supreme ultimate) emblems in addition to the directional expressions made through the eight trigrams. More specifically, two samtaegeuk emblems (, triune supreme ultimate) are depicted using line engravings in the upper section of the mandorla. This combination of taegeuk with the eight trigrams recalls the Diagram of Order of Eight Trigrams (八卦次序圖) from the Song Dynasty (Fig. 14). This diagram was based on the remark from the Xicizhuan Section (繫辭傳, Treatise on the Appended Remarks) in the Book of Changes that “There is taegeuk in the Changes; this generates the Two Modes (陰陽, Yin and Yang); the Two Modes generate the Four Forms (四象); the Four Forms generate the Eight Trigrams” (易有太極 是生兩儀 兩儀生四象 四象生八卦). The diagram underlies the ontology of Neo-Confucianism compiled by Zhu Xi. Although depicted at a small size, the eight trigrams indicating directions and the taegeuk symbolizing the origin of all things are presumed to have been arranged around the main Buddha to show that the Buddha and dharma (Buddhist law) is at the center of the cosmic order and principles. Fig. 14. Diagram of the Order of Eight Trigrams Unbong Seonsa simseongron (雲峰禪師心性論, Seon Master Unbong’s ‘Theory of Mind-Nature’) was written by a monk named Unbong Daeji (雲峰大智) in 1684, the year when the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple was created. It was published two years later in 1686. In it, Unbong repeatedly mentions the Book of Changes and develops his theory about the human mind and nature by employing elements from the Book of Changes, including non-polarity (無極), supreme ultimate, and yin and yang. He also repeatedly quotes the Yuseokjiruiron (儒釋質疑論, Probing the Doubts and Concerns between Confucianism and Buddhism), a book written in defense of Buddhism by an anonymous author in between the late fifteenth century and the early sixteenth century. For example, Unbong explains trikaya (三身, the three bodies of Buddha) by relating them to elements from the Book of Changes: Non-polarity is dharmakaya (法身, body of essence), yin-yang is sambhogakaya (報身, body of enjoyment), and the intermingling and interactions of inner energy and pulse is nirmanakaya (化身, body of transformation). He adds that nirmanakaya, particularly, has the nature of numbers (數) and combines twenty-four fortnight periods, nine palaces (九宮), and five phases (五行). The original text of Yuseokjiruiron mentions the twenty-four fortnight periods, the five phases, and the directions of the eight trigrams as the equivalent of nirmanakaya and features the complex Nine Palaces Diagram that combines them all (Fig. 15). One form of the theory on directions of the eight trigrams, this Nine Palaces Diagram is a mixture of yin-yang and the eight trigrams. Fig. 15. Nine Palaces, Five Phases, and Eight Trigrams from Yuseokjiruiron (Probing the Doubts and Concerns between Confucianism and Buddhism), vol. II *reversed However, Unbong’s theory is difficult to accept from the perspective of orthodox Buddhism. His theory gives the impression that he was working hard to cobble together Buddhist doctrine and changes studies from the Book of Changes. Despite this, discussion about the incorporation of the Book of Changes continued within Buddhist circles during the Joseon Dynasty. In this religious and scholarly atmosphere, the directional system of eight trigrams from the Book of Changes appears to have been accepted by the Buddhist community as common knowledge, particularly in the late Joseon Dynasty. Monk sculptors like Daneung are presumed to have embraced this knowledge system and applied it to their work. During the Joseon Dynasty, people were able to acquire knowledge about the directional system of eight trigrams through various routes other than by reading the Book of Changes. As a case in point, Sancai tuhui (三才圖會, Illustrated Compendium of the Three Fields of Knowledge) compiled in China by Wang Qi (王圻) in 1609 (during the Ming Dynasty [明]) contains a number of explanatory diagrams related to the Book of Changes, including a diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams discussed above. There is a strong possibility that monk artisans in seventeenth-century Korea were introduced to these visual materials that were circulating in Joseon society, became familiar with the directional system of the eight trigrams, and applied it to their work. 2. The Twelve Sosikgwae (消息卦, Waning and Waxing Hexagrams) and Time Perspective In this section of the paper, I will explain the meaning of the twelve among the sixty-four hexagrams (daeseonggwae) engraved on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple (Fig. 16). These twelve hexagrams, three on each of the four edges of the frame are jungjigon (or gonwiji) (䷁), sanjibak (䷖), and pungjigwan (䷓) from left to right on the top edge; cheonjibi (䷋), noecheondaejang (䷡), and taekcheonkwae (䷪) from top to bottom on the right edge; jungcheongeon (or geonwicheon) (䷀), cheonpunggu (䷫), and cheonsandun (䷠) from right to left on the bottom edge; and cheonjibi (䷋), jitaeklim (䷒), and jiroebok (䷗) from bottom to top on the left edge. Fig. 16. The placement of twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple These twelve hexagrams can be compared to another set of twelve hexagrams engraved on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple in Mungyeong, which is presumed to have been produced by Daneung in 1675 (Fig. 17). These hexagrams are intended to show twelve sosikgwae (消息卦, waning and waxing hexagrams) that represent changes in the appearance of the moon. Fig. 17. The placement of twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple The twelve sosikgwae are also called the twelve byeokgwae (辟卦). They are not an invention from the Zhou Dynasty Book of Changes, but were created in the Western Han (西漢) Dynasty around the first century BCE. The principle purpose of the twelve sosikgwae is to explain the flow of time and of the seasons through consecutive changes in the hexagrams followed by extinction and growth of yin and yang. Later on, the twelve sosikgwae were widely used to explain the mathematical theory found in the studies of changes (易學). The figures of these twelve sosikgwae hexagrams are formed as follows (Fig. 18). Jiroebok (䷗) signals the activation of the yang cosmic force with the addition of a straight yang line (—) at the bottom and corresponds to the eleventh lunar month. Jitaeklim (䷒) corresponds to the twelfth lunar month and has two bottom straight yang lines, while jicheontae (䷊) denotes the first lunar month and has three bottom straight yang lines. These three hexagrams make up winter. The yang cosmic force gradually increases as the straight yang lines compile one by one. Continuing in this manner, noecheondaejang (䷡) signifies the second lunar month, and taekcheonkwae (䷪) represents the third month. Jungcheongeon (䷀) denotes the fourth lunar month and consists of six straight yang lines, so it is brimming with yang cosmic force. These three hexagons make up spring. Starting from cheonpunggu (䷫), corresponding to the fifth lunar month, the yin cosmic force begins to increase with a pair of broken yin lines (‒ ‒) replacing a straight yang line from the bottom to the top. Cheonpunggu, which has two broken lines, cheonsandun (䷠), denoting the sixth lunar month with four broken lines, and cheonjibi (䷋), signifying the seventh lunar month with six broken lines, together make up summer. A pair of broken yin lines continues to be added to form pungjigwan (䷓), meaning the eighth lunar month, sanjibak (䷖), indicating the ninth lunar month, and jungjigon (䷁), which is full of yin cosmic force and represents the tenth lunar month. These three hexagons form autumn. These twelve hexagrams corresponding to the twelve months constantly circulate in a clockwise direction. Fig. 18. Diagram of the Principle of the Twelve Sosikgwae (or Byeokgwae) In Korea, the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams were included in Yeokhak doseol (易學圖說, Illustrated Explanation of Changes Studies) by Jang Hyeongwang (張顯光, 1554–1637), a Neo-Confucian scholar of the mid- and late Joseon Dynasty (Fig. 19). This book is significant in that it provides a comprehensive sourcebook containing all of the diagrams related to the Book of Changes up to that point. It was completed in 1608 and published in 1645. The distribution of this book appears to have resulted in the spread of the diagrams related to the Book of Changes in Joseon society. Fig. 19. Diagram of the Twelve Byeokgwae. Yeokhak doseol (Illustrated Explanation of Changes Studies) by Jang Hyeongwang Figure 20 shows a rearrangement of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams in a rectangular frame for comparison with the twelve hexagrams engraved in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpieces at Yongmunsa and Daeseungsa Temples. Most of the hexagrams in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa, are set similarly to the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, but there are differences as well (Fig. 17). For example, at the starting point in the middle of the upper frame, salloei (䷚) is carved instead of jiroebok (䷗) (denoting the eleventh lunar month). In a clockwise direction, the next hexagram carved in the Daeseungsa altarpiece is pungtaekjungbu (䷼) rather than jitaeklim (䷒) (signifying the twelfth lunar month). After the next one, noesansogwa (䷽) is carved instead of noecheondaejang (䷡) (corresponding to the second lunar month). Thus, the hexagrams on this altarpiece are inconsistent. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple presumably made by Daneung in 1675 is believed to have originally been intended to express the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, but errors in their arrangement seem to have occurred. Fig. 20. Twelve sosikgwae rearranged in a rectangular form Interestingly, Daneung engraved hexagrams similar to the twelve sosikgwae on the railings above the pedestals of the first and seventh Buddha among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas from 1681 at Magoksa Temple. The rear railings for the first Buddha (Fig. 21) have been lost, but the four front sides still bear hexagons indicating noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month), jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month), cheonsandun (䷠) (the sixth lunar month), and cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) from the right in a clockwise direction. This arrangement of hexagons reveals an imperfection in terms of temporal continuity, as demonstrated by the lack of taekcheonkwae (䷪) (the third lunar month)and cheonpunggu (the fifth lunar month). On the other hand, the railings of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha (Fig. 22) show a temporal flow starting from jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month) on the far-right of the full-front side to cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in a clockwise direction. Moreover, another group of hexagrams are presented following the flow of time from pungjigwan (䷓) (the eighth lunar month) on the right-rear side to jitaeklim (䷒) (the twelfth lunar month) on the left-middle side in a counterclockwise direction. Despite some consistency, the seventh Buddha at Magoksa fails to describe the twelve sosikgwae accurately since jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month), cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month), and noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month) are engraved on the three remaining sides of its railings in a disorderly manner. Fig. 21. The placement of hexagrams on the pedestal of the First Buddha (Vipassi) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple Fig. 22. The placement of hexagrams on the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple The hexagrams on the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple, which was produced three years after the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple, are arranged similarly to those in the seventh Buddha among the Magoksa Seven Buddhas, but with a greater degree of accuracy (Fig. 23). The hexagrams on the Yongmunsa altarpiece can largely be divided into two flows. One of them consists of six hexagrams representing the cycle of months from the second lunar month through the seventh lunar month. They start with noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month) in the middle of the right edge of the frame, progress clockwise, and end with cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in the lower section of the left edge of the frame. The other flow also has six hexagrams. These show the advance of the months from the seventh through the twelfth in a counterclockwise direction starting from cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in the upper section of the left edge of the frame and ending with jitaeklim (䷒) (the twelfth lunar month) in the middle of the left edge of the frame. This arrangement does not perfectly match that of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams. Nevertheless, compared to the placement of hexagrams on the pedestal railings for the Buddhas at Magoksa Temple, it is closer to the original version and more logical. Therefore, this arrangement was possibly intended from the outset of the production of the Yongmunsa altarpiece. Fig. 23. Diagram of the two flows of the twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple It is noteworthy that cheonjibi (䷋) (corresponding to the seventh lunar month) appears twice. This twofold composition indicates that one cycle of months ends in the seventh lunar month and the other begins in the same month. The person who designed this placement of the twelve hexagrams appears to have considered the seventh lunar month to be a critical junction for something or attributed some special meaning to it. While the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is presumed to have consulted the preexisting twelve sosikgwae, it constructed its own timeframe by transforming them from a Buddhist perspective. Neo-Confucianism became the ruling ideology of the state during the Joseon Dynasty and Buddhism was deemphasized. In response to this shift in the dominant ideology, Buddhist circles emphasized how Buddhism also conformed to the concepts of loyalty and filial piety and made contributions to society. Ideologically, they pursued coexistence with Confucianism by asserting a harmony or accord between the two thought systems. In order to secure a foundation for the continued existence of Buddhism, even if under a disadvantages monks argued for the connection between Confucianism and Buddhism. They also studied Neo-Confucian thinking and were open to related knowledge. They took great interest in the Book of Changes since it explicates not an absolute truth, but an endless process of change. Monks at the time appear to have felt familiar with this concept from the Book of Changes since it was similar to the teaching of impermanence (無常, K. musang) in Buddhism. Late Joseon monks quoted the Book of Changes as a metaphorical subject to justify the production of Buddhist images. As a case in point, Baekam Seongchong (栢庵性聰, 1631–1700) explained in his writing a reason for making an image (像) of Buddha by alluding to the teachings in the Book of Changes, as follows: “I have heard that the teachings of the Book of Changes lie in creating images (像) at all costs and grasping their meanings, and that the profound meanings of the Book of Changes lie in forgetting images at all costs and brightening minds. Since meaning cannot be grasped without creating images and minds cannot be brightened without forgetting images, nothing goes in except by images and nothing can be gained by not forgetting them. This is in line with the enshrinement of Buddhist sculptures in our Buddhism.” (Emphasis by the Author) Baekam Seongchong took the theory from the Book of Changes that after creating images and symbolic signs and grasping their meanings, one should forget the images (得意忘象論) and equated it to the Buddhist theory that one can reach the truth through the production of Buddhist images (造像方便論). In the studies of changes, “images” (象), that is, hexagram images, were considered to be convenient signs indicating the operating principle of the world. Thus, hexagrams themselves were not taken as the ultimate goals. In a similar vein, “images” (象) in Buddhism, that is, images of the Buddha, were not a true form of the Buddha, but served as a means to better understand his true form since they resembled the deity. In this way, the production of Buddhist images could be justified. Joseon-era monks advocated the parallel logic that both the images in the Book of Changes and those in Buddhism served as a medium for approaching an ultimate truth. By doing so, they strove to assign a religious authority to Buddhism equivalent to that of Confucianism. The creators of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple fully used hexagram images from the Book of Changes due to the utility of their symbolic system. The Buddhist worldview highlights infinitely expanding time and space. Surprisingly, simple and clear symbol systems that easily visualize this worldview are scarce in Buddhist art. In other words, any tradition of presenting temporal and spatial infinity with no beginning or end using intuitive symbols was relatively weak in Buddhism. On the other hand, the Book of Changes had an advantage in that the concept of time and space was visually illustrated through a schematic symbolic system of mathematically well-organized hexagram images. It seems natural that the producers of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple would have been attracted by these functional elements in the Book of Changes. The creators presumably applied a symbolic system to Buddhist art that the people of the time could easily understand. The establishment of a temporal and spatial stage in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple by applying hexagrams from the Book of Changes, a major Confucian scripture, meant that Buddhist circles at the time were actively embracing Confucian elements. It also demonstrated the receptivity and expandability of Buddhist art. However, it is not the case that Buddhist art unilaterally welcomed external elements. It is important to note that Buddhist art added its own alternations to these external elements, based on Buddhist perspectives. It is unknown, however, whether leading monks, like Soyeong Singyeong, who supervised the production of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa, intended this acceptance and alternations or if the monk sculptor Daneung, who applied diverse iterations of hexagram images from the Book of Change in several Buddhist projects over the course of a decade, did so. Nonetheless, I propose considering all these as possible, taking into account the importance of the roles of monk sculptors in the production of Buddhist sculptures. Conclusion In this paper, I have explored the monk sculptor Daneung and the symbolism found in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. Daneung was a remarkable monk artisan who actively engaged in producing Buddhist sculptures across several regions for over fifty years from the mid-seventeenth century through the early eighteenth century. The 1680s were his most prolific period and are considered his heyday. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple that has been discussed in this paper was created in the 1680s and is considered a prime example of late Joseon Buddhist art marked by artistic creativity and a high level of accomplishment. Of note in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are its various symbolic elements. First, Buddhist symbolic elements are divided largely into Pure Land Buddhist and Seon Buddhist elements. The elements of Pure Land Buddhism are presented literally through the depictions of nine grades of rebirth in the lower section of the altarpiece and through the phrases in a gatha (verse in poetic form) format engraved on the left and right edges of the frame. Similar depictions of the nine grades of rebirth can be observed in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Gyeongguksa Temple created by Daneung in 1684 and another work of his from 1689, the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Seonseoksa Temple in Seongju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. These examples suggest characteristics of Daneung’s expressive modes for Pure Land faith and his religious inclinations. Regarding the elements from Seon Buddhism, the word “myeongsim” (明心) carved in the center of the bottom edge of the frame is highly emblematic. This term epitomizes the gist of Seon Buddhism that finding the Buddha nature (佛性) inherent in one’s own mind is enlightenment. When creating the pedestal of the seventh Buddha among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple in 1681, Daneung provided his views on the Buddhist practices valued by Seon Buddhism by engraving phrases of Seon practices that the National Preceptor Bojo Jinul had coined, including “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門), meaning sudden enlightenment (dono) and gradual cultivation (jeomsu), and “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治), referring to the joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom (jeonghyessangsu). The word “myeongsim” in the Yongmunsa altarpiece can be understood in this context. The religious and ideological background underlying the inclusion of elements of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism in the Yongmunsa altarpiece was based on seonjeong ilchiron (禪淨一致論, a theory on the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism). Under the influence of this theory, many monks in the late Joseon Dynasty engaged in the Seon meditation yeombulseon (念佛禪) practice of reciting the Buddha’s name. Internalizing this trend in faith and practice, the creators of the Yongmunsa altarpiece naturally infused elements of both Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism into the work. Another distinctive feature of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is the engraved hexagram images (卦象) from the Book of Changes, which was a thinking system from ancient China and a primary scripture of Confucianism. The borders of the mandorla of the main Buddha in the Yongmunsa altarpiece are marked with spatial directions using the eight trigrams from the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams established by Neo-Confucianists. In combination with the taegeuk, the eight trigrams indicated that the Buddha and dharma are settled at the center of the cosmic order and principles. The frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is engraved with twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams in order to display a perspective on time. Here, the twelve sosikgwae (消息卦) symbolizing the passage and circulation of time based on changes in hexagrams according to the waning and expansion of yin and yang cosmic forces is applied. Daneung made similar attempts to carve the twelve sosikgwae into the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple in Mungyeong from 1675 and the pedestals of the first and seventh Buddhas from the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple from 1681. However, these two earlier works are partially in error or show imperfect compositions. Applying the principle of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, the Yongmunsa altarpiece displays a more perfect manifestation of a time system. The use of hexagram images from the Book of Changes in Joseon-era Buddhist art carries historical significance. With Neo-Confucianism adopted as the dominant ideology of the state during the Joseon Dynasty, monks promoted a harmony and accord between Confucianism and Buddhism as a response to the policy of suppressing Buddhism. They also sought breakthroughs by studying Confucian learning, including the Book of Changes, and communicating with other religious groups. Joseon-era monks strove to obtain religious authority equivalent to that of Confucianism by drawing upon a theory on images from the Book of Changes in order to justify the production of Buddhist images. Moreover, they adopted hexagrams from the Book of Changes that described in simple terms the concept of infinite time and space as a schematized symbolic system for Buddhist art. Such endeavors demonstrate the open nature and expandability of Buddhist art. However, Buddhist art did not embrace external elements unconditionally. It added its own iterations reflecting Buddhist concepts, as shown in the case of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple that transfigured the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams. With the roles of producers like the monk sculptor Daneung taken into account, determining the main agent for the absorption and transfiguration of external elements into Joseon-era Buddhism remains open to many possibilities.

The Gilt-bronze Standing Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva (Figs. 1-1 through 1-3), National Treasure No. 293, was excavated along with another gilt-bronze sculpture of a standing bodhisattva in 1907 from Gyuam-ri, Gyuam-myeon, Buyeo-gun, Chungcheongnam-do Province. This sculpture presumably was put up for sale by the Japanese military police, passed through many hands, and came to be owned by a Japanese man named Niwase Hiroaki (庭瀬博章) or Niwase Nobuyuki (庭瀬信行), who was active in Joseon during the period of Japanese colonial rule. After Korea’s liberation, the sculpture entered the collection of the National Museum. Currently, it is displayed at the permanent exhibition hall in the Buyeo National Museum. The sculpture is 21.1 centimeters high, 7.5 centimeters wide, and weighs 860 grams. Since there is a representation of a transformed Buddha within the crown on his head, the main statue standing atop of a round lotus pedestal appears to have been produced as Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. The inside of the pedestal is hollowed out, while the parts where the pedestal and the statue are connected are plugged. This indicates the statue section is filled with cast metal. The thickness of the pedestal measures 2.8 millimeters at the thinnest and 7.3 millimeters at the thickest, but overall, it is very thin. There is even a hole in one of the thinner sections. The other gilt-bronze sculpture of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva (Fig. 2), excavated along with the first one mentioned above, is known to have been purchased and owned by a Japanese man named Ichida Jirō (市田次郞), who lived in Daegu during the Japanese colonial era. Before Korea’s liberation, Ichida brought it with him to Japan. Afterwards, its whereabouts were unknown. However, the media revealed recently that the sculpture is in the possession of another Japanese person, which drew considerable attention. A comparison between these two gilt-bronze bodhisattva sculptures shows that the sculpture in Japan features a more natural facial expression, drapery, and posture than the one in possession of the Buyeo National Museum. Moreover, they differ in the connecting method of the figure to the pedestal. The main statue and pedestal of the Buyeo sculpture were cast at one time as a single unit, whereas in the case of the other sculpture, the pedestal was cast separately and attached to the figure later. Thus, despite the same excavation location, taking into account the clear differences in the natural depiction and the casting method used to connect the figure to the pedestal, these two gilt-bronze bodhisattva sculptures appear to have been produced at different times. In other words, these two sculptures are not contemporaneous. Considering the realistic body depiction, naturally flowing drapery folds, and sophisticated ornaments of the sculpture in Japan, the sculpture at at the Buyeo National Museum was likely produced earlier than the former. Further scientific research on the sculpture in Japan would enrich a comparative study with the Buyeo sculpture. Fig. 1-1. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (front) Fig. 1-2. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (back) Fig. 1-3. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (detail) Fig. 2. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva in Japan This paper intends to explore the structure, casting method, material components, and surface treatment method of the Giltbronze Standing Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva excavated from Gyuam-ri, Buyeo, and currently housed at the Buyeo National Museum (hereafter, Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva) by examining it under a microscope and through nondestructive analysis and X-ray radiation. Survey Methods The form of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was examined at a magnification of 7.8 through an optical microscope (Leica M205A, Germany). The components of the statue’s base bronze and plating layer were analyzed using a portable µXRF spectrometer (ArtTAX, Germany) under the settings of voltage 50kV, current 600µA, and time 120s. The inner structure of the sculpture was inspected through hard X-ray equipment (Smart EVO 300DS) under the settings of voltage 210kV, current 3mA, and time 40s. Survey Results Examination of Form The Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva stands straight on top of a lotus pedestal, holding a small bead with his right thumb and index finger and holding up his long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth with his left thumb and index finger. He wears a three-sided crown with an image of a transformed Buddha on the front side (Fig. 3-1). This suggests that the sculpture might have been produced and worshipped as a manifestation of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. Below both sides of the crown, strands of hair tucked behind the ears fall over the shoulders. The sculpture has a round face (Fig. 3-2), which is large in relation to the body. The eyebrows form gentle arches and continue to the ridge of the nose. The upper eyelids look almost straight towards the corners of the eyes, while the lower eyelids form crescent-shaped lines and meet the upper eyelids at the corners of the eyes. The ridge of the nose is straight, and the nostrils are not depicted. The philtrum is deeply indented. The upper lip is thin and forms a gentle curve, while the lower lip is plump. The lips are tightly pressed, and the corners of the mouth appear to be slightly lifted, giving the impression that the Bodhisattva is giving a gentle smile. The ears are small in relation to the large face. The short and thick neck has three horizontal grooves (Fig. 3-3). Behind the head, a peg for placing a mandorla still remains (Fig. 3-4). Fig. 3-1. Transformed Buddha on the front side of the three-sided crown Fig. 3-2. Face Fig. 3-3. Neck and chest Fig. 3-4. Peg for placing a mandorla on the back Fig. 3-5. Right shoulder Fig. 3-6. Left shoulder The whole body is portrayed without a sense of proportion. The shoulders are narrow, but the arms are thick (Figs. 3-5 and 3-6). The right arm is folded almost to 180 degrees, and the right palm is facing forward (Fig. 3-7). The Bodhisattva is holding a small bead with his right thumb and index finger, while stretching out the rest of his three fingers which are stuck together. The left arm is naturally lowered down, with the wrist folded upwards almost at a right angle, and the palm facing downwards (Fig. 3-8). The deity is lifting a long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth with his left thumb and index finger. The yeongnak (瓔珞, strings threaded with large beads) is draped in the shape of an “X” over the front and back of the body, adding decorativeness to the sculpture (Fig. 3-9). The long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth is naturally flowing down from the shoulders on both sides of the body. The necklaces, bracelets, and drapery folds are expressed with shallow lines. The skirt falls down to the tops of the feet, and creases of the skirt are depicted with fine lines over the legs (Fig. 3-10). The left foot sticks out slightly forward (Fig. 3-11). The pedestal is carved with a lotus blossom with eight petals, each of which is divided into two lobes (Fig. 3-12). The petals vary in size. The ones on the back are rather roughly formed. Although this Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was buried and then excavated, the gilding remains rather intact, particularly on the backside. The statue’s round face and slightly pulled-in corners of the mouth are indicative of tender and gentle expressions in Buddhist sculptures from the Baekje Kingdom. Rust and peeled-off gilding around the eyes make the Bodhisattva look as if he is gently closing his eyes. Such an impression of the Giltbronze Standing Bodhisattva in harmony with gentleness creates an atmosphere of calmness, as if he is giving a soft smile. Despite simple depictions of necklaces and bracelets, this sculpture holds a strong decorative quality owing to yeongnak decorations draped over the front and back of the body which is one of its main characteristics. The distinctive features of this sculpture, which is thought to have been produced in the Baekje Kingdom, include: a high crown, decorations with a pointed center over the neck, and a gentle smile (made by the pulled-in corners of the mouth). This Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva sculpted to be viewed from all angles reflects a more advanced aesthetic sense than that of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva from the temple site in Gunsu-ri, Buyeo (Figs. 4) which only was carved on the front. Moreover, it shows a soft and gentle smile on his round face and has a pedestal adorned with multiple petals of a lotus flower. Given all these aspects, the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva is presumed to have been produced after the seventh century CE in the Baekje Kingdom. Fig. 3-7. Right hand Fig. 3-8. Left hand Fig. 3-9. Yeongnak decoration on the waist Fig. 3-10. Legs Fig. 3-11. Upper part of the pedestal and feet Fig. 3-12. Lotus flower petal on the pedestal Figs. 4-1 and 4-2. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva excavated from the temple site in Gunsu-ri, Buyeo (1. Front, 2. Back) Because the small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures were more easily portable and replicable compared to middle- and large-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, their excavation sites, production sites, and authenticity are always in question. The exact location where this Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was unearthed is unknown, but it is believed to have been found in Gyuam-ri, Gyuam-myeon, Buyeo-gun. In Gyuam-ri, Buddhist ruins from the Baekje Kingdom, including Wangheungsa Temple (王興寺), still remain. Verification of the exact excavation location of this Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva will help to further develop studies related to the Buddhist ruins of Baekje. Figs. 5-1 and 5-2. Inner side of the pedestal (1. Traces of spacers, 2. Trace of the sprue for pouring molten metal) Fig. 6. X-ray image of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva Fig. 7. X-ray image of the Buddha Plaque excavated from Wolji Pond Casting Method The pedestal of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva from Gyuam-ri is hollow inside (Figs. 5-1 and 5-2), and the traces of spacers or chaplets used to fix the internal core to the outer casting mold can be identified. There is also a trace of a sprue that the molten metal was poured through. These marks indicate that the molten metal might have been poured into the opening on the bottom of the sculpture’s pedestal while it was turned upside down so that it could flow into the head. This casting method is similar to the method commonly observed in ancient small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. X-ray analysis of the inner structure has identified bubbles which formed inside the arms and the pedestal during the bronze casting, yet were invisible to the naked eye (Fig. 6). These bubbles are thought to have failed to burst when the hot molten bronze was poured and have become solid instead. The Buddha Plaque unearthed from Wolji Pond in Gyeongju (Fig. 7) is a similar example of such a case. The bubbles are not visible on the surface of the plaque either, but the X-ray shows that they formed inside. Using X-ray analysis on the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva, cracks in both the thumbs and index fingers have been confirmed. The use of spacers, the verification of a sprue for casting, and bubbles inside the sculpture attest that the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was created using a lost-wax casting technique that was often employed to produce ancient small and mid-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. This casting technique involves sculpting a layer of wax applied over an inner core of clay, covering the wax sculpture with the clay, adding heat to remove the wax, and pouring molten metal into the space where the wax was previously in place. Component Analysis The metallurgic composition of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva is of copper (Cu), tin (Sn), and lead (Pb). The average composition amount, taken from three different tests, comes out to 82.6% copper, 14.1% tin, and 3.4% lead (Table 1). The inclusion of lead in the bronze artifacts often caused defects like the separation of the metal. Nevertheless, lead was often added intentionally to this type of sculpture to lower the melting temperature, facilitate the smooth flow of molten metal, and eventually form a distinct shape with well-defined decorations. Based on the previous compositional analyses of the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, a blend of copper, tin, and lead, along with that of copper and tin, or copper and lead, is often found in the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in the sixth and seventh centuries CE during the Three Kingdoms period. Several small, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures show similar proportions for their bronze alloy. According to the component analysis of the base metal layers of the gilt-bronze Buddha sculptures at the Gyeongju National Museum (Figs. 9–12), Silla gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in the seventh century CE—when the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was created—also contain 4–7% of lead (Table 2). The small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in and after the eighth century CE during the Unified Silla period, however, contain almost no lead. They were made from an alloy of copper and tin or made of pure copper. This indicates that by the eighth century CE, owing to the development of better reforging techniques, sculptures were produced at higher temperatures using high-purity bronze. Figs. 8-1 and 8-2. Analysis locations of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (1. Front, 2. Back) Table 1. Components of the Base Metal of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva Analysis Number Analysis Location Components (wt.%) Note Cu Sn Pb Au Hg Fe M335_1 Base metal (front) 81.08 15.29 3.41 - - 0.17 M335_2 Base metal (back) 84.38 12.96 2.5 - - 0.08 M335_3 81.72 13.87 4.21 - - 0.14 Table 2. Gilt-bronze Buddhist Sculptures and Their Components Analysis Number Object Title Components (wt.%) Period Note Cu Sn Pb Au Hg Fe duk 2223 Gilt-bronze Buddha Triad with a Large Mandorla 79.85 12.55 7.5 - - 0.06 Second half of the 6th c. Base metal ssu 484 Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha 78.47 16.55 4.78 - - 0.11 First half of the 7th c. kyo 373 Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha 92.14 7.67 0.07 - - 0.07 8th c. duk 4052 Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha 95.21 4.09 0.51 - - 0.11 9th c. duk 4685 Gilt-bronze Standing Vairocana Buddha 38.65 11.5 38.43 8.97 1.38 0.79 End of the 9th c. Gilding layer Fig. 9. Gilt-bronze Buddha Triad with a Large Mandorla Fig. 10. Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha Fig. 11. Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha Fig. 12. Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha Gold (Au) and mercury (Hg) were detected in the gilding layer, indicating that the method for plating the surface of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was a mercury amalgamation technique. This technique was mainly used when gilding ancient metalware, including gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. Whether or not the gilding layer of a gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture contains mercury serves as a critical clue for guessing which plating technique was applied. The gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods were commonly gilded using a mercury amalgamation technique, where gold was melted and amalgamated into mercury. This mixture is then applied to the surfaces of a sculpture, and—by heating the surfaces—only the mercury is evaporated. Other plating techniques include the application of gold leaf using mercury as an adhesive and heating it, as well as a hand application of thin gold leaf to an adhesive layer of organic materials, like lacquer varnish or glue, over the base metal. The former technique was employed in the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures from the Unified Silla period. Both gold and mercury (Table 2) were found during the component analysis of the Gilt-bronze Standing Vairocana Buddha in the National Museum of Korea (Figs. 13). The rear side of the sculpture exhibits square gold leaves attached to the surface. This statue serves as a reference for the study of surface treatment techniques used in Buddhist sculptures. Table 3. Components of the Gilding Layer of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva Analysis Number Analysis Location Components (wt.%) Note Cu Sn Pb Au Hg Fe M335_4 Gilding layer(front) 52.77 28.85 1.18 14.52 0.83 1.51 M335_5 21.97 20.94 1.36 45.15 8.98 0.93 M335_6 1.66 15.21 0.16 69.33 12.81 0.06 M335_7 28.42 13.01 1.41 45.87 9.62 1.24 M335_8 30.77 48.38 1.25 17.06 1.36 0.74 M335_9 14.85 24.44 0.62 50.82 8.37 0.43 M335_10 25.39 12.44 0.83 51.15 8.63 1.12 M335_11 3.01 13.31 0.33 71.16 11.34 0.24 M335_12 20.09 35.46 1.19 36.57 5.6 0.61 M335_13 19.65 52.6 2.36 22.07 2.66 0.14 M335_14 4.46 12.56 0.3 71.74 10.34 0.08 M335_15 42.69 37.43 1.49 14.19 2.29 1.55 M335_16 14.17 44.35 1.59 33.9 5.45 0.1 M335_17 Gilding layer (back) 9.36 27.84 0.45 53.59 8.18 0.08 M335_18 2.24 28.67 0.29 58.78 9.25 0.04 M335_19 2.5 16.24 0.35 70.46 9.87 0.04 M335_20 0.79 10.88 0.36 76.4 11.1 0.05 M335_21 5.29 37 0.34 47.17 9.46 0.07 Figs. 13-1 and 13-2. Gilt-bronze Standing Vairocana Buddha (1. Front, 2. Rear-side) Conclusion This paper aims to analyze the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva crafted in the Baekje Kingdom in the seventh century CE and excavated from Gyuam-ri in Buyeo to identify its shape, structure, and casting technique. This statue strikes an unusual pose by holding a small bead in its right hand and lifting a long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth with its left hand. The yeongnak draped in an X-shape at the front and back of its body features strong decorativeness. A close examination of the shape of this sculpture has found that it bears characteristics of the Bodhisattva sculptures produced in the Baekje Kingdom, including ornaments such as a three-sided crown and a soft, gentle smile. Accordingly, it is presumed to be an Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva sculpture created in the Baekje Kingdom in or after the seventh century CE, during the Sabi period. Traces of spacers used to affix the interior core to the outer casting mold and those of a sprue for pouring molten metal were found inside the pedestal. Moreover, bubbles formed during casting were observed inside the arms and the pedestal. The use of spacers, the identification of the sprue, and bubbles inside the sculpture all suggest that the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was produced by using a lost-wax casting technique. This method is often used to cast ancient small and mid-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. The base metal of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva consists of a blend of copper, tin, and lead, commonly observed in the sixth- and seventh-century CE gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures of the Three Kingdoms period. The lead appears to have been included intentionally to increase the castability of the bronze and allow for detailed patterns and decorations to be clearly depicted. The alloy composition of copper, tin, and lead is one of the common blends used during the Three Kingdoms period, as demonstrated by the existing analysis results of gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. The small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in and after the eighth century CE during the Unified Silla period, however, were chiefly made of pure copper or an alloy of copper and tin with nearly no lead, indicating that the development of better reforging techniques led to the production of the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures at higher temperatures with high-purity bronze. The detection of mercury in the gilding layer of the surface of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva suggests that the sculpture was gilded using a mercury amalgamation plating technique that dissolved gold in mercury. As shown by the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva, this plating technique was a surface treatment method principally used while crafting giltbronze Buddhist sculptures on the ancient Korean Peninsula.

Gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures are created by first casting a desired image in bronze and then applying a thin coating of gold to the surfaces. Such gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures have been steadily produced across Asia wherever Buddhism flourished since at least the first century CE, including in Central and Southeast Asia, India, China, Korea, and Japan. Research on the materials and production methods of Buddhist sculptures has offered new clues to help resolve questions that cannot be answered by stylistic and iconographic studies alone. In particular, scientific analysis has provided additional information on the materials and production methods of these Buddhist sculptures. Among ancient sculptural images, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures provide notable examples suitable for scientific research. Stylistic analysis performed with the naked eye in combination with information on materials and production methods gathered through scientific inspection allows a more accurate understanding and more objective interpretation of the temporal and spatial characteristics of Buddhist sculpture (Min Byoungchan 2015, 284–286). In a broad sense, gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures have been produced using the same methods as gilt-bronze sculptures of Buddhas. Unlike standing or seated Buddhist images, however, gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures must have required more complex and elaborate techniques because of their unusual meditation pose (半跏思惟, banga sayu) with one leg resting horizontally across the other knee and the fingers resting against the cheek. This paper aims to examine the production techniques of two Pensive Bodhisattva images, respectively designated as National Treasure No. 78 and No. 83, that are considered finest examples of ancient Korean gilt-bronze Buddhist Sculpture. To this end, the paper first offers a general introduction of the production methods and materials common to ancient gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures and then analyzes the casting techniques of these two National Treasures. The objectivity of the analysis and understanding of the fundamental features of the sculptures have been improved by examining them not only with the naked eye but also with contemporary non-destructive inspection such as X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) analysis, γ-ray radiography for identifying the structures in the interior, and 3D scanning. Casting Techniques for Gilt-bronze Buddhist Sculptures Gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures created by gilding the surfaces of images cast in bronze are presumed to have been produced ever since Buddhist images were first created in India. The oldest existing gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture is in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (Fig. 1). Created in the first or second century CE, it is known to be excavated from a region in today’s Afghanistan. As Buddhism spread eastward, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures were introduced to Central and Southeast Asia, China, Korea, and Japan. Soon, these areas began to produce their own gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. Depending on the region and time of production, the casting and gilding techniques and the components and proportions of the copper alloy differ. Thus, the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture is considered one of the most important topics in the study of ancient Buddhist sculpture. Fig. 1. Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha. Gandhara, 1st–2nd century. H. 16.8 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Two primary techniques were used to cast bronze in ancient times: 1. Piece-mold casting (分割鑄造法), which originated in China and was used mostly in East Asia; and 2. Lost-wax casting (蜜蠟鑄造法 or 失蠟法), which originated on the Anatolian Plateau of Turkey or in the Middle East and spread throughout North Africa, Europe, and Asia. Piece-mold Casting When using the piece-mold casting technique, an original image is fashioned from clay. A release agent is applied to the image, and it is coated with an additional layer of clay. Once dried, the outer layer of clay is cut away. The surface of the original clay model is then evenly shaved away, and the cut outer sections are reassembled around it. The clay model becomes the inner core (內型土 or 中子), while the overlaid sections become the outer casting molds (外型土 or 鎔范). Spacers or chaplets (型持) are inserted between the core and the outer mold to maintain an even gap into which molten bronze is poured. Once the bronze cools, the clay molds can be removed, and the surface of the image can be plated with gold (Drawing 1). Drawing 1. Piece-mold Casting (Based on Strahan 2010, 141, Fig. 8) Piece-mold casting is often used to create sculptures with simple structures since the outer molds have to be removed from the original model.1 After a sculpture is cast, any metal that has seeped into the gaps between the outer mold sections creates protruding fins. In the case of gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, these burrs can be ground away or covered with gold. Those on iron sculptures are often left intact due to the nature of iron. Spacers used for maintaining the gap between the core and the outer molds, such as copper or iron plates with nails or small clay core extensions deliberately left when shaving down the original model, often leave traces in a finished gilt-bronze or iron piece which are easily identifiable with the naked eye. Piece-mold casting began in China and was already in use from the Shang Dynasty (1600–1046 BCE). Most bronze vessels from the Shang Dynasty through the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE) were created using this technique (Cowell, Niece, and Rawson 2003, 80). When Buddhism was introduced to China around the fourth century CE, and the full-scale production of Buddhist images began, piece-mold casting was heavily employed to create early gilt-bronze Buddhist images. For example, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures in an archaic style, making the dhyana mudra (禪定印, meditation mudra) (Fig. 2), were mainly produced using this technique (Cowell, Niece, and Rawson 2003, 80). Following the subsequent introduction of lost-wax casting, piece-mold casting is presumed to have continued to be applied in the production of large Buddhist sculptures. In particular, massive iron Buddhist sculptures began to be made using this method, starting in the sixth century (Sato Akio 1981, 100). This method was used continuously for cast iron objects and colossal gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures until the Qing Dynasty (1616–1912). Fig. 2. Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha. China, 3rd–4th century. H. 32.0 cm. Harvard Art Museums It is unknown precisely when piece-mold casting was introduced to the Korean Peninsula. However, two-part molds (合范), early versions of piece-mold casting, emerged there in the mid-Bronze Age (800–300 BCE), so it appears that piece-mold casting in its mature form was introduced in the late Bronze Age at the latest. With the advent of Buddhism, the technique was used from the beginning of the production of gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures in Korea. As a case in point, a Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha produced around the fifth century was unearthed from Ttukseom in Seoul (Fig. 3). However, this sculpture was made using a two-part mold without a core inside rather than the full piece-mold casting technique with a core and multiple outer mold pieces. Differing from the archaic-style Chinese gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures with hollow interiors, this example with an interior of solid bronze signals the emergence of characteristic gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures on the Korean Peninsula (Fig. 4). The eventual introduction of lost-wax casting resulted in a reduction in the frequency of the use of piece-mold casting for small and mid-size gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, but it continued to be used for casting large Buddhist images. The Gyeongju National Museum’s Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha (Fig. 5) from the Unified Silla (676–935) is a larger-than-life-size Buddhist sculpture formed using piece-mold casting. Numerous colossal iron Buddhist sculptures made across the peninsula after the eighth century also used this technique. Piece-mold casting continued to be applied to large Buddhist sculptures throughout Goryeo (918–1392) and Joseon (1392–1897). Moreover, it was introduced to Japan and was used in many massive Buddha sculptures, including the Great Buddha at Todaiji Temple (東大寺) in the eighth century during the Nara period (710–794), as well as the Kamakura Great Buddha at Kotokuin Temple (高徳院) and other iron colossal Buddhas during the Kamakura period (1192–1333) (Min Byoungchan 2015, 284–285). Fig. 3. Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha. Excavated from Ttukseom in Seoul. Three Kingdoms Period, 5th century. H. 4.9 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 4. Bottom of Fig. 3 Fig. 5. Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha. Unified Silla, 8th century. H. 179.0 cm. Gyeongju National Museum. National Treasure No. 28 Lost-wax Casting In lost-wax casting, an inner core is coated in wax, and the details of the desired model are sculpted. It is then covered with additional clay to create an outer mold. Iron core pins (釘) are inserted through the wax to immobilize the core and the outer mold, preventing them from adhering. The wax is melted away using heat, and molten bronze is poured into the channels left by the wax. The outer mold is broken away after the liquid bronze cools. The bronze image is taken out and can then be plated with gold (Drawing 2). Drawing 2. Lost-wax Casting Lost-wax casting is conventionally considered more appropriate than piece-mold casting for complex and elaborate bronze sculptures since wax is conducive to being modeled into the desired shape. It is suitable for expressing realistic and natural textures and for producing voluminous three-dimensional sculptural images. Moreover, instead of requiring relatively large copper plates or clay core extensions as spacers, thin iron nails can be used to link the inner core and outer mold, thus leaving minimal marks for removal after casting. In the case of colossal sculptures, however, it could be problematic to obtain the great quantities of wax required from nature. In addition, it is not apparent to the naked eye whether the wax is completely removed from the mold or not, and the removal itself is also quite demanding work. If molten bronze is introduced to a mold where some wax still remains, the process can result in failure. It has yet to be determined exactly when and where the lost-wax casting technique was invented. However, a large number of copper alloy objects produced around 3500 BCE using the technique have been excavated from Ghassulian sites in Nahal Mishmar on the Sinai Peninsula located in between the Mediterranean Sea and the Dead Sea (Moorey 1988, 171–173). These objects are the oldest known examples using the lost-wax casting method. Accordingly, lost-wax casting is presumed to have originated either in the Middle East or on the Anatolian plateau of Turkey, where bronze goods are believed to have been first produced (around 3500 BCE at the latest). The technique was introduced to Egypt around 1500 BCE and later spread across the Greek and Roman spheres via the Mediterranean Sea, making it the prevalent bronze casting method of ancient Europe. While the piece-mold casting technique was developed in China and disseminated only throughout East Asia, lost-wax casting originated in Southwest Asia and spread across the old continents of Asia, Europe, and North Africa. Lost-wax casting reached Afghanistan, Gandara, and the downstream portions of the Indus River Valley no later than the fourth century BCE during Alexander the Great’s expedition into Asia. With the advent of Buddhism around the fourth century, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures using the lost-wax casting technique began to be produced in China. There, traditional piece-mold casting is believed to have been regularly used for large-scale Buddhist sculptures or those with simple forms, and lost-wax casting was reserved for small- and medium-sized and complex Buddhist sculptures. Lost-wax casting had been imported to Korea by the sixth century. During the Three Kingdoms period, most small- and medium-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures were created using this method. These include Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha with Inscription of “Yeongachilnyeon” (延嘉七年, the seventh Yeonga year) produced in 539 and two Gilt-bronze Standing Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva images excavated from Seonsan in Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 6). Along the transmission route of Buddhism, the lost-wax casting was introduced not only to Japan but also to the Southeast Asian Buddhist countries, including Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand, where the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture productions existed. (Min Byoungchan 2015, 285). Fig. 6. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva. Excavated from Seonsan in Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. Three Kingdoms Period, 7th century. H. 33.0 cm. National Museum of Korea. National Treasure No. 183 Lost-wax casting is commonly considered useful for producing complicated and elaborate objects, while piece-mold casting is best for simple or large objects. However, there is no evidence pointing to the use of lost-wax casting among the exquisite bronze objects dating to the fourth and fifth century BCE recently excavated in China, including the zunpan (尊盤, ritual wine vessel) from the Tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (曾侯乙墓) and the jin (禁, ritual altar table) from Xiasi, Xichuan. (Su Rongyu 2003, 31–33). Therefore, it is hard to conclude a sculpture’s casting method—whether it used lost-wax or piece-mold—simply from its size or the complexity of its form. Composition of Bronze and Gilding Methods In a narrow sense, bronze is fundamentally an alloy of copper and tin. However, component analysis of ancient Buddhist sculptures in bronze has revealed that copper-tin-lead alloys were far more frequent than simple copper-tin alloys.2 Many bronze Buddhist sculptures from ancient China also consisted of copper, tin, and lead, and in some cases of only copper and lead. Tin is one of the more suitable metallic elements for casting since it is economical. Moreover, tin can be easily alloyed since its melting point is lower than that of lead. Even after being melted down, tin has greater fluidity than lead alloys. Nevertheless, it is relatively rare and its production is confined to a limited number of areas (Park Junwoo 2012). The inclusion of lead in bronze is presumed to be a result of its use as a substitute for tin in regions where the latter is difficult to obtain. A majority of ancient Korean bronze objects show an alloy composed of copper, tin, and lead similar to that found in ancient Chinese versions. Tin was not produced at all in Korea, and even copper mines were scarce (Ministry of Commerce Industry and Energy and Korea Resources Corporation 2007, 14). Thus, most of the materials required to produce bronze appear to have been imported from China. Japan also had no local sources of tin, but rich copper deposits were available there. Accordingly, large-scale Buddhist sculptures were cast in Japan from early on using indigenously produced copper (Murakami Takashi 2007, 3). Unlike their Chinese or Korean counterparts, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures in ancient Japan were made of bronze that was almost entirely copper, with nearly no tin and lead, or a version composed of copper and around 3% tin or copper with a minute quantity of either arsenic or lead (Hirao Yoshimitsu 1996, 411). The methods for plating the surfaces of Buddhist sculptures with gold include mercury amalgamation, hand application of thin gold leaf to an adhesive layer of lacquer varnish, and application of a golden lacquer in which gold powder has been mixed with glue. Distinguishing between methods can be extremely difficult with the naked eye alone, but composition analysis of the plating layers can be more revealing. Ancient Buddhist sculptures were gilded chiefly using a mercury amalgamation technique, but some were gilded with gold leaf. In mercury amalgamation, a mixture of one part gold dust to five parts mercury is first applied to the surfaces of a sculpture. The mercury is evaporated by heating the surface to over 400 degrees Celsius, but the gold dust remains attached (Kobayashi Yukio 1989, 208). Since mercury amalgamation is more durable than applications of gold leaf or paint, gilding performed using this method typically remains in good condition for longer periods of time. Depending on the region or period, a discernable difference in the golden color can be found based on the proportion of gold dust to mercury, the thickness of the gilding, and the purity of the gold used, all of which reflect temporal and regional characteristics of the gilding (Min Byongchan 2015, 286). Characteristics and Production Methods of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (National Treasure No. 78) Listed as the state-designated cultural property, this Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (Fig. 7) is commonly referred to simply as “National Treasure No. 78” after its designation number. It has elsewhere been referred to as Pensive Bodhisattva with a “Pagoda-shaped Crown” (塔形寶冠) or with a “Triple Mountain-shaped Crown with Sun and Moon Decoration” (日月飾三山冠) due to its uniquely ornamented crown. This sculpture is highly prized along with another similar-sized Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva designated as National Treasure No. 83 (Fig. 13). They are considered two of the most exquisite and representative Buddhist sculptures from the Three Kingdoms period. Other notable medium- and large-sized Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures produced around the same time include Wooden Pensive Bodhisattva, likely made in Silla (57 BCE–935 CE) in the seventh century and currently housed at Kōryūji Temple (広隆寺) in Kyoto, and an Asuka period Wooden Pensive Bodhisattva from the seventh century at Chūgūji Temple (中宮寺) in Nara, Japan. Fig. 7. Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva. Three Kingdoms Period, late 6th century. H. 82.0 cm. National Museum of Korea. National Treasure No. 78 In 1912, the Japanese Government-General of Korea paid the Japanese businessman and antique collector Fuchikami Teisuke (淵上貞助) 4,000 won—estimated nearly as Three billion won in today’s currency, based on the then-and-now price of rice—for National Treasure No. 78 (Hwang Suyeong 1998, 81–83). In 1916, one year after the Government-General of Korea established its museum, the first Governor-General Terauchi Masatake (寺内正毅, 1852–1916) donated to the museum roughly 100 national treasure-level objects held by the colonial government, including Goryeo celadon works and National Treasure No. 78. The precise excavation site of the sculpture is unknown. However, the Korean Buddhist art history pioneer Dr. Hwang Suyeong assumed based on the testimony of Japanese people who were aware of the circulation of Korean antiques during the period that it might have been enshrined at a temple in the northern portion of Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, either in Yeongju or Andong (Hwang Suyeong 1998, 83). Yeongju and Andong were the regions where Buddhism was first introduced in Silla; also found in these areas are the Stone Pensive Bodhisattva sculpture (excavated from Bukji-ri in Yeongju, which is the largest existing pensive bodhisattva), and multiple small gilt-bronze pensive bodhisattva images (Min Byoungchan 2015, 266). National Treasure No. 78 reflects the Buddhist sculptural style of the Eastern Wei Dynasty (534–550) of China in its ornate crown, gentle faint smile, slender body, drapery folds sharply pointing upwards on both arms, and single-petaled lotus footrest. In particular, the elaborate crown is adorned with simplified designs of natural elements, animals, and plants, including the sun, crescent moon, birds’ wings, and foliage. These designs originated in Assyria in Anatolia or the Persian Empire on the Iranian Plateau and were transmitted to China, Korea, and Japan via Central Asia through the active cultural exchanges taking place at the time. They were used to decorate the coronals of rulers, symbolizing supreme authority or a sacred role as an intermediary between the divine and humanity. Adopted into Buddhist art, these designs were used to adorn bodhisattvas’ crowns to indicate the deity’s dignity and nobility. Examination with both the naked eye and using scientific methods such as XRF analysis and γ-ray radiography of the surface and interior of this sculpture unveiled some unusual features connected to the production techniques applied. National Treasure No. 78 shows detailed sculptural expressions in its complex crown, drapery folds facing upwards as if supporting the knee of the right leg, and the skirts of the robe separated from the body of the figure, all of which would be difficult to cast except through the lost-wax casting (Fig. 8). Inside this sculpture are core pins commonly associated with the use of lost-wax casting (Fig. 9). However, this sculpture differs slightly from others made using lost-wax casting in that the patterns on its interior reflect those on the exterior, the curves of the interior and exterior match, and it maintains an overall thin and uniform thickness of about four millimeters in the bronze. Moreover, unlike the thin body, the round edges of the bottommost parts of the lotus-shaped footrest and cylindrical chair are notably thick, measuring over 10 millimeters, and appear unusual, like modeling clay that has been pressed with a spatula (Fig. 10). Fig. 8. Detail of Fig. 7 Fig. 9. Interior and Core Pins of Fig. 7 Fig. 10. Interior of Lotus-shaped Footrest of Fig. 7 γ-ray radiography has also revealed several peculiarities in this sculpture. As a case in point, there are indications of a subsequently affixed semielliptical copper plate of about 20 centimeters in width and 10 centimeters in length between the necklace and the U-shaped drapery on the back (Drawing 3). This copper plate was attached to cover a gap created during casting. However, the quality of the work is so high that the marks are not easily apparent to the eye. Inside the chest portion of the sculpture, a vertical and a horizontal metal core bar intersect in the form of a cross. The vertical core bar reaches up to where the neck is, and there is an additional vertical core bar within the head (Fig. 11). That is to say, two separate metal core bars were used in the body and head. Besides, despite the smooth surface of the sculpture’s collarbone area (Fig. 12), γ-ray radiography revealed thick, horizontal protruding lines on the inside of the base of the neck, which is thought to be burrs created during casting. The two vertical metal core bars indicate that the inner cores for the head and body were sculpted separately and then joined. This caused microcracks between the attached parts of the head and body, and molten bronze flowing into the cracks formed burrs. Drawing 3. Inserted Metal Plates, Additional Casting, and Repairs of Fig. 7 Fig. 11. γ-ray Radiography Image of Fig. 7 Fig. 12. Upper Torso of Fig. 7 According to XRF analysis, the main body of the sculpture is an alloy of copper and tin (approximately 5% tin). However, the copper plate attached on the back and additional repairs on both sides of the sculpture are made of an alloy of copper and lead (approximately 3% lead) with no tin. Moreover, the detached skirts of the robe and some parts of the decorations on the crown were revealed to be alloys of copper and lead (Drawing 4). This suggests multiple—at least two or more—casting processes were carried out. The re-casting with copper-lead alloys and repairs resulted from some casting defects induced by an irregular flow of molten metal during the first casting process and some parts of the skirt where molten metal could not easily reach since they are separated from the main body.3 Drawing 4. Metal Components of Fig. 7 Based on scientific analysis and observation of the interior of National Treasure No. 78, it is highly likely that the sculpture was produced using lost-wax casting. However, it also presents features of piece-mold casting, such as the thin and even walls of the bronze. The modeling method is also unusual compared to the typical process. The inner cores for the head, body, and lotus footrest with the left foot on were separately shaped and wax-coated. These parted wax models were then joined together to form a single, complete wax model for the sculpture. The exact reason for this is unknown. Nevertheless, since already hard-to-handle material wax becomes far more difficult to manage as it gets larger, we suspect that National Treasure No. 78 was produced in separate pieces. This sculpture appears to have been created by shaping an inner core similar in size and form to the desired finished image, applying a thin, even wax layer, and then carving into the surface of wax as desired. The use of a thin wax layer brought out the consistent thickness of the sculpture and the matching internal and external forms, both often found in sculptures using the piece-mold casting. The thin wax layer also led to the flat, nearly volume-less expression of drapery folds and belt decorations. The wax-coated head and left foot with the lotus footrest were sculpted and attached to the main body, and round sculpted wax edges at the bottommost pedestal were also added (Drawing 5). After this basic shape for the sculpture was formed, the wax image was completed by carving detailed designs and drapery that is detached from the main body. It was then meticulously coated with additional clay to form the outer mold and dried. The wax was melted and completely removed through the application of heat. Next, molten bronze was poured into the channels left by the wax. However, the molten bronze failed to penetrate to the center of the back, waist, the upper portion of the rear of the cylindrical chair, the top of the head, and the drapery that is detached from the body, hair, and the endpieces of the crown, resulting in casting defects. These parts were filled in using a molten alloy of high-purity copper and lead, rather than the copper-tin alloy used during the initial casting process. The molten alloy was poured directly into some of the defective parts, while separately cast segments were attached to others. It is hard to know with perfect certainty why alloys composed of different metal elements were utilized for these repairs. However, such alloys were likely used since alloys with a high percentage of copper allow easier repairs. Furthermore, it is possible that the lead detected was used for soldering rather than alloying. Even though the relatively thin-walled design of the sculpture compared to its size did not allow the molten bronze to flow smoothly, the defective parts were perfectly repaired using advanced soldering techniques and the properties inherent in the metal. Accordingly, a well-made sculpture was created with the repairs indistinguishable to the naked eye. Drawing 5. Three Sections Sculpted Using Additional Wax of Fig. 7 Characteristics and Production Methods of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (National Treasure No. 83) National Treasure No. 83, a Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (Fig. 13), has been referred to as Pensive Bodhisattva with a “Three-peaked Crown” (三山冠) since the sculpture wears a distinctive crown featuring a row of three rounded peaks. It has also been called “Deoksugung Pensive Bodhisattva” since it was once in the collection of the former Deoksugung Palace Museum (integrated into present-day National Museum of Korea in 1969). Both National Treasure No. 83 and the previously-discussed National Treasure No. 78 of similar size are among the finest examples of Korean Buddhist sculpture. Its resemblance to Wooden Pensive Bodhisattva at Kōryūji Temple in Kyoto has led to a comparative discussion of these two sculptures in terms of Buddhist art history (Min Byoungchan 2015, 271). Fig. 13. Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva. Silla, early 7th century. H. 93.5 cm. National Museum of Korea. National Treasure No. 83 The Yi Royal Household Museum (later Deoksugung Palace Museum) purchased this sculpture for 2,600 won (nearly two billion in today's won, based on the rice price) in 1912 from Kajiyama Yoshihide (梶山義英), a Japanese antique dealer who was active in Seoul. However, its precise excavation site is unknown. Sekino Takashi (關野貞), a professor at the University of Tokyo who conducted research on cultural assets in Korea, mentioned that the sculpture was found at a temple site near the Oreung Royal Tombs in Gyeongju, but he failed to provide concrete evidence. Based on the testimony of the former director of the Gyeongju National Museum, Osaka Kintarō (大坂金太郞), head monks at temples around Gyeongju, and neighborhood residents, Dr. Hwang Suyeong suggested that the sculpture might have been unearthed from a temple site in the vicinity of Seonbangsa Temple Site (禪房寺址) on the west side of Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju (Hwang Suyeong 1998, 37–41). National Treasure No. 83 wears a three-sided crown consisting of three pieced-together semicircles. Its unadorned surface creates a simple yet intense impression. The shape of the crown is a relatively unique style rarely seen in other countries, including India and China. However, similar examples can be found in Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures from the Silla Kingdom, including Rock-carved Pensive Bodhisattva at Sinseonam Hermitage on Danseoksan Mountain in Gyeongju, Head of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva excavated from the Hwangryongsa Temple site (Fig. 14); and Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva found in Seonggeon-dong, Gyeongju (Min Byoungchan 2015, 271). Fig. 14. Head of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva. Excavated from Hwangryongsa Temple Site. Silla, early 7th century. H. 8.2 cm, W. 4.9 cm. National Museum of Korea Like National Treasure No. 78, this sculpture has been studied both with the naked eye and also with scientific methods, including γ-ray radiography. Its bronze alloy components were examined through XRF analysis. These analyses have revealed several important characteristics related to the production methods involved. As seen in National Treasure No. 78, the topography of the interior of this sculpture mostly matches to its exterior (Fig. 15). Core pins maintaining a gap between the inner core and outer mold are also found in several places. Some of the clay used for the inner core remains inside the sculpture, including small fragments of thin vegetative stems and sandy clay mixed with coarse sand (Fig. 16). This is a considerable departure from the case of National Treasure No. 78, which used very fine clay (Fig. 17). Fig. 15. Interior of Fig. 13 Fig. 16. Detail of the Clay Used for the Inner Core of Fig. 13 Fig. 17. Detail of the Clay Used for the Inner Core of Fig. 7 Like National Treasure No. 78, National Treasure No. 83 was created using a conventional lost-wax casting in which the inner core was molded into a shape similar to that of the desired image, the inner core was covered with wax, the wax was further sculpted, the wax was removed with heat, and molten bronze was poured into the space left behind. However, it differs from No. 78 in that the head and body made up a single inner core. Except in the lower areas of the rear of the pedestal, the left foot, and the lotus-shaped footrest, no severe casting defects are present. The thickness of National Treasure No. 83 is greater than that of No. 78, which resulted a smooth flow of the molten bronze. Besides, the use of an inner core mixed with sand and thin plant stems cut into three-centimeter lengths facilitates the release of air from the inner space, which would otherwise interrupt the flow of molten bronze. In terms of casting method only, National Treasure No. 83 demonstrates more advanced technique compared to No. 78. γ-ray radiograph has shown that inside the sculpture is a thick, square metal core bar that descends from the head to the pedestal. Two other metal core bars in the chest cross in the shape of an “X” and extend to both arms (Fig. 18). The converging points of the vertical and the two horizontal core bars were not knotted or tied with strings. Instead, the thin horizontal bars penetrate the thick bar through drilled holes, intersecting there like a cross. The thin bars extending into both arms are securely fastened to the thick bar, which prevented defects that could have otherwise occurred due to shifting in the inner core within the slim arms during the casting process. The thin bars inside the arms are coiled with a twine-like wire. This coiled wire, which is not found in National Treasure No. 78, is presumed to have been used to more securely attach the coarse-grained sandy clay to the metal bars. Fig. 18. γ-ray Radiography Image of Fig. 13 According to the XRF analysis of the metal components, the main body of National Treasure No. 83 consists of bronze with 4–5% tin. This is nearly identical to the composition of the main body of National Treasure No. 78. Three repaired parts—two on the bottom of the cylindrical chair and one on the frontal left foot resting on the lotus footrest—also underwent the XRF analysis. It was revealed that only one of them was repaired using bronze with identical components as the main body, but the left foot-footrest and the repair on the bottom-left chair were repaired using nearly pure copper with almost no tin (Drawing 6). The section where the repair materials match those of the main body is thought to have been repaired around the time when the sculpture was cast. The repairs on the other parts are presumed to have been performed during the Unified Silla period or later. The difference in the forms of the surface indicates that the repairs on the pedestal were not carried out simultaneously. In a similar vein, the use of pure copper, which began to be fully utilized for Buddhist sculptures during the Unified Silla period, suggests that these repairs were also performed at different times. It is likely that the three sections were all repaired when the sculpture was first cast, but two of the sections later failed and had to be repaired once again. Drawing 6. Inserted Metal Plates and Repairs of Fig. 13 (National Museum of Korea 2017, 66–67) Conclusion This comprehensive examination of National Treasures No. 78 and No. 83 through careful observation with the naked eye, γ-ray radiography, and XRF analysis of the metal components has improved the understanding of these sculptures and allowed inferences to be made about their production methods. Fundamentally, these two sculptures were both produced using lost-wax casting with core pins. However, they show differences in the modeling of the inner core and the application and the sculpting of the wax. A vertical metal core bar was inserted into the head and another into the body of National Treasure No. 78. Inside the clavicle area where the neck and chest meet are burrs created by the permeation of molten bronze. Moreover, repairs of its casting defects can be observed in several places, including the decorations of the crown, drapery, back, both sides, and cylindrical chair. Unlike the bronze of the main body containing tin, nearly pure copper was used for these repairs. The walls of the sculpture are very thin, measuring about four millimeters, and extremely fine clay was used for the inner core. In the case of National Treasure No. 78, the inner cores for the head and body were separately sculpted, then a thin, even layer of wax was applied over the cores, creating rough wax model parts. The discretely-formed head and body were joined, and the left foot and footrest, which were sculpted only in wax without an inner core, were attached. Additional layers of wax were added to the protruding designs, such as the hair and belt decorations, and were further sculpted. After elaborately carving additional details, the whole wax sculpture was completed. An outer mold was established by covering the wax sculpture with clay. After the wax was removed with heat, molten bronze was poured into the mold to cast the sculpture. Its complex crown decorations, thin walls, and the fine clay used for the inner core allowing only poor air ventilation all hampered the flow of the molten bronze, leading to a number of casting defects. Accordingly, defective areas were repaired by recasting or by attaching new parts. Lastly, the surface of the sculpture was plated with gold. The thin layers of wax affected the volume of the completed work and created an intense feeling of flatness. Compared to No. 78, National Treasure No. 83 presents a relatively simple internal structure of core bars. It has a single vertical core bar and two metal bars in the chest area extending into both arms and penetrating the vertical core bar to intersect in the form of a cross. This simple metal bar structure was firmly fastened to the inner core to hold it steady. Its inner core consists of a sandy clay mixed with pieces of thin plant stems, and its bronze is relatively thick at roughly 10 millimeters. This sculpture is considered to be almost perfectly cast and shows a high level of completeness with almost no repairs required beyond two spots on the bottom and the left foot. In the case of No. 83, metal bars were erected, a single inner clay core was shaped, and a thick layer of wax was applied. By lightly carving the wax layer or adding additional wax, a complete wax model was achieved. Next, the wax image was covered with another layer of clay to form the outer mold. After the wax was removed with heat, molten bronze was poured in to cast the sculpture. Almost no casting defects occurred. After the bottom and left foot were repaired, the sculpture was finished with gilding. The use of the thick wax layer allowed an abundant sense of volume and added a three-dimensional effect and further reality to the drapery folds. Although National Treasure No. 78 and No. 83 both employ the same production method, that is, lost-wax casting, they show differences components of the inner core, the thickness of the finished sculpture, and the usage of wax. In National Treasure No. 78, the fine clay core caused poor ventilation of the air trapped inside the mold channels when the molten bronze was poured. In turn, together with the thin-walled design of sculpture, this poor ventilation hampered the fluidity of the molten bronze, leading to numerous casting defects. On the other hand, National Treasure No. 83 achieved even thickness with a smooth flow of molten bronze and used a coarse-grained sandy clay for its inner core that facilitated the release of air. Both sculptures show a similar composition for the bronze with a roughly 5% addition of tin. However, they differ greatly in the level of casting completeness due to the fluidity of the molten metal, the method of using core bars to fasten the inner core, and the placement of core pins. Such differences indicate that National Treasure No. 83 utilized much more advanced casting techniques than did National Treasure No. 78.

The gold buckle (National Treasure No. 89) excavated from Seogam-ri Tomb No. 9, the oldest gold artifact crafted using the granulation technique to be discovered to date on the Korean Peninsula, is estimated to have been produced during the first or second century. Found at the waist level of the body interred in the tomb (indicating that it formed as part of a belt), this gold buckle stands out for its sumptuous decoration and fine crafting. Both archaeological and art historical research on the buckle have been conducted through the collection of morphological information based on naked-eye inspection and comparison with similar items excavated and preserved in China and other countries. However, the exact provenance of the buckle remains unknown. It has been suggested that it was made on the Korean Peninsula in a place such as the Nangnang (alternatively, Lelang) Commandery, under the influence of central China and the Xiongnu (also known as the Hunnu) or other northern nomadic peoples from what is now Mongolia. Identifying the buckle’s region of production is a matter of importance since it could provide clues about the origins of the granulation technique in Korea and the state of foreign relations at the time it was made. To this end, scientific analysis of the materials and techniques used to create the buckle is a key, and a scientific investigation was carried out to determine the metalworking techniques used in the production of the gold buckle from the Seogam-ri tomb. First, X-ray fluorescence spectrometer (XRF) analysis was performed to confirm the material composition of the gold sheet, gold wires, gold granules, and inset materials. Next, the conditions in the buckle’s interior and the manner of joining of the parts were examined through radiography, and the state of the buckle’s surface and structural details were confirmed using a stereoscopic microscope. After this, scanning electron microscope-energy dispersive spectrometer (SEM-EDS) analysis was applied to investigate the finer details of the gold granules and how they were bonded. Based on the chemical composition for the gold buckle and the results of the analysis of its structural details obtained through this process, a further integrated study of the buckle was accomplished. Method of Analysis XRF Analysis Using an X-ray fluorescence spectrometer, the material composition of the gold sheet, gold wires, gold granules, and inset minerals used to create the gold buckle were analyzed in a non-destructive manner. The analysis conditions are shown in Table 1 below. Table 1. XRF analysis conditions Equipment Analysis Conditions Voltage Current Time Collimator Portable μXRF Spectrometer, ArtTAX, Röntec, Germany 50kV 600μA 200s 200μm To confirm the purity of the gold, standard certified reference materials (CRM) produced by Bruker AXS Korea—Gold 1 (Au 84.71 wt%, Ag 10.30 wt%, Cu 4.99 wt%), Gold 2 (Au 89.80 wt%, Ag 9.13 wt%, Cu 1.07 wt%), and Gold 3 (Au 76.83 wt%, Ag 20.25 wt%, Cu 2.92 wt%)—were used. The calibration curve of each element was drawn and normalized to 100%. The CRM analysis results are listed in Table 2. Table 2. Results of XRF analysis of gold by standard certified reference materials (unit: wt%) Reference Material Chemical Composition Au Ag Cu Gold1 1 84.67 10.17 5.17 2 84.60 10.29 5.11 3 84.93 9.90 5.18 Average 84.73 10.12 5.15 Gold2 1 90.09 8.75 1.16 2 90.04 8.78 1.18 3 89.97 8.79 1.24 Average 90.03 8.77 1.19 Gold3 1 77.19 20.22 2.59 2 77.11 20.22 2.66 3 77.03 20.27 2.71 Average 77.11 20.24 2.65 Radiography Radiography (EX-300GH-3, Toshiba, Japan) was performed to investigate the state of the buckle’s interior and the joining of the parts. The imaging conditions are shown in Table 3. Table 3. Radiography conditions Voltage (kv) Current (mA) Time (mim.) Fucus Film Distance (mm) Film 130 5 4 100 Agfa D7 Stereoscopic Microscope Analysis The state of the gold buckle’s surface and structural details were analyzed using a stereoscopic microscope (M205-A, Leica, Germany). This type of device allows the sample to be enlarged from 5 to 100 times and is thus useful for the examination of parts that cannot be easily scrutinized with the naked eye. The analysis was carried out by varying the magnification according to the area of investigation. SEM-EDS Analysis To study the bonding points of the gold granules and their finer details, SEM-EDS analysis was conducted under the conditions shown in Table 4. To confirm the purity of the gold, standard certified reference materials (CRM) produced by European Reference Materials—EB506 (Au 58.56 wt%, Ag 3.90 wt%, Cu 35.65 wt%, Zn 1.89 wt%), EB507 (Au 75.10 wt%, Ag 3.02 wt%, Cu 14.69 wt%, Ni 4.99 wt%, Zn 2.11 wt%), and EB508 (Au 75.12 wt%, Ag 24.90 wt%)—were used. The calibration curve of each element was drawn and normalized to 100%. The CRM analysis results are listed in Table 5. Table 4. SEM-EDS analysis conditions Equipment Analysis Conditions Voltage Current Time S-3500N, Hitachi, Japan/X-maxN, Horiba, Japan 20kV 60–70μA 100s Table 5. Results of SEM-EDS analysis of gold standard certified reference materials (unit: wt%) Chemical Composition Reference material Au Ag Cu Ni Zn EB506 1 59.65 3.81 34.39 - 2.16 2 59.76 4.10 34.11 - 2.03 3 59.79 3.56 34.32 - 2.33 Average 59.73 3.82 34.27 - 2.17 EB507 1 76.40 2.77 13.70 4.89 2.24 2 75.14 3.58 14.01 4.63 2.64 3 75.92 3.63 13.90 4.81 1.74 Average 75.82 3.33 13.87 4.78 2.21 EB508 1 74.91 25.09 - - - 2 74.87 25.13 - - - 3 74.48 25.52 - - - Average 74.75 25.25 - - - Analysis Results Composition of the Gold Buckle The analysis positions for the composition analysis of the gold sheet, gold granules, gold wires, and blue minerals used to produce the gold buckle are shown in Fig. 1, and the results for each position are listed in Table 6. The gold sheet had an average composition of Au 94.87 wt%, Ag 5.08 wt% with a purity of around 22.8K. The extra gold sheet appended to some parts had an average composition of Au 99.31 wt%, Ag 0.60 wt%, with a slightly higher purity at 23.8K. Using radiography and stereoscopic microscopy (as described in Metalworking Techniques), it was confirmed that an additional gold sheet of higher purity has been applied in some areas. The average composition for the gold granules was Au 99.32 wt%, Ag 0.55 wt%, and Au 99.31 wt%, Ag 0.60 wt% for the gold wires, and both the granules and wires had a similar purity at around 23.8K. The thin, flat gold wires surrounding the inset blue minerals proved to have a similar gold composition to the granules and other wire. The purity of the clasp is around 22.8K, and the purity of the wire holding the clasp in place is around 23.6K. The purity of the gold clasp is similar to that of the gold sheets, which indicates that the material is different from that used to form the granules and gold wires. The major composition detected in the blue mineral inset in the foreheads and bodies of the dragons decorating the surface of the buckle were Cu, Al, P, Zn, and Fe, which indicates that the mineral is likely to be turquoise [CuAl6(PO4)4(OH)8·5H2O]. Fig. 1. Analysis positions Table 6. Composition of the gold buckle (unit: wt%) Chemical Composition Analysis position Au Ag Cu Purity Gold granules 1 99.27 0.61 0.12 23.8K 2 99.33 0.50 0.17 23.8K 3 99.22 0.70 0.08 23.8K 4 99.44 0.39 0.18 23.9K Average 99.32 0.55 0.14 23.8K Gold wires 5 99.35 0.54 0.12 23.8K 6 99.16 0.62 0.23 23.8K 7 99.36 0.60 0.03 23.8K 8 99.26 0.65 0.08 23.8K 9 99.32 0.52 0.17 23.8K 10 99.29 0.64 0.08 23.8K Average 99.28 0.60 0.12 23.8K Thin, flat gold wires 11 99.51 0.45 0.04 23.9K 12 99.32 0.64 0.03 23.8K Average 99.42 0.55 0.04 23.9K Gold sheet 13 95.17 4.78 0.05 22.8K 14 95.45 4.52 0.03 22.9K 15 94.32 5.61 0.07 22.6K 16 94.53 5.41 0.06 22.7K Average 94.87 5.08 0.05 22.8K Added gold sheet 17 99.23 0.63 0.15 23.8K Clasp 18 95.10 4.71 0.18 22.8K Wire fixture for clasp 19 98.46 1.37 0.17 23.6K Blue mineral 20 Cu, Al, P, Zn, Fe As analysis of the minute details on the dragons is not possible with XRF, the purity of the gold wires forming the nose was analyzed using SEM-EDS (Fig. 2, Table 7). The results showed that the gold wires used to express the noses on the seven dragons had an average gold composition of Au 97.18 wt%, Ag 2.37 wt%, and a purity slightly lower than that of the gold wires applied in other areas on the buckle. Fig. 2. Analysis positions of the gold wires used to express the dragons’ noses Table 7. Composition of the gold wires used for the dragons’ noses (unit: wt%) Chemical Composition Analysis position Au Ag Cu Purity Gold wires 1 96.85 3.15 0.00 23.2K 2 96.59 3.37 0.03 23.2K 3 96.88 3.12 0.00 23.3K 4 97.45 2.55 0.00 23.4K 5 97.04 2.96 0.00 23.3K 6 97.71 2.29 0.00 23.5K 7 97.77 2.17 0.05 23.5K Average 97.18 2.37 0.02 23.3K Metalworking Techniques Observed in the Gold Buckle Gold sheet The analysis performed indicated the gold sheet to be 0.3–0.7 millimeters thick and to possess a purity of 22.8K. The large dragon and the six smaller dragons surrounding it on the surface of the buckle were formed using the repoussé technique, which involves hammering a metal sheet from the reverse side. The bodies of the dragons, their outlines, and the edges of the buckle are decorated with gold granules and gold wires. Repoussé is a metalworking technique in which a gold, silver, bronze, or other type of metal sheet is hammered from the reverse side in order to cause the surface to bulge outwards and produce a design in low relief. In East Asia, repoussé gold and silver artifacts have been excavated on rare occasions from Inner Mongolia and the Xinjiang Uyghur region, which were inhabited by nomadic peoples from the fourth century BCE to the third century BCE. Using a microscope and radiography, the addition of a supplemental gold sheet to a section of the side of the buckle could be confirmed (Fig. 3). This added gold sheet (analysis position 17) has a purity of 23.8K. As the reinforced section is surrounded by decorative gold wire, it is presumed that the additional sheet was applied to address a defect that occurred during the production process. However, the possibility that the defect occurred at some other point cannot be ruled out. Fig. 3. Reinforced section Gold Wires The three-section border around the entire buckle, the bodies of the dragons, and other surface decoration are expressed in gold wires. The outermost part of the border is made from two wires twisted together that are discontinuous at one point (Fig. 4). The central section of the border is decorated with a pattern of regular triangles created using a total of five strands of gold wire (Fig. 5). The inner side of the triangle design is finished with a border made with two strands of gold wire (Fig. 6). Fig. 4. Discontinuous point in the gold wire of the outermost border Fig. 5. Parts of the central border design where the gold wires meet Fig. 6. Parts of the innermost border where the gold wires meet The gold wires used to form the noses of the dragons (Fig. 7 (a)) has an average purity (23.3K), slightly lower than that of the wires used in other parts of the buckle (23.8K). According to experiments regarding the hardness of gold according to its purity, the hardness of 24K gold is 30Hv while that of 22K gold is 52Hv. A reduction in purity of 2K results in more than a 70 percent increase in hardness. This means that the dragons’ noses were made with harder wire than that used on other parts of the buckle. Fig. 7. Gold wires used to decorate the large dragon’s nose, horns, teeth and tongue The bodies of the dragons and the wave design on the surface of the buckle are made with 23.8K gold wires (Fig. 8). The horns, teeth and tongue of the large dragon in the center are formed from thick and thin gold wires (Fig. 7 (b)), but these features were omitted from the six smaller dragons (Fig. 8 (b)). Fig. 8. Gold wires used in dragon’s body and surface design, and faces of smaller dragons Production and Bonding of the Gold Granules Measurements taken of the granules on the gold buckle indicated that they can be classified into three groups: small, medium, and large. The largest granules measured 1.4–1.6 millimeters in diameter and served to decorate the top of the largest dragon’s head, body, and feet. The medium-sized granules, measuring 0.9–1.2 millimeters in diameter, were applied as decoration for the bodies of both the large dragon and the smaller ones. The small granules, measuring 0.3–0.5 millimeters in diameter, ornament the dragons’ ears and bodies and the surface of the buckle (Fig. 9). Fig. 9. Sizes of the gold granules Known methods of bonding gold granules include soldering, copper diffusion, and welding. An analysis of the bonding points of the granules and traces of exfoliation on the fine details using SEM-EDS was performed to identify the composition of the bonding points and confirm the bonding methods used (Fig. 10, Table 8). When a bonding point was compared with the base gold, little difference in the composition of Au and Ag was noted but the Cu content was found to be 0.43–1.51 wt%, higher than the corresponding figure in the gold sheet, gold granules, and gold wires. In addition, traces of reinforcement were detected, meaning in sum that it is highly probable that copper diffusion was used to bond the granules to the gold buckle. Fig. 10. SEM images of bonding between gold granules Table 8. Results of EDS analysis of bonding between granules (unit: wt%) Chemical Composition Analysis Position Au Ag Cu 1 Bonding point (join between gold granule-gold granule) 99.05 0.52 0.43 2 Bonding point (join between gold granule-gold granule) 99.18 0.05 0.77 3 Bonding point (join between gold granule-gold granule) 98.35 0.14 1.51 4 Signs of exfoliation (join between gold granule-gold sheet) 93.72 5.14 1.14 Most of the gold items with granulated decoration excavated to date on the Korean Peninsula were made using soldering as the bonding method. Some examples are the Gold Earrings with Large Rings (National Treasure No. 90) discovered in Bubuchong (Tomb of Husband and Wife) in Bomun-dong in Gyeongju, the Gold Earrings with Small Rings and Gold Earrings with Large Rings (Treasure No. 557) in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art, and the Gold Wind Chime that was found at the bottom of the inner sarira reliquary of the Eastern Three-Story Stone Pagoda at the site of Gameumsa Temple from the Unified Silla period. Aside from these granulated works, the Gold Necklace excavated from the Tomb of King Muryeong in Gongju was soldered using an alloy of gold, silver, and copper, and the Gold Cone-shaped Filigree Ornament discovered at a temple site in Neungsan-ri, Buyeo is known to have been soldered with an alloy of gold and copper. No report has yet been made of a gold granulated item found on the Korean Peninsula bonded using the copper diffusion method with a copper compound. However, the use of this copper diffusion technique has been identified in some gold ornaments from the tombs at Duurlig Nars in Mongolia. Red Pigment Inset Traces of a red pigment were detected around the eyes of the seven dragons decorating the gold buckle (Fig. 11). Most of it has flaked off and become difficult to identify with the naked eye, but these traces suggest that all of the dragons’ eyes were once tinted red. It was already known that red pigment remained in the eye area of the large dragon and the small dragon immediately below it, but this study confirmed that red pigment had been applied to the eyes of all seven dragons. XRF analysis of the pigment detected Hg and S, indicating the pigment involved to be cinnabar/vermillion (HgS). Fig. 11. Traces of red material In Korea, inset red pigment has mainly been found in items related to royalty, as in the case of the king’s earrings (Fig. 12), sword, dagger, and crown ornaments excavated from the Tomb of King Muryeong in Gongju. Cinnabar/vermillion pigment was also applied on the sarira enshrinement record written on the gold plate and the gold cap-shaped ornaments for curved jade pieces discovered at the Mireuksa Temple site in Iksan. On these gold cap-shaped ornaments, green and blue copper pigment was used along with cinnabar/vermillion, reflecting an expansion and diversification of the use of color. Moreover, it was confirmed that a gold ornament excavated from Seobongchong Tomb (Tomb of the Auspicious Phoenix) in Gyeongju dating to the Silla Kingdom features inset cinnabar/vermillion and black pigments. Fig. 12. Earrings from the Tomb of King Muryeong Conclusion Through an analysis of the composition of the gold buckle excavated from Seogam-ri Tomb No. 9 and the metalworking techniques used in its creation, it was possible to reach the following conclusions. Filigree Technique (Wirework and Granulation) All but the gold sheet used to make the buckle were found to have a purity level of 22.8K. The seven dragons were formed by hammering out their design in low relief using the repoussé technique, and their bodies, outlines and the buckle border were decorated with gold wires and gold granules. A portion of the buckle at the side was reinforced with an added 22K gold sheet. The gold wires used to decorate the border, bodies and outlines of the dragons was found to be highly pure at around 23.8K and was applied either as a single strand or as two strands twined together. The wires used to form the dragons’ noses was found to have a slightly lower level of purity than that of the wires used in other parts of the buckle, and consequently increased hardness. This harder wire was presumably applied as a means to ensure that the wire spirals forming the noses of the dragons maintained their shape over time. The gold granules used to decorate the bodies of the dragons and the buckle’s surface can be divided into small, medium and large groups. They were found to possess a high purity level at 23.8K. The elevated Cu content detected in the gold at the bonding point indicates that the copper diffusion method of bonding was used to attach the granules to each other and the surface. Fig. 13. Gold ornament from Seobongchong Tomb in Gyeongju Characteristics of the Decoration Techniques Aside from filigree wire and granulation work, inset gemstones and pigments were applied to decorate the gold buckle. Blue turquoise stones were inset in the forehead and bodies of the dragons and cinnabar/vermillion pigment was inset in the eyes of all seven dragons. The other gold items discovered on the Korean Peninsula featuring inset red pigment have mainly been excavated from sites related to Baekje royalty. Further research into this point could produce informative results. The results of this study are significant in two aspects. First, it provided basic information central to identifying the provenance of the gold buckle, which has still not been categorically determined. With the accumulation of research materials on metalworking techniques in the region where it is hypothesized the gold buckle was created and further scientific analysis of buckles of similar types, it is anticipated that the place of production of the Seogam-ri gold buckle can eventually be clearly identified. Second, it has been confirmed that the copper diffusion method was used for bonding the gold granules on the gold buckle. The same method has been found in gold ornaments excavated in Mongolia, which can be applied as objective material for investigating where the gold buckle was made.

The standing Maitreya and Amitabha statues from Gamsansa Temple (甘山寺) currently displayed in the Buddhist Sculpture Gallery of the National Museum of Korea, respectively designated as National Treasures No. 81 and No. 82, are well-known works of ancient Korean Buddhist art and hold great significance in Korean art and history. One of the primary obstacles to studying ancient Korean Buddhist sculpture from the Three Kingdoms (57 BCE–668) to Unified Silla (統一新羅, 668–935) periods is that most extant examples lack inscriptions or relevant documents indicating their date of production or their creators. However, these statues from Gamsansa Temple feature inscriptions on the back of their nimbuses that help identify the date of production, commissioner, and motive for their creation (Figs. 1 and 1-2). The content of the inscriptions relate that an individual named Kim Jiseong commissioned the construction of Gamsansa Temple and enshrined the statues of Maitreya and Amitabha there in 719 as a prayer for the souls of his deceased parents. The inscriptions on the statues had been partially known since extracts from them are included in the Samguk yusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) compiled by Monk Ilyeon (一然, 1206–1289) during the Goryeo (高麗, 918–1392) period.1 The details of the inscriptions became more completely known with the discovery of the two statues in 1915. These two statues have been subjects for research in diverse fields (e.g., history, art history, epigraphy) for more than a century since they are rare surviving examples that bear inscriptions coinciding with historical records and they provide style benchmarks for dating Buddhist statues from the Unified Silla period. Fig. 1. Statues of Bodhisattva Maitreya and Amitabha from Gamsansa Temple. Unified Silla, 719. Height: 270 cm (left), 275 cm (right). National Treasure Nos. 81 and 82. National Museum of Korea. Bongwan 1958 and 1959 Fig. 1-1. Statues from Gamsansa Temple (back) The full inscriptions of the two statues were first presented in the Joseon geumseok chongnam (朝鮮金石總覽, Comprehensive survey of epigraphs of Joseon) published by the Government-General of Korea (朝鮮總督府) in 1919 during the Japanese colonial period. They have since been modified or complemented by later epigraphic studies and related essays.2 However, the inscriptions have been worn down over the centuries and some characters are illegible using the naked eye. Rubbings of the inscriptions also fail to provide sufficiently precise information on the original inscriptions. This has constrained the study of the inscriptions and led to subtle differences in interpretations of the inscriptions and varying opinions on the dating of these two statues. Against this backdrop, the National Museum of Korea decided to employ reflectance transformation imaging (RTI) to obtain basic materials for research using methods that ensure the integrity of the two statues while improving the identification of the original inscriptions.3 RTI is a rather new approach in Korea, but it has been previously used in Western institutions to decipher inscriptions by photographing an object under different lighting conditions. By processing the RTI outputs and observing them through appropriate software, inscriptions illegible to the naked eye can more easily be identified. The National Museum of Korea conducted the RTI to identify the inscriptions on the Gamsansa statues in 2012 and 2013. This paper examines the outcomes from the 2013 RTI investigation and presents details on the RTI method as applied.4 Overview of the Statues from Gamsansa Temple Before discussing the identified inscriptions, it is necessary to examine their content, the sculptural styles of the statues, and the related academic issues. According to the inscriptions on the nimbuses of both statues, a Silla official named Kim Jiseong (金志誠, b. 652) of the jungachan (重阿湌) grade commissioned the construction of Gamsansa Temple and the production of the statues of Amitabha and Maitreya on his private lands on the fifteenth day of the second month of the gimy (己未) year during the Kaiyuan era (開元, 713–741), the early half of the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (玄宗, r. 712–756) of the Tang dynasty (唐, 618–907). This corresponds to 719, the eighteenth year of the reign of King Seongdeok (聖德王, r. 702–737). This project was undertaken to offer prayers for his deceased father Injang (仁章), who was an ilgilchan (一吉湌)-grade official, and his deceased mother, named Gwanchori (觀肖里). It was initiated on the day of the year on which Shakyamuni is believed to have entered nirvana (the fifteenth day of the second month). Kim Jiseong served in several posts before becoming Sirang (侍郞, vice-minister) at the Jipsabu (執事部, State Secretariat). Some previous studies have suggested that Kim Jiseong visited Tang China as a member of the Silla mission to the Tang dynasty known as the Gyeondangsa (遣唐史) in 705, the fourth year of the reign of King Seongdeok.5 After retirement at the age of 67 in 716, he resided in a rural village where he pursued a Taoist way of life free from worldly concerns, as suggested by Laozi (老子) and Zhuangzi (莊子). However, he also studied Buddhist dharma by reading the Yogacarabhumi Sastra (瑜伽師地論, Discourse on the stages of yogic practice) by Asanga (fl. fourth century CE), also known as Wuzhuo (無著) in China and Muchak in Korea, as well as other Buddhist scriptures. In 719, Kim commissioned Gamsansa Temple on his lands to offer prayers for his deceased parents and other family members as well as for a high-ranking official close to him. He died one year later in 720. The final portion of the inscription on the Maitreya statue reads that Kim scattered the ashes of his mother, who died at the age of sixty-six, in Heunji on the east coast of Korea. The inscription on the Amitabha statue tells that the ashes of Kim’s father, who died at the age of forty-seven, had been scattered at the same spot. This indicates that Kim Jiseong commissioned the Maitreya statue for his deceased mother and the Amitabha statue for his deceased father. Kim’s prayers inscribed on the statues deliver his wishes that the king live a long and happy life. He also prays that his brothers and sisters, former and present wives, his brother born to a different mother, the ichan (二湌)-grade official Gaewon (愷元, dates unknown), and all human beings in the universe may rise above the world and attain Buddhahood. Monk Ilyeon’s Samguk yusa presents extracts from the inscriptions, including the year the statues were erected, the patron of the statues, and the subjects of the prayers, but it leaves out any mention of the personal history of Kim Jiseong. However, discrepancies in the names of certain people appear in the two inscriptions, and they include expressions that may cause readers to confuse the subjects of the prayers with the person offering them (Kang Jonghun 2011, 20). Regarding the names, the patron is indicated as “金志誠” (Kim Jiseong) on the Maitreya statue and as “金志全” (Kim Jijeon) on the Amitabha statue. The name of Kim’s brother is written “良誠” (Yangseong) on the Maitreya statue and “梁誠” (Yangseong) on the Amitabha statue, while the name of his sister appears as “古巴里” (Gopari) on the Maitreya statue but as “古寶里” (Gobori) on the Amitabha statue. These inconsistencies indicate that different Chinese characters were used to transcribe a particular phoneme, and also raise the possibility that the two inscriptions were carved by a different person. Meanwhile, the inscription on the Maitreya statue includes the expression “Disciple Jiseong,” addressing Kim Jiseong in a modest manner, while the corresponding portion in the inscription on the Amitabha statue refers to Kim Jiseong as “Jungachan Kim Jijeon,” a more respectful manner of address. In addition, in the middle of the Amitabha statue inscription, it is recorded that the text was authored by a nama (奈麻)-grade official named Chong (聰) and the calligraphy was performed by Monk Gyeongyung (京融) and a daesa (大舍)-grade official named Kim Chwiwon (金驟源). At the end of the same text it is recorded that Kim died on April 22, 720. In view of the above, it is assumed that the Maitreya statue was completed while Kim was alive and its inscription thus reflects his own narrative, while the inscription on the Amitabha statue was written by the nama-grade official Chong following the king’s commands after the death of Kim Jiseong. The disparities in the inscriptions suggest the possibility that they were written by different people and that the text on the Amitabha statue was carved at a later point in time. Any reexamination of the two inscriptions therefore requires a comparison of the calligraphy style and other factors in addition to the identification of the inscribed characters. Despite the differences in the styles of the inscriptions, the two statues from Gamsansa Temple do not differ greatly in terms of sculptural elements, and therefore are presumed to have been created around the same time. They are considered masterpieces of ancient Korean sculpture as they reflect the stylistic development of the eighth-century Buddhist sculpture of Unified Silla. They feature large, puffy eyes and the wide, flat face prevalent in Buddhist sculpture from the preceding Three Kingdoms period (Figs. 1-2 and 1-3). Their scale provides an impression of both massiveness and stillness. As objects of worship, the faces of the statues are elaborately carved; however, their bodies are flat as if they were closely attached to the nimbuses. They do not show the dynamic expressions of the body found in the sculptures associated with Seokguram Grotto (石窟庵) from the mid-eighth century that emphasize the volume and three-dimensionality of the figures. This may be because their hands and arms do not stretch out, but instead adhere to the body as if being impeded by a transparent barrier. However, the sculptor(s) of the two statues must have been aware of the style that was becoming the vogue in East Asia and accordingly reflected stylistic developments in his (or their) creations. Fig. 1-2. Maitreya statue (detail) Fig. 1-3. Amitabha statue (detail) The Maitreya statue from Gamsansa Temple is renowned for its exotic and lavish accessories; the bodhisattva wears a crown decorated with jewels while two necklaces and a shawl drape across the chest and arms (Fig. 1-2). The accessories on the arms and the beads on the skirt are carved in a sophisticated manner. The main features of this Maitreya statue, including its accessories, cloth, manner of dress, and pose, can be found in the Tang dynasty Eleven-faced Avalokiteshvara statue from Baoqingsi (寶慶寺) Temple in Xian, China and the statue of the same bodhisattva at Horyuji Temple (法隆寺) in Japan.6 This indicates that the sculptor of this Maitreya statue was aware of the image of a bodhisattva with voluptuous body and lavish adornment that was circulating widely at the time in East Asia and tried to embody it in this work. However, the Gamsansa example differs from most other Maitreya images in terms of iconography and style in that it is standing while Maitreya is usually represented as seated, and in that it has an image of Amitabha Buddha on its crown, similar to an Avalokiteshvara image.7 The Amitabha statue reveals the outlines of its body through the tightly adhered robe drooping from the shoulders to the feet. The wave-like drapery lines are repeated in a symmetrical manner that emphasizes the volume and the protruding or flat surfaces of the statue (Fig. 1-3). Examples of a similar style include the sandstone standing Buddha statue at the Gyeongju National Museum, the standing Buddha statue carved in the south side of a rock at the Gulbulsa Temple (掘佛寺) site, and other gilt-bronze Buddha statues. The origins of the style can be found in Tang-period Buddhist statues influenced by sculpture from the Gupta period of India (Kim Lena 1989, 206–238). It is thought that Chinese Buddhist monks made pilgrimages to sacred Buddhist sites in India and brought Indian Buddhist statues back to China where the styles in the statues they observed were emulated and eventually transmitted to Unified Silla. The Amitabha statue from Gamsansa Temple does not accentuate three-dimensionality to the same degree as do most Silla Buddhist statues from the mid-eighth century, but it does demonstrate an artistic attempt to adopt the era’s emerging trend of imbuing sculptures with an ample sense of volume, dynamism, and realism. The Maitreya and Amitabha statues from Gamsansa Temple differ in the form of their nimbuses and pedestals. The nimbus and body of the Maitreya statue were made separately from the pedestal and then set into it, while the nimbus, body, and upper part of the pedestal of the Amitabha statue were carved together out of the same stone and then placed on the lower portion of the pedestal (Figs. 1-4 and 1-5). These structural differences, along with the discrepancies in the inscriptions, can be viewed as evidence that the two statues were not produced around the same time.8 However, they are the result of differences in size and nature of the stone and production methods involved and cannot be considered determinant factors for dating the two statues to different periods. It is therefore generally believed that the two statues were produced around the same time, despite the discrepancies in the content and style of the inscriptions and the possibility that the inscription on the Amitabha statue might have been carved at a later point after the death of Kim Jiseong. Fig. 1-4. Pedestal of the Maitreya statue (detail) Fig. 1-5. Pedestal of the Amitabha statue (detail) Several opinions have been expressed concerning the motive for enshrining the two statues at Gamsansa Temple. Some focus on the influence of the Beopsangjong (法相宗) sect of Buddhism, while others relate it to trends in contemporaneous Chinese Buddhist art or Kim Jiseong’s personal piety and visual experiences.9 Precisely where in the temple the statues were enshrined is also a matter of controversy. The Samguk yusa records that the Maitreya statue was placed in the Geumdang (金堂), the main hall of the temple, but it makes no mention of the location of the Amitabha statue. Therefore, one group of scholars argues that the two statues were enshrined separately (with the Amitabha statue placed in the lecture hall), while another opinion purports that they were enshrined together in the same hall.10 This issue remains a matter of debate and requires further study from diverse perspectives drawing upon the RTI results. Newly Identified Characters The RTI results allowed the identification of the content of the inscriptions on the statues from Gamsansa Temple and provide valuable information on the background of the creation of the statues. They also complement previous studies. Significant findings from the RTI include the exact number of inscribed characters and newly identified characters (In this article, “characters” refers to “classical Chinese characters”). Previously, it was believed that 381 characters were inscribed on the Maitreya statue and 392 characters on the Amitabha statue. The back of the Maitreya statue has a grid of lines with intervals between 4.3 centimeters and 4.5 centimeters both lengthwise and widthwise. A Chinese character is inscribed within each of the sections formed by this grid. However, these lines only barely remain on the Amitabha statue. The 2012 RTI revealed that the Maitreya statue has 381 characters and the Amitabha statue has 389 characters, three less than previously believed. It was found that the final three characters that had been presumed to exist are actually absent from line 17 of the Amitabha statue’s inscription. The Joseon geumseok chongnam and all other later publications assumed that the inscription on the Amitabha statue would have 392 characters since the inscription generally begins and ends in the same row. Line 17 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue was thus assumed to have three more characters at its end than are actually present. Also, when considering the content, having the three Chinese characters “書奉敎” meaning “writing upon command” would have conformed to the convention of revealing the name of the calligrapher (Katsuragi Sueji 1935, 208–209). However, the RTI found no evidence that any character had been inscribed at the corner of the nimbus where these final three characters for line 17 would have been expected to exist. When compared with nearby portions with inscribed characters, there was no trace of a character having disappeared due to abrasion, and it became clear that no character had ever been inscribed in this space (Fig. 2). A comparison with other blank spaces between characters in the inscription provides further evidence that there were no characters at the end of line 17 from the beginning (Fig. 3). Why these final three characters were never included has yet to be understood, and further in-depth study should be pursued. Fig. 2. Line 17 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 3. Line 2 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue The RTI on the Maitreya statue identified the same number of characters as previously believed, but it found that the Chinese characters “六” and “十,” the second and third characters in line 22, were carved together in a single section instead of separately (Fig. 4). This can be verified by comparing the space for these two characters with that for a single character. Fig. 4. Line 22 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue This RTI also allowed the clear identification of characters that had been indistinct and consequently fueled controversy. In the Amitabha statue, the sixteenth character in line 20 was found to be “六” (Fig. 5). Two opinions had existed regarding this character: some saw it as “六” (six) and related to the age of Kim Jiseong,11 while another theory proposed later suggested it to be “在” and forming part of the phrase “歲在十九,” meaning the nineteenth year of King Seongdeok’s reign (Moon Myungdae 2003, 91–92; Kim Yeongmi 1988, 374). Since the character could in fact be clearly identified as “六” and the phrase to be “歲六十九,” it is confirmed that Kim Jiseong died at the age of sixty-nine. The fourteenth character of line 21 was identified as “賜” (Fig. 6). In the case of the Maitreya statue, the RTI clarified the shapes of two previously unidentified characters, the tenth character in line 19 and the sixth character in line 20 (Figs. 7 and 8). Fig. 5. Sixteenth character “六” in line 20 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 6. Fourteenth character “賜” in line 21 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 7. Tenth character in line 19 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 8. Sixth character in line 20 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue According to these RTI results, two characters in the Maitreya statue had been misinterpreted and the existing understanding had to be modified accordingly. The Chinese character “閒” (free; leisurely) in line 9, which had formerly been believed to be part of the expression “閒野,” meaning “sequestered rural area,” was actually identified to be “閑,” but still conveying the same meaning. This character was described as “閒” in the Joseon geumseok chongnam and other later publications on epigraphy (Fig. 9). The ninth character in line 19, previously understood to be “誠” (truly), was identified as “城” (fortress). Therefore, the existing interpretation of this line, which mistook “fortress” for “truly,” should be changed as follows: “even if the stones that built the fortress (wall) might all disappear.”12 In most papers and relevant publications, Amitabha in line 3 is transcribed as “阿彌陀,” but the third character is actually “陁” instead of “陀,” as recorded in the Joseon geumseok chongnam (Fig. 10). The first character in line 15, previously considered “休,” is now thought to be “烋” as there is another character under “休” (Fig. 11). The character “无” in line 15 is recorded as “旡” in the Joseon geumseok chongnam, but the actual character is “无,” as cited in most publications (Fig. 12). Fig. 9. “閑野” in line 9 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 10. “城” in line 19 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 11. “陁” in line 3 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 12. “烋” in line 15 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue In the Amitabha statue, “疏” in line 8 has been one of the more controversial characters. It has been presumed to be “踈,” “疎,” or “綀,” but considering the meaning of the text, it is likely to be a simplified version of “疏” (Fig. 13). Through the RTI, the eighth character in line 21 was identified as “卄” instead of “廿” (Fig. 14). The phrase “東海攸友邊散之” in lines 18 and 19, which was cited in the Samguk yusa, was identified as “東海欣支邊散也” (Figs. 15 through 17).13 It is likely that Ilyeon mistook “攸友” for “欣支” in the original inscription or that “欣支” was mistakenly engraved when making a print for the Samguk yusa. Fig. 13. “无” in line 15 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 14. “疏” in line 8 of the inscription on the Amitabha 111 statue Fig. 15. “卄” in line 21 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 16. “東海” in line 18 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 17. “欣支” in line 19 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 18. “邊散” in line 19 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Simplified Characters and Variant Characters The RTI found frequent use of simplified characters in a semi-cursive or cursive script and variant characters in the inscriptions of the Maitreya and Amitabha statues from Gamsansa Temple (Figs. 19 through 33). Overall, the Maitreya statue shows a large number of simplified characters. For example, “無” (none; lack) is inscribed in its simplified version in line 4, and its variant form “无” also appears in the inscription. As the original version “無” is used when referring to the name of a monk “無着,” three versions of the same character were used within a single inscription. Simplified characters were rarely used in either inscription for the names of people, such as Kim Jiseong (金志城) and Muchak (無著), but in line 5 of the Maitreya statue’s inscription, the characters “志誠” referring to Jiseong are slightly scrawled. Fig. 19. “爲” in line 2 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 20. “章” in line 2 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 21. “所” in line 3 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 22. “彌” in line 3 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 23. “盖” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 24. “能” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 25. “寂” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 26. “無” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 27. “號” in line 5 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 28. “願” in line 6 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 29. “班” in line 6 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 30. “憲” in line 7 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 31. “遙” in line 8 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 32. “罄” in line 12 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 33. “聰” in line 17 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Table 1. Simplified or variant characters in the inscription of the Maitreya statue Line Simplified or variant characters Line Simplified or variant characters 2 爲, 章 12 劇, 務, 無, 罄 3 所, 彌 13 誠, 資, 願, 以, 此, 微, 誠 4 盖, 能, 寂, 無 14 壽, 鴻 5 所, 以, 號 15 果 6 願, 誠, 於, 歷, 班 16 弟 7 無, 以, 免, 於, 刑, 憲, 性, 諧, 水, 慕 17 兼, 庶, 聰 8 遙, 志, 眞, 宗, 希, 寂, 六 18 肹, 衆 9 事, 於, 遂, 閑, 閱 19 號, 縱, 願 10 七 20 尊, 無, 願 11 尋, 復, 降, 於 21 願, 庶, 同, 因, 肖 22 支 Table 2. Simplified or variant characters in the inscription of the Amitabha statue Line Simplified or variant characters Line Simplified or variant characters 1 若, 跡 12 弟, 考 2 於, 及, 遂 13 爲 3 影, 以, 葉, 發, 龍 14 彌, 軀, 願 4 爾 15 六, 並 6 以 17 融 7 御, 雞, 事, 六 18 章 8 辭 19 支, 散, 後 9 兼 20 業, 六 10 爲, 號 21 庚, 長, 爲 11 無, 過, 爲 The inscription on the Amitabha statue also includes simplified and variant characters, but in smaller numbers compared to the inscription on the Maitreya statue (Figs. 34 through 43). Fig. 34. “發” in line 3 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 35. “爾” in line 4 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 36. “雞” in line 7 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 37. “辭” in line 8 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 38. “兼” in line 9 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 39. “無” in line 11 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 40. “過” in line 11 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 41. “考” in line 12 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 42. “願” in line 14 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 43. “後” in line 19 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Style of Calligraphy The inscription on the Maitreya statue and that on the Amitabha statue differ in many respects, which fuels the supposition that the inscriptions of the two statues might not have been produced around the same time. According to the RTI results, each inscription features a distinct style of calligraphy. The inscription on the Maitreya statue has generally flowing calligraphy, probably because of the frequent use of simplified characters. The inscription on the Amitabha statue applies a smaller number of simplified characters and includes many characters with angular edges. The term “山水,” meaning “mountain and water,” was inscribed using simplified characters in semi-cursive or cursive script on the Maitreya statue, but it was rendered in regular script using sharp-edged characters on the Amitabha statue (Figs. 44 and 45). Interestingly, the simplified form of the same character “無” looks different in each inscription (Figs. 46 and 47), indicating that the calligraphy for the two inscriptions was executed by different persons, regardless of whether they date to different periods. The differences in calligraphic style are not sufficient to prove that these two statues sharing a similar sculptural style were produced in different periods and require further study since there are cases of epigraphs being inscribed later on existing steles. Fig. 44. “山水” in line 7 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 45. “山水” in line 5 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 46. “無” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 47. “無” in line 11 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Another important issue regarding the inscriptions is whether certain lines on the Amitabha statue were inscribed later than others. An analysis of the calligraphic style revealed that lines 1 to 15 differ from lines 16 to 21. For example, “金志全” (Kim Jijeon) appears in line 5 and line 20. The strokes of the characters are rather long in the former but relatively short in the latter (Figs. 48 and 49). The same features can be found when comparing the character “奉” in line 7 with the version in line 17 (Figs. 50 and 51). Most of the characters in lines 1 to 15 show relatively long strokes. The inscriptions are carved on the curved surface of both edges of the two statues. As shown in Figs. 52 and 53, the first two to three lines in both statues are inscribed on the curved surface on the right side and the final six to seven lines on the curved surface on the left side. Fig. 48. “金志全” in line 5 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 49. “金志全” in line 20 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 50. “奉” in line 7 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 51. “奉” in line 17 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 52. Layout of the inscription on the back of the Amitabha statue Fig. 53. Layout of the inscription on the back of the Maitreya statue In the case of the Amitabha statue, the lines are indented starting from line 16, probably due to limitations on space. Line 16 starts parallel with the sixth character of line 15 and the lines after it also have an indentation of five spaces (See the inscription on the Amitabha statue at the end of this main text). This contrasts with line 3 on the same statue and lines 3 and 16 of the Maitreya statue, since they are inscribed even on the edges as well as on the back of the nimbuses, probably in order to start on a level with the first character of the preceding line. In sum, lines 1 to 15 and lines 16 to 21 differ in terms of calligraphic style and indentation. The calligraphy of the inscriptions on the two statues can be classified by style into the following three groups: Sides A, B, and C of the Maitreya statue; sides D and E of the Amitabha statue; and side F of the Amitabha statue. However, such differences in the style of the calligraphy cannot be automatically interpreted as evidence of the later addition of the final lines of the Amitabha statue’s inscription. Whether it was the plan from the beginning to employ a different calligrapher for the final seven lines or to leave space for additional lines in the future should be studied through a comparison with similar or other relevant cases.14 In mentioning a person’s age, the Chinese character “年,” meaning “year,” was used in both statues, as in the case of “年六十六” (year sixty-six) and “年卌七” (year forty-seven). Only on side F of the Amitabha statue, which contains the final portion of the inscription, is the character “歲” (meaning “age”) used to refer to the age of Kim Jiseong in “歲六十九” (age sixty-nine). This suggests the possibility that the inscription on side F might have been added later.15 Abrasion on the Inscriptions The RTI analysis provided useful information beyond the identification of individual characters. It was meaningful for ascertaining the degree of abrasion on the inscriptions, which is expected to provide clues for determining the original location of the two statues within the temple. It is believed that the Maitreya statue was enshrined in the Geumdang, the hall housing the main buddha at the time Ilyeon wrote the Samguk yusa. However, the surviving documents fail to reveal whether the two statues were enshrined together or separately. According to the RTI results, the sides of the nimbuses of both statues are more severely worn than are their backs, which made it difficult to decipher the inscriptions on these sides. Even on the back, the characters at the top and those at bottom showed different degrees of abrasion, with the former more severely degraded in both statues. The characters at the bottom were relatively well preserved and allowed easier identification. In the Maitreya statue, each line of the inscription includes eighteen characters, and the inscription shows less damage from the eleventh or twelfth character in each line. In the Amitabha statue, where the inscription has twenty-one characters per line, it is relatively well preserved from the twelfth or thirteenth to the last character. Since the Amitabha statue is slightly larger than the Maitreya statue and its inscription is carved longer vertically, it is likely that the abrasion weakens from a similar point in each statue. Given this, it is probable that the two statues stood nearby at the time of their discovery, or at least for a long period prior to their discovery, and their lower portions were buried to a similar depth. The manner in which the statues were enshrined requires further research from a variety of perspectives, but the degree of abrasion on the inscriptions provides significant information on the statues that is not available in the pertinent literature. Interestingly, analysis of the RTI results found that the inscriptions were more easily deciphered when the light was cast from the right side rather than from the left. This relates to the correlation between the angle of the lighting and the shadow and indicates the possibility that the engraving tool might have inclined slightly toward the left when carving the inscriptions. With results that allow the minute detection of detailed features of each stroke of the calligraphy, the RTI has provided a new source of data that complements the rubbings of the past. RTI has limitations, however, since it is not effective for deciphering all types of epigraphic materials and it produces differing results according to the degree of abrasion and the nature of the material on which an inscription is carved. In the case of the two statues from Gamsansa Temple, the inscriptions on the top and both sides proved relatively difficult to decipher. It should also be noted that the complexity of deciphering the results can vary according to when, how, and by whom the RTI is conducted. In this light, RTI results and rubbed copies should be used in tandem when studying inscriptions. Rubbings of the Inscription In 2012 and 2013, in tandem with the RTI analysis, the existing rubbings of the Gamsansa statues’ inscriptions were reexamined and made public. The Japanese Government-General of Korea conducted extensive research on historical relics in Korea and is therefore likely to have produced and utilized considerable quantities of epigraphic materials. The rubbed copies of the Gamsansa statues’ inscriptions in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which have long been ignored, are assumed to be the outcomes of or materials from such research projects. Most of the known examples of rubbings of the statues from Gamsansa Temple at the National Museum of Korea originated in the collection of the Museum of the Japanese Government-General of Korea and feature the inscriptions of these Amitabha and Maitreya statues. These include copies of the inscriptions on the two statues acquired in 1916 (Bongwan 1197; Figs. 54 and 55), two copies of the inscription on the Maitreya statue purchased in 1919 (Bongwan 6862; Figs. 56 and 57), and two copies of the inscription on the Amitabha statue purchased in 1919 (Bongwan 6861; Figs. 58 and 59). Among the many rubbed copies acquired in 1916, the Bongwan 1197 copy has relatively high readability and is likely to have been used as materials for the compilation of the Joseon geumseok chongnam. The other four copies show poorer readability and may be unrelated to the Joseon geumseok chongnam in that they were purchased materials and entered the museum collection in 1919 after the completion of the compilation of the Joseon geumseok chongnam. However, it is also possible that multiple rubbings were made during the research process and they were later purchased to complement existing materials. This matter requires further study. Fig. 54. Rubbing of the inscription on the Maitreya statue. 117.2 x 133.8 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 1197) Fig. 55. Rubbing of the inscription on the Amitabha statue. 117.4 x 118.5 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 1197) Fig. 56. Rubbing of the inscription on the Maitreya statue. 98.5 x 95.6 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6862, 2-1) Fig. 57. Rubbing of the inscription on the Maitreya statue. 100.3 x 100.3 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6862, 2-2) Fig. 58. Rubbing of the inscription on the Amitabha statue. 115.3 x 107.5 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6861, 2-1) Fig. 59. Rubbing of the inscription on the Amitabha statue. 114.5 x 105.9 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6861, 2-2) Conclusion RTI is a useful imaging technique for collecting data on inscriptions without taking rubbings of cultural relics. The RTI conducted in 2012 and 2013 on the statues from Gamsansa Temple revealed that the inscription on the Maitreya statue has 381 characters while that on the Amitabha statue has 389 characters. It also allowed the identification of characters that had remained unclear (e.g., 六 in line 20 and 賜 in line 21 of the Amitabha inscription), the correction of characters that had been interpreted erroneously (e.g., 閑, 烋, 城), and the classification of types of simplified characters used in the inscriptions. Consequently, Kim Jiseong’s age at the time of his death could be determined, the controversy over some of the unclear characters closed, and the existing interpretation improved. Another meaningful outcome of the RTI is that three different types of calligraphy used in the inscriptions and their location on the nimbuses could be identified. All of these findings, together with the existing rubbed copies, are expected to serve as basic material for the study of the statues from Gamsansa Temple so as to pinpoint their year of production and determine whether some parts of the inscriptions were added later.16 In addition, the degree of abrasion on the statues and their inscriptions will also provide useful information for investigating how the statues were enshrined in the temple. Inscription on the Maitreya Statue from Gamsansa Temple Inscription on the Amitabha Statue from Gamsansa Temple