The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

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Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology Vol. 18
The Iconography of Four Animal Paintings Found inside Changung Coffin Containers as Depicted in Joseon Dynasty-era Uigwe for Mournful Ceremonies
Myeong Sera(Sena)

National Museum of Korea

Journal of Korean Art & Archaeology 2024, Vol.18 pp.74-90

DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2024.v18_06

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ⓒ 2024 National Museum of Korea,

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided that the article is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.

Introduction

Mournful ceremonies (凶禮, hyungnye), a term used for the royal funeral rites of the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮, 1392–1897), were conducted over the course of three years and required large quantities of materials and human resources. In order to effectively perform a mournful ceremony, the Joseon royal court established a gukjang dogam (國葬都監, temporary office for a state funeral) for the supervision of the funeral, a binjeon honjeon dogam (殯殿魂殿都監, temporary office of coffin and spirit halls) for the preparation of the mourning chamber and construction of the spirit hall, and a salleung dogam (山陵都監, temporary office of tombs) for the construction of the tomb. After the ceremony was complete, each dogam meticulously recorded its involvement in the process of the ceremony and published the records as a Gukjang dogam uigwe (Uigwe for the State Funeral), Binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe (Uigwe for the Coffin and Spirit Halls), or Salleung dogam uigwe (Uigwe for the Construction of Royal Tombs).

Binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe and Salleung dogam uigwe contain paintings of four animals (known collectively as sasudo) (四獸圖): the azure dragon (靑龍, cheongryong), white tiger (白虎, baekho), red phoenix (朱鳥, jujo), and black tortoise (玄武, hyeonmu).1 These four animals are painted on the walls inside a changung coffin container (欑宮), which was built to temporarily store a coffin of a king or queen in the binjeon coffin hall within a royal palace and at the Jeongjagak Hall within the precincts of a royal tomb before the coffin was set inside the tomb. Changung coffin containers were typically burned after having served their purpose. Fortunately, the illustrations contained within uigwe (royal protocols) offer us a glimpse into what they looked like.

Paintings of the four animals found inside the changung coffin containers have been regarded as holding significant value from an art history perspective. They have been presented as evidence for realism in eighteenth-century paintings (Kang Kwan-shik 1995, 49–108). Some scholars have compared azure dragons from four animal paintings with cloud-and-dragon designs (Bang Byung Sun 1998, 45–78). Others have examined court painting styles of the time by comparing the white tigers from four animal paintings with other paintings featuring tigers (Yun Chinyong 2012, 192–234). However, paintings of the four animals inside changung coffin containers only began being investigated as a main topic of research in 2007, when Yun Chinyong conducted a chronological examination of four animal paintings from changung coffin containers included in Salleung dogam uigwe dating back to the late Joseon period and compared them with other contemporaneous paintings (Yun Chinyong 2007, 477–495). Building upon existing research, this paper aims to explore the changung system and the tradition behind the painting of these four animals by analyzing forty-three sets of uigwe regarding mournful ceremonies, with a special focus on paintings of red phoenixes, which display the most drastic changes among the four animals depicted.

The Changung System and Four Animal Paintings Found Inside Changung Coffin Containers

Changung Coffin Containers Installed at Binjeon Halls and Royal Tombs

A changung coffin container is a structure used to temporarily house a royal coffin waiting in the binjeon coffin hall or Jeongjagak Hall prior to its interment in a royal tomb (Fig. 1). It is something like an outer coffin (槨, gawk). A changung was also called a chando (欑塗) or chudo (菆塗).2 Its origins can be traced back to a time preceding the Han Dynasty (漢, 202 BCE–220 CE) in China, as indicated in the “Tangong” (檀弓, The Sandalwood Bow) chapter of the Liji (禮記, Book of Rites), which contains the following passage: “a mourning chamber for an emperor is constructed like an outer coffin by piling up wood around a bier and applying mud to it.”3

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Fig. 1. “The changung coffin container” from “Illustrations” in Gukjo oryeui seorye. Joseon, 1474. 34.6 × 23.4 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies

It is unknown when the Chinese changung system was transmitted to Korea. Although historical records from the Three Kingdoms period (57 BCE–668 CE) include no mention of changung, one could be found in a document on the mourning for Queen Sundeok (順德王后哀冊) of the Goryeo Dynasty (高 麗, 918–1392).4 The changung system most likely appears to have been established during the Joseon Dynasty. The “Orye” (五禮, Five Rites) chapter of Sejong sillok (世宗實錄, Annals of King Sejong) contains an explanation of the changung system.5

During the Joseon Dynasty, changung were produced by both the binjeon dogam (temporary office of the coffin hall) and salleung dogam (temporary office of the tomb), who adhered to predetermined regulations regarding their size and structure. Detailed regulations on the size and structure of changung can be found in Gukjo oryeui seorye (國朝五禮儀序例, Preface Volume to the Five Rites of the State) as follows:

The base for a changung is built using bricks a little west of the center of the main hall, and its height is roughly five chon (寸) (about 15 cm). Its length and width can vary depending on the coffin. Two cheok (尺) (about 61 cm) are added to the length and width of a coffin to create the changung, and the gap between the coffin and changung is filled with lime. Above the base, four wooden pillars of five cheok (about 152 cm) are erected. On top of the pillars, beams and rafters are placed to form a roof. The walls are made with thin wooden branches tied with linden bark cords, and reeds and thick oiled paper are applied to the northern, southern, western, and upper sides of the changung. … a red phoenix, white tiger, and black tortoise are painted on separate pieces of paper and pasted onto the walls inside the changung according to the directions they represent. Moreover, … an eastern wall is erected [… and an azure dragon is painted on a piece of paper, which is pasted inside this wall.]6

While the construction method for changung was gradually simplified until the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776) (Shin Ji-hye 2010, 54–106), the size of the containers grew larger over time. During the reign of King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418–1450), the height of a changung measured about five cheok (about 152 cm); during the reign of King Seonjo (宣祖, r. 1567–1608), it was five cheok and five chon (about 167 cm); and during the reign of King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674–1720), it reached six cheok and five chon (about 197 cm). When calculated based on yeongjocheok (營造尺), the unit of length used in architecture at the time, the height increased by roughly forty-five centimeters. Changung were burned following the completion of mourning ceremonies. The changung inside the binjeon hall would be burned along with the spirit seat (靈座, yeongjwa) and spirit bed (靈寢, yeongchim) after the coffin was taken from the mourning chamber to the tomb. The changung used at the royal tomb would be burned after the coffin was carried into the tomb (Lee Hyunjin 2015, 121–131).

The Tradition of Producing Four Animal Paintings Found inside Changung Coffin Containers

Four paintings, each depicting a different animal, were pasted onto the inner walls of changung coffin containers according to the direction symbolized by each animal (Table 1). It is hard to know when this tradition began, but many scholars consider that the flags with the images of the four deities used during ancient Chinese marching ceremonies may have influenced funeral rituals.7

Table 1. The Four Animal Paintings in Uigwe Related to Mournful Ceremonies

In Korea, paintings depicting the four deities (sasindo) first emerged during the Three Kingdoms period. Prime examples can be found in the tomb murals of the Goguryeo Kingdom (高句麗, 37 BCE–668 CE) (Fig. 2). Mural paintings of the four deities served as main elements in the adornment of the inner spaces of Goguryeo Kingdom tombs from the fourth and fifth centuries through the first half of the seventh century. During the Goryeo Dynasty, images of the four deities were added inside tombs and stone coffins, but they were depicted as a subordinate motif (Ji Minkyung 2011, 80–85) (Fig. 3). The paintings of these four animals in the Joseon Dynasty can be understood as a continuation of the tradition stemming from the Three Kingdoms and Goryeo periods.

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Fig. 2. Four Paintings of Animals. Gorguryeo. Great Tomb of Gangseo in Gangseo District, Pyeongnam. Replica (copied around 1930). National Museum of Korea

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Fig. 3. Stone Coffin of Heo Jae. Goryeo, 1144. Short sides (each) 33.0 × 37.0 cm. Long sides (each) 82.0 × 37.0 cm. National Museum of Korea

In the early Joseon period, images of the four animals were illustrated on outer stone coffins or stone chambers inside royal tombs as well as on changung. The “Five Rites” chapter of Sejong sillok and the Gukjo oryeui (Five Rites of the State) contain regulations regarding these paintings.8 They also stipulate how the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise are to be positioned.

The white tiger and azure dragon are to be painted with their heads facing south, while the black tortoise and red phoenix are to have their heads turned to the west.9

This regulation was also mentioned in the annotations of the “Shitian” (釋天, Glosses on Heaven) chapter in Erya (爾雅, Approaching Elegance) as follows: “The azure dragon and white tiger have their heads in the south and their tails in the north, while the red phoenix and black tortoise have their heads in the west and their tails in the east.” This regulation commonly accepted in the Northern Song Dynasty is based on the projection of constellation positions in the sky onto the four interior walls of a tomb (Kim Il-gwon 2001, 129–130).

Paintings of these four animals inside the royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty are also mentioned in Imha pilgi (林下筆記, Jottings in Retirement) by Yi Yuwon (李裕元, 1814–1888).

Illeung Royal Tomb (仁陵) was relocated from Gyoha (交河) to Gwangju … inside the outer coffin were paintings of an azure dragon to the left, a white tiger to the right, a red phoenix to the south, and a black tortoise to the north, which corresponds to the changung system … The [animals in] these paintings looked incredibly real and seemed as though they had just been painted …10

However, not all royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty bear such paintings of the four animals. This is due to orders King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) specified in his will in 1468 not to construct stone burial chambers. Instead, the coffin of a royal family member was to be lowered into a pit and the gap filled with lime.11 Paintings of the four animals could be added only to tombs with stone chambers or stone outer coffins. Among the forty-two Joseon royal tombs, fewer than seven contain stone chambers (Jeon Na-na 2012, 54). Although the tradition of painting these four animals (deities) inside stone chambers or stone outer coffins inside the royal tombs was discontinued, the tradition of depicting the four animals inside the changung coffin containers survived. During the reign of King Yeongjo, the practice of painting the four animals exclusively inside the changung of kings and queens was established, excluding the coffin containers (chansil) of crown princes or crown princesses.12

Characteristics of the Iconography of the Four Animal Paintings Found Inside Changung Coffin Containers

Development of the Iconography of the Four Animal Paintings Found Inside Changung Coffin Containers

Paintings of the four animals in changung coffin containers from the Joseon period can be observed in Yejang dogam uigwe (Uigwe for Funeral Rites), Binjeon dogam uigwe (Uigwe for the Coffin Hall), and Salleung dogam uigwe. Salleung dogam uigwe, thirty-nine of which are analyzed in this paper, contain images of the four animal paintings created for the changung coffin containers installed inside Jeongjagak Halls (or Yeongakjeon Halls). As for Binjeon (gung) dogam uigwe, only the three that were published during the reign of King Sunjo (純祖, r. 1800–1834) include illustrations of these paintings. In the case of Yejang dogam uigwe, illustrations of the paintings are found only in Wonjong yejang dogam uigwe (元宗禮葬都監儀軌, Uigwe for the Funeral Rites of King Wonjong). Among the surviving forty-three uigwe on mournful ceremonies, thirty-eight pertain to the funeral rites of kings and queens, five elaborate on those of the crown princes and crown princesses, and six focus on the offering or restoring of posthumous honorific titles.

Illustrations of the four animal paintings for the changung coffin containers included in uigwe underwent a transformation from the mid-Joseon period to the late Joseon period. Azure dragons that had once been depicted flying in a straight line were changed into an S-shape flying position. White tigers that had initially been portrayed flying in a lively fashion were later depicted as emerging from a mountain (出山虎). Red phoenixes went from having three heads and three legs to being represented as red flying birds. Black tortoises, originally incorporating both tortoise and snake elements, were later depicted solely in the form of tortoises. The following section of this paper examines these changes by separating the periods before and after the reign of King Yeongjo when the particulars of funeral rituals were established.

Before the Reign of King Yeongjo

The uigwe on mournful ceremonies published in the early Joseon period were all lost during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–1598). Therefore, the four animal paintings for changung coffin containers can only be identified from uigwe dating back to the mid-to-late Joseon period. Nevertheless, there are illustrations of flags with images of the four deities in the “Five Rites” chapter of Sejong sillok and Gukjo oryeui seorye that provide insights into how the four animal paintings inside the changung coffin containers may have appeared. In these flags (Fig. 4), the azure dragon is depicted with four claws and flying in a straight line inside flames. The white tiger is similarly shown flying in a straight line in flames. The black tortoise is portrayed as a creature made up of the intertwined bodies of a tortoise and a snake that seem to be looking at one another. The red phoenix is shown as one of the mythical birds known as bonghwang (鳳凰), in this case with three heads, three legs, and its wings spread out. These depictions of the four deities in the flags correspond to the iconography of the four animal paintings for the changung coffin container found in Inmok wanghu salleung dogam uigwe (仁穆王后山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Inmok) from 1632 (Table 1-3). This suggests that the iconography of flags with images of four deities was applied to four animal paintings inside the changung coffin container during the early Joseon period.

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Fig. 4. “Flags with four animals” from the “Orye” chapter of Sejong sillok. History Repository at the National Archives of Korea

During the reign of King Hyojong (孝宗, r. 1649–1659), changes in the depictions of azure dragons and white tigers occurred. The dragon’s claws increased from four to five, and the dragon went from being depicted in a straight flying posture to being in a sideways U-shaped position. Moreover, five-colored clouds were added, emphasizing the auspicious atmosphere (Table 1-4). The white tiger that was formerly depicted flying in a straight line began being portrayed in a seated position or as emerging from a mountain (Table 1-4·5). Crouched with its knees drawn up, the white tiger is shown more as an awe-inspiring being rather than a threatening beast due to the absence of flames (Lee Jewon 2005, 14). During the reign of King Sukjong, however, depictions of white tigers emerging from a mountain became more prevalent. Such tigers leaving their dwellings to go roaming are shown walking sideways but with their heads facing forward. The iconography of tigers emerging out of a mountain began to be employed in China by Zhao Miaochuo (趙邈齪) during the Northern Song Dynasty (北宋, 960–1127), and it is presumed to have been introduced to Korea in the early seventeenth century (Hong Sun Pyo 1999, 349). The portrayal of white tigers emerging from a mountain is thought to have been influenced by paintings of tigers produced in the same period.

Another intriguing feature in the depictions of white tigers in the uigwe is that they are represented differently in uigwe intended for the king and in the versions that were made to be stored in other places. In the Myeongseong wanghu sungneung salleung dogam uigwe (明聖王后崇陵山陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Constructing the Tomb of Queen Myeongseong) produced for the king and housed at the Oe Gyujanggak Outer Royal Library, the white tiger is depicted as emerging from a mountain (Table 1-9). In contrast, the versions produced to be stored in other places, particularly the Uijeongbu (State Council) and the satellite archives on Jeoksangsan Mountain, show the white tiger walking with its gaze directed at the sky (Table 1-10). This difference can also be observed in the Jeongsun wanghu sareung bongneung dogam uigwe (思陵封陵都監儀軌, Uigwe for Renaming the Tomb of Queen Jeongsun). The version for the king features a tiger in flames emerging from a mountain (Table 1-12) while other versions made to be stored in different places display a tiger walking and looking at the sky (Table 1-13). The iconographic differences in the uigwe for the king and those intended to be stored in various other places are presumed to be a result of the fact that these uigwe were produced in the transitional period of the adoption of the iconography of the tiger emerging from a mountain to one featuring white tigers.

Among the iconographic shifts in the four animal paintings that occurred prior to the reign of King Yeongjo, those found in azure dragons and white tigers are more remarkable than those that took place in images of red phoenixes and black tortoises. Azure dragons and white tigers began to be depicted on picture planes oriented vertically rather than horizontally, which is likely due to the expansion of the size of changung coffin containers. In other words, as the height of the changung pillars increased, the corresponding images of azure dragons and white tigers seem to have gradually shifted towards a more vertical portrayal.

After the Reign of King Yeongjo

In 1752, King Yeongjo published Gukjo sangnye bopyeon (國朝喪禮補編, Revised Funeral Rites of the State). The first application of the codes in this book was the funeral held for Queen Jeongseong (貞聖王后) (Table 1-19). New iconography for the four animal paintings inside changung coffin containers can be found in this book. The shape of the azure dragon changed from a sideways U to an S. The flames that surrounded the white tiger disappeared, and it took on the image of a tiger emerging from a mountain. The red phoenix, formerly shown with three heads and three legs, turned into a red bird flying across the sky. The black tortoise is portrayed solely in the form of a turtle, losing its fantastical character. Overall, these iconographic changes demonstrate a shift toward more realistic animal depictions. Previous studies view these changes to be rooted in the society of the time (Kang Kwan-shik 1995, 49–108). In the eighteenth century, people tried to look at the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise from a more realistic perspective, prompting attempts to depict them more realistically. However, the idea of viewing the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise not merely as imaginary animals but as actual animals had existed for a long time. Wang Cong (王充, 25–220) believed that the spirits of four stars (四星)—namely the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise—descended from the sky and assumed physical bodies (體) in the forms (形) of a dragon, tiger, bird, and turtle once on earth.13 According to him, the four deities (四神) resided in the sky, while the four animals inhabited the earth (Kim-Il gwon 2001, 125). This concept can be also found in Imwon gyeongjeji (林園經濟志, Sixteen Treatises on the Ways of Developing the Nation and Comforting the People) by Seo Yugu (徐有榘, 1764–1845). In it, Seo states that “As a hundred thriving spirits ascend and become numerous stars, they form images in the sky and take shape on earth.”14 Thus, the iconographic changes in the four animal paintings for changung coffin containers in the eighteenth century originated out of the idea of whether the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise should be perceived as four sacred images (四象) or in the forms they assumed on earth.

The four animal paintings temporarily changed back to their former iconography, however, as seen in Heongyeong Hyebin bingung hongung dogam uigwe (獻敬惠嬪殯宮魂宮都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Crown Princess Hye) (Table 1-27), Hyoui wanghu binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe (孝懿王后殯殿魂殿都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Queen Hyoui) (Table 1-28), and Hyeonmok Subin binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe (顯穆綏嬪殯宮魂宮都監儀軌, Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Lady Bak) (Table 1-29). These uigwe explain the shift back to the former iconography as follows:

On the four walls of a changung, an azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise are painted according to the directions they represent. However, in a time of urgency, it is always easy to forget about the old system for this iconography. The former schema ought to be consulted first and followed [so as to depict] the black tortoise in the form of a snake with a turtle shell, the red phoenix with three heads and three legs, and the dragon and tiger in a soaring position. The dragon and tiger should have their heads oriented southward while the red phoenix and black tortoise should have their heads directed westward.15

This excerpt from Heongyeong Hyebin bingung hongung dogam uigwe relates that since it is easy to forget about the old way of painting the four animals in a time of urgency, the former schema needs to be consulted and followed. However, the versions of Heongyeong Hyebin salleung dogam uigwe produced for the king and those to be stored in various places that address the funeral rites for Heongyeong Hyebin feature the four animals depicted using the new iconography codified during the reign of King Yeongjo (Table 1-25·26). This discrepancy can be attributed to the binjeon dogam and salleung dogam having each created different changung, meaning that they may have shared a similar size and structure for the changung, but not the iconography of the four animal paintings. This is similar to the use of different iconography for the white tigers between the Salleung uigwe for Queen Myeongseong and Queen Jeongsun produced for the king and the other versions created to be stored in different places.

The Continuation and Transformation of the Iconography of the Red Phoenix

How did the iconography of the red phoenix for changung coffin containers come about? Ancient people perceived birds as beings with the ability to connect the heavens with the human world. They developed imaginary birds like three-legged crows (三足烏), bonghwang, and the red phoenix. The red phoenix symbolized fire (火) among the Five Elements (五行). It was considered a deity and also the constellation protecting the south.16 It was often portrayed with three heads and three legs during the Joseon Dynasty, which was a distinctive representation not found in China or Japan. During the reign of King Yeongjo, however, the red phoenix was converted into an ordinary red bird soaring into the sky. This section of the paper will explore the iconographic traditions and changes pertaining to the red phoenix.

Paintings of Red Phoenixes with Three Heads and Three Legs

The red phoenix has historically been represented as one of the two birds forming a pair of mythical creatures known as bonghwang, a chicken, or a falcon. Particularly, bonghwang are believed to have been the formal origin of red phoenixes (Jeon Ho-tae 1993, 53). In mural paintings from the Goguryeo Kingdom, red phoenixes were mostly depicted in a pair like bonghwang or as a combination of a rooster with a red comb and a colorful peacock. During the Goryeo Dynasty, they began to be portrayed as falcons, as seen in the description of flags with a falcon image (鷹準旗, eungjungi) from Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經, Xuanhe Commissioner’s Illustrated Account of Goryeo) by Xu Jing (徐兢, 1091–1153) of the Northern Song Dynasty.

There are two flags with a falcon image, and the tassels on them are all red. The red color symbolizes the number represented by fire. In the middle of each flag is a soaring falcon, indicating a sense of urgency. According to Zhouli (周禮, The Rituals of Zhou), ‘flags are made with falcons and [other] birds.’ The depiction of a falcon in these red flags corresponds to the old system. During a procession, these flags come after a flag with an elephant image.17

Such flags with a falcon image signified fire among the flags representing the four directions (四方旗). Shijing jizhuan (詩經集傳, Collected Commentaries on the Book of Odes) interpreted falcons as red phoenixes.18 The flying falcons in the middle of the flags are understood as representing a transition from a crow with three legs meant to reflect the characteristics of a raptor to a red phoenix (Kim Joomi 2004, 269). In fact, the visual representations of three-legged crows, bonghwang, and red phoenixes have often overlapped. This convergence was unavoidable given the imaginary nature of these birds, but it also fueled people’s imagination. Bonghwang were depicted with the appearance of chickens or peacocks, and three-legged crows were portrayed as birds of prey like falcons. The blending among them occurred over a long period of time, leading to the creation of three-legged crows in the form of bonghwang as seen in the Goryeo-era Stele of State Preceptor Jigwang (智光國師玄妙塔碑) at Beopcheonsa Temple (法泉寺) in Wonju (Fig. 5). Accordingly, the red phoenixes with three heads and three legs seen in the Joseon Dynasty are presumed to have been based on the appearance of bonghwang combined with characteristic elements of three-legged crows.

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Fig. 5. “Three-legged crow” engraved on Stele of State Preceptor Jigwang at Beopcheonsa Temple. Goryeo, 1085. Beopcheonsa Temple Site in Wonju, Gangwon-do Province. H. 4.55 cm. National treasure

In that case, why do the red phoenixes also have three heads? The origin of the three heads can be found in an image of a three-headed falcon (三頭鷹) on talismans used to prevent three common calamities (fire, flood, and storm) during the Joseon Dynasty (Fig. 6). A three-headed falcon is depicted with only one leg and is called samdu ilgakjo (三頭一脚鳥, three-headed and one-legged bird) or samdu iljokeung (三頭一足鷹, three-headed and one-footed falcon). Paintings of three-headed falcons were utilized to repel these three calamities. Yi Gyugyeong (李圭景) explains their magical power in his Oju yeonmun jangjeon sango (五洲衍文長箋散稿, Random Expatiations of Oju) as follows (Kho Youenhee 2013, 172):

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Fig. 6. Wooden Printing Block for a Talisman. Joseon. 28.3 × 21.9 cm. National Museum of Korea

On Lunar New Year’s Day in China, chickens are painted [on pieces of paper] and pasted above doors. In Korea, even when it is not Lunar New Year’s Day, paintings of three falcons are pasted above doors to ward off the three calamities. This should be done in the year when the three calamities will occur. It has been said that since the year of the three calamities for each person differs, the paintings need to be pasted in one’s corresponding year. This appears to have been derived from the custom practiced in the Goryeo period, but as it was also practiced during the Song and Yuan Dynasties (元, 1271 –1368), [the origin of this practice] needs to be clarified.19

There are two noteworthy points in this record. First, the use of three-headed falcon images for talismans to repel the three calamities is presumed to have been customary since the time of the Goryeo Dynasty. Second, the original three-headed falcon talismans in fact featured three falcons. The three-headed falcon iconography was occasionally depicted as three falcons huddled together and looking away in different directions. Many of these falcons have one of their legs raised, giving the impression that they have only one leg. Such depiction can be observed in the printed talisman produced to ward off the three calamities in the collection of The Koryo Museum of Art in Japan (Fig. 7). The iconography of the three-headed falcon talismans seems to have influenced the iconography of red phoenix paintings. The Hyeonmok Subin binjeon honjeon dogam uigwe from 1822 presents a red phoenix similar to the three-headed falcon in talismans (Table 1-29). The four animal paintings inside the chansil coffin container of Hyeonmok Subin were based on the iconography applied temporarily prior to the reign of King Yeongjo. In this painting, a red phoenix with three heads and three legs takes on the appearance of a falcon, especially evident in the depiction of the feathers and tail.

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Fig. 7. Woodcut Print on Paper. 19th century. 37.3 × 28.4 cm. The Koryo Museum of Art, Japan

Paintings of red phoenixes with three heads and three legs can be viewed as the result of merging and localizing iconography from three-legged crows, bonghwang, and falcons that had existed since ancient times. They are distinctive to Korea and not found in China or Japan.

Paintings of Red Phoenixes in the Form of a Soaring Red Bird

The conventions for paintings of red phoenixes were completely changed in 1757 (the 33rd year of the reign of King Yeongjo). The fantastic red phoenixes began to be depicted as soaring red birds that appeared as though they could truly exist. The Sok byeongjang doseol (續兵將圖說, Revised Illustrated Manual of Military Training and Tactics), published in 1749 (the 25th year of the reign of King Yeongjo), contains an illustration of a flag with a red phoenix with such iconography (Fig. 8). On it, the red phoenix takes the form of a mere red bird flying between five-colored clouds. The actual use of such a flag can be verified in the Documentary Painting of the Events from King Jeongjo’s Visit to Hwaseong in 1795.

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Fig. 8. “Red phoenix flag” from Sok byeongjang doseol. Joseon, 1749. 36.9 × 24.3 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies

The illustration of a red phoenix flag in Sok byeongjang doseol appears to have been based on an image included in the Jixiao xinshu (紀效新書, New Treatise on Effective Discipline) authored by Qi Jiguang (戚繼光, 1528–1588) of Ming Dynasty (明, 1368–1644) China (Fig. 9). The illustration of a red phoenix flag in the Gije (旗制, Flag System) compiled in the middle years of the reign of King Yeongjo was also modeled after the image in the Jixiao xinshu (Fig. 10). The red phoenix in the Gije bears similarities with the red phoenix painting inside a changung in terms of its flying posture, red feathers, green beak, yellow eyes, and the blue feathers around its eyes.

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Fig. 9. “Red phoenix flag” from Jixiao xinshu. Publication date unknown. 33.5 × 21.5 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies

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Fig. 10. “Red phoenix flag” from Gije. Publication date unknown. 27.9 × 17.9 cm. Osaka Prefectural Nakanoshima Library, Japan. Courtesy of the Center for Overseas Resources on Korean Studies at Korea University

Where does this type of iconography find its roots? The red phoenix flag in the Jixiao xinshu appears similar to a flag known as a yeo (旟) (Ch. yu) that is depicted in Sanli tu (三禮圖, Illustrations to the Ritual Classics), dating back to the Song Dynasty, and the large red flag (大赤旗, daejeokgi) shown in the Yeseo (禮書, Book on Proprieties) (Fig. 11). In particular, Sanli tu relates that a jojun (鳥隼), referring to a red phoenix and symbolizing fire, is painted on the yeo flag.20 The red phoenix iconography of the Song Dynasty is presumed to have been used during the Ming Dynasty as well, bearing influence on the iconography of red phoenix flags and red phoenix paintings inside a changung in Korea during the Joseon Dynasty. With the exception of a temporary return to the former iconography during the reign of King Sunjo, the use of this new form of red phoenix lasted until 1926 with the inclusion of a red phoenix painting inside the changung coffin container for Emperor Sunjong (純宗, 1907–1910). In the case of flags, the red phoenix iconography varied according to the times rather than being standardized, as demonstrated in the flags portraying a red phoenix with three heads and three legs (Figs. 1213).

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Fig. 11. “Yeo flag” from Xinding Sanli tu. (Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 2006, p. 267)

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Fig. 12. “Red phoenix flag” from Jogyeongjeon jinjak jeongrye uigwe. Joseon, 1827. 34.4 × 22.8 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies

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Fig. 13. Red Phoenix Flag. Joseon. 132.5 × 135.5 cm. National Palace Museum of Korea

Conclusion

During the Joseon Dynasty, the changung coffin container into which the coffin of a king or queen was temporarily placed was adorned with paintings of the four animals corresponding to the cardinal directions. The inclusion of paintings of these four animals can also be found in the stone chambers (or stone outer coffins) inside royal tombs. The paintings of these four animals are a form of funerary art that had been employed since ancient times. Owing to the conservative nature of mournful ceremonies, the orientation and position of the four animals in these paintings did not change over the years. However, the iconography and styles of the azure dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black tortoise evolved over time. The same is true for the four animal paintings found in the changung coffin containers from the Joseon Dynasty. Azure dragons went from being depicted as flying in a straight line to flying in an S shape, and white tigers from flying in a straight line to emerging from a mountain. Portrayals of red phoenixes evolved from a bird with three heads and three legs to a red bird flying through the sky, and black tortoise depictions changed from a turtle incorporating snake elements to purely the form of a turtle.

Paintings of red phoenixes for the changung were depicted with three heads and three legs during the early Joseon period, a distinctive type of iconography not found in China or Japan. However, after funeral rites were institutionalized during the reign of King Yeongjo, they were influenced by red phoenix flags and transformed into red birds soaring through the sky.

Nevertheless, the aspects of and circumstances for such iconographic changes in red phoenixes painted in the changung as described above cannot be applied to aid in understanding iconographic changes in the other three animals included in the changung. This indicates that the iconography of the four animal paintings for the changung was not derived from a single source. Rather, azure dragons, white tigers, red phoenixes, and black tortoises were painted according to their individual traditions, and the criteria for choosing the iconography varied depending on which form of funeral rite system was being emphasized.

Footnote

1

The term sasu (四獸, four animals) is interchangeably used with sasin (四神, four deities). The azure dragon is called cheongryong (靑龍) or changryong (蒼龍), and the red phoenix is called jujo (朱鳥) or jujak (朱雀). For the sake of simplicity, this paper will refer to them as cheongryong and jujo.

2

A Chinese scholar of the Tang Dynasty (唐, 618–907), Kong Yingda (孔穎達, 574–648) used the term chudo in Liji zhushu (禮記注疏, Commentary and Sub-commentary on the Book of Rites) as follows: 菆 叢也 謂用木菆棺而四面塗之 故云菆塗也. Similarly, Kim Jang-saeng (金長生, 1548–1631), a Korean scholar of the Joseon Dynasty, used it in Tangong (檀弓, The Sandalwood Bow) 1 of the “Gyeongseo byeonui” (經書辨疑, Discussions of Doubtful Points in the Classics) chapter from his Sagye jeonso (沙溪全書, Collection of Poetry and Prose by Sagye), vol. 16, as seen in the following phrase: 韻會 菆通作攢積木以殯也.

3

The original text can be found in “Tangong” (The Sandalwood Bow) 1 of Liji (Book of Rites).

4

For the original text, see the document for mourning Queen Sundeok in the “Chaek” (冊, Book) chapter of Dongmunseon (東文選, Selected Literature of the Eastern State), vol. 28.

5

For the original text, see the entry on building a mourning chamber (成殯) in the ‘mournful ceremonies’ (凶禮儀式) section of the “Orye” (Five Rites) chapter of Sejong sillok (Annals of King Sejong), vol. 134.

6

The original text can be found in an illustration of washing and clothing a corpse and placing it in a coffin (斂殯圖說) from the “Hyungnye” (凶禮, Mournful Ceremonies) chapter of Gukjo oryeui seorye (Preface Volume of the Five Rites of the State), vol. 5.

7

In addition to the record on painting a dragon on a chudo, the “Quli” (曲禮, Summary of the Rules of Propriety) chapter in the Liji documents states that the system of organizing and operating various ritual and ceremonial items (鹵簿制) was gradually applied to the changung coffin containers as follows: 行 前朱鳥 而後玄武 左靑龍 而右白虎 招搖在上 急勁其怒. Examples of painting the four animals in an outer coffin can be found in stone coffins discovered in the Sichun region from the Later Han, Wei, and Jin Dynasties (Jeon Ho-tae 2000, 327–328) and in Tang Dynasty government publications from the Turfan region (Huo Wei 2018, 197).

8

See the clause on procedures for burying a body (治葬條) in the ‘Mournful Ceremonies’ section of the “Orye” (Five Rites) chapter of Sejong sillok (Annals of King Sejong) and the clause on the same topic in the “Orye” (Five Rites) chapter of Gukjo oryeui (Five Rites of the State).

9

The original text can be found in the entry on the nineteenth day of the seventh lunar month of the Eulyu year (the 28th year of the reign of King Sejong) from Sejong sillok (Annals of King Sejong), vol. 113.

10

For the original text, see the entry on the relocation of Illeung Royal Tomb (仁陵遷奉) in the “Chunmyeong ilsa” (春明逸史, Anecdotal History of Spring) of Imha pilgi (Jottings in Retirement), vol. 26.

11

The related entry on the nineteenth century of the ninth lunar month of the Eulhae year (1468, the enthronement year of King Yejong) in the Yejong sillok (Annals of King Yejong) is recorded as follows: 傳旨禮曹曰: 陵寢皆用石室, 而大行大王命不作石室, 今宜遵奉遺命, 以成美德.

12

See the “Seongbin” (成殯, Building a Mourning Chamber) chapter of Gukjo sangrye bopyeon (Revised Funeral Rites of the State).

13

Wang Chong, “Wushi” (物勢, The Nature of Things) Chapter, Lunheung (論衡, The Complete Essays of Wang Chong).

14

The original text of the quote from Imwon gyeongjeji (16 Treatises on the Ways of Developing the Nation and Comforting the People) by Seo Yugu is as follows: 百昌之精 上爲列星. 在天成象, 在地成形.

15

For the original text, see the illustrations in Heongyeong Hyebin bingung hongung dogam uigwe (Uigwe for Installing the Royal Coffin Hall and Spirit Hall of Crown Princess Hye), 2.

16

The name “jujak,” interchangeably used with jujo, was given because of the way a bird takes to the sky when sensing fire (“見火卽飛 故得朱雀稱也” from Shuowen yizheng (說文義證, Explanation of Correct Meanings) by Gui Fu (桂馥)). “Jak” (雀) is considered equivalent to “jo” (鳥), so jujak is interchangeable with jujo (See the annotation of the ‘Yao dian’ (堯典, Cannon of Yao) section 1 of “Shang Shu zhushu” (尚書注疏, Commentaries and Sub-commentaries to the Book of Documents), vol. 2. from Shang Shu zhengi (尙書正義, The Right Meaning of the Book of Documents)).

17

For the original text, see the entry on flags with a falcon image in the “Qizhi” (旗幟, Flags) chapter of Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (Xuanhe Commissioner’s Illustrated Account of Goryeo) 14 by Xu Jing.

18

See the ‘Chuche’ (出車, Bring out the Carts) section in “Xiaoya: Luming zhi shi” (小雅 鹿鳴之什, Minor Odes: Decade of Lu Ming) chapter 21 of Shijing jizhuan (Collected Commentaries on the Book of Odes) I, vol. 9.

19

For the original text, see the entry on customs (風俗) in the ‘Ronsaryu’ (論史類, Discussions on History) section from the “Gyeongsa pyeon” (經史篇, Classics and Histories) chapter of Oju yeongu jangjeon san go (Random Expatiations of Oju) by Yi Gyugyeong.

20

See Nie Chongyi (聂崇义), Xinding Sanli tu (新定三礼图, Newly Standardized Illustrations to the Ritual Classics).

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