The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

The tomb murals of the ancient Korean kingdom of Goguryeo (高句麗, 37 BCE – 668) hold great significance in the history of Korean art as they constitute a valuable resource for the study of both early Korean painting and ancient Korean culture. First, they are the earliest murals found in Korea and thus shed light on the origins of the Korean painting tradition. Second, the murals’ stylistic originality and their depictions of architecture, dress, and ornamentation offer a rich, pictorial account of the varied aspects of Goguryeo culture and provide insight into the Goguryeo people’s religious beliefs and understanding of universe. Third, they bear testimony to Goguryeo’s cultural exchanges with neighboring countries and regions, demonstrating in particular how Goguryeo adopted, adapted, and assimilated cultural elements from the Western Regions (西域) and from China during the Han Dynasty (漢, 206 BCE – 220) and Six Dynasties period (六朝, 220 – 589), and then went on to develop them in a way that best met their needs, eventually transmitting cultural influence on to Japan and to the other kingdoms of Korea’s Three Kingdoms period (三國時代)—Baekje (百濟, 18 BCE – 660), Silla (新羅, 57 BCE – 935), and Gaya (加耶, 42 – 562). Murals first appeared in Goguryeo tombs around the fourth century; they continued to be produced until the collapse of the dynasty in 668. Such mural tombs were concentrated in Tonggu (通溝, Ch. Tonggou), the second capital of Goguryeo (3 – 427) in present-day Ji’an (集安), Jilin province, China, and Pyeongyang (平壤), the kingdom’s last capital (427 – 668) (Fig. 1). The murals exhibit distinctive regional characteristics, just as they show changes in theme and style over time; they can be classified into early (fourth to fifth century), middle (fifth to sixth century), and late (sixth to seventh century) periods accordingly. Fig. 1. Portrait of the deceased on the west wall of the west side-room, Anak Tomb No. 3 Fig. 2. Distribution of Goguryeo Mural Tombs in Tonggu and Pyeongyang 1. Namgyeong-ri Tomb. No. 1 / 2. Nae-ri Tomb No. 1 / 3. Gaemachong / 4. Honam-ri Sasinchong / 5. Gosan-ri Tomb No. 9 / 6. Gosan-ri Tomb No. 1 / 7. Pyeongyangyeok Mural Tomb / 8. Cheonwangjisinchong / 9. Yodongseongchong / 10. Gangseodaemyo / 11. Gangseojungmyo / 12. Yaksu-ri Mural Tomb / 13. Yeonhwachong / 14. Taeseong-ri Tomb No. 2 / 15. Taeseong-ri Tomb No. 1 / 16. Daean-ri Tomb No. 1 / 17. Ssangyeongchong / 18. Yonggangdaemyo / 19. Suryeopchong / 20. Seongchong / 21. Gamsinchong / 22. Jinpa-ri Tomb No. 1 / 23. Jinpa-ri Tomb No. 4 / 24. Boksa-ri Mural Tomb / 25. Anak Tomb No. 2 / 26. Anak Tomb No. 1 / 27. Anak Tomb No. 3 / 28. Daebosan-ri Mural Tomb / 29. Mayeong-ri Mural Tomb / 30. Palcheong-ri Mural Tomb / 31. Deokheung-ri Mural Tomb / 32. Deokhwa-ri Tomb No. 1 / 33. Deokhwa-ri Tomb No. 2 / 34. Tomb of King Dongmyeong / 35. Susan-ri Mural Tomb Overview of Goguryeo Tomb Murals Goguryeo produced some of the most magnificent and diverse tomb murals found in East Asia. The murals are generally found in stone-chambered tombs—that is, tombs with a large earthen mound within which is a burial chamber with stone-faced walls. Among the tombs excavated thus far, more than 100 contain murals (Jeon Hotae 2004, 96-102). The mural artists typically employed the lime-plaster technique, in which a coating of lime-based plaster was applied to the chamber’s stone walls, after which the murals were painted with ink and pigments, the lime-plaster coating proving a smooth, white surface for the murals. The artists also used the stone-surface painting technique, in which the murals were painted directly onto the untreated surfaces of the walls’ large stone slabs. Murals were customarily painted on the tomb chamber’s ceiling and all of its walls. The main subjects of tomb murals from the early and middle Goguryeo periods were human figures, generally portraits of the deceased, and genre scenes, which often were narrative in nature and recorded episodes from the tomb occupant’s life. The Four Directional Deities (四神),1 or the mythical animals believed to guard the tomb, emerged as the main theme in the late Goguryeo period. The sun, moon and stars, Taoist immortals, mythical animals, auspicious birds, sacred herbs, and drifting clouds were depicted on the ceiling in order to represent the celestial world the soul of the deceased would enter. The daily-life scenes depicted on the walls and the celestial world portrayed on the ceiling combined to create a microcosm of the universe inside the tomb. Such representations appear to have stemmed from the belief that the deceased’s wealth and prosperity would extend into the next world (Yi Eunchang 1985, 417-491). Goguryeo tomb murals show changes over time in relation to tomb structure, themes and styles of paintings, shifts in religious beliefs, and cultural exchanges with other countries and cultures. The tomb structure gradually became simpler over time, with the multi-chamber tombs prevalent in the early phase of development giving way to double-chamber tombs, which eventually were replaced by single-chamber tombs. Regardless of such changes, however, single-chamber tombs appear to have been constructed throughout the entire Goguryeo period, from early to late. Multi-chamber tombs usually comprised a burial chamber and an antechamber with side rooms to the left and right; as seen in Anak Tomb No. 3 (安岳3號墳), the chambers and side rooms together formed a T-shape. The side rooms were replaced by niches in transitional-period tombs, which, in the fifth century, evolved into double-chamber tombs comprising a burial chamber and an antechamber. In the late Goguryeo period, the antechamber disappeared, leaving just the burial chamber and an entryway (Kim Wonyong 1980, 55-59; Ju Yeongheon 1977, 33-82). The tomb murals reveal thematic changes over time. In the fourth to fifth century, the principal theme was the portrait of the deceased, as found in Anak Tomb No. 3 (dated 357) and Deokheung-ri Tomb (德興里古墳, dated 408). Later, the seated image of husband and wife gained popularity as witnessed by the murals in Yaksu-ri Tomb (藥水里古墳), Ssangyeongchong (雙楹塚, Tomb of the Twin Pillars), and Gakjeochong (角抵塚, Tomb of the Wrestlers). Another important theme of the early- and middle-period murals was daily life, particularly narrative scenes that recount an event from the life of the deceased; portraying daily life and customs, the murals in Muyongchong (舞踊塚, Tomb of the Dancers) exemplify such narrative scenes. In addition to scenes of everyday life, the Four Directional Deities appeared in tombs of the early and middle Goguryeo periods, first on the ceilings and then gradually on the walls. In the late Goguryeo period, the directional deities came to occupy the walls themselves. Such compositional changes may have resulted from the rise of Taoism, which was officially sanctioned by the Goguryeo state in the seventh century, rather than from the waning influence of Buddhism, which had flourished during the early and middle Goguryeo periods. The changes in mural themes show a gradual movement from the complex to the simple: portraits and scenes of everyday life in the early period; scenes of daily life and the Four Directional Deities in the middle period; and the Four Directional Deities alone in the late period. Processional scenes and hunting scenes, all of which featured numerous individuals, also disappeared after the fifth century, in line with the trend towards simplification. With regard to skill, the initial rudimentary painting techniques gradually became more refined and sophisticated, exhibiting the dynamism and tension that characterize Goguryeo tomb murals. Over time, the artists came to employ colors that were more vivid and resplendent. The murals have retained their vivid colors for well more than 1,000 years; in addition, the murals, even those painted directly on untreated stone walls, show little damage or degradation, all of which attest to the Goguryeo artists’ consummate skill, not only in painting but in developing non-fugitive pigments and exceptionally durable adhesives (Lee Jongsang 1993, 206-211). In some instances, murals within the same tomb were created by different artists. The portraits of the deceased and his wife in Anak Tomb No. 3 display different levels of skill, dexterity, and artistic accomplishment, indicating they could not have been painted by the same hand. The same is true of the dancing scene on the east wall and the hunting scene on the west wall in the burial chamber of Muyongchong. Doubtless intended for tombs of members of royal and noble families, the murals were painted by artists possessed of considerable artistic skill and talent. As such they are valuable records that shed light on the artistic traditions of Goguryeo and on the artistic developments and distinctive characteristics of the period. In the absence of scrolls or other portable paintings from this period, the murals are among the few artifacts that provide insight into the artistic techniques, trends, and standards of the Goguryeo painting tradition. The murals provide precious documentation for a multi-faceted view of the ancient Korean kingdom, including the nature and spirit of the Goguryeo people, their aesthetic sensibilities, life and customs, style of dress and headgear, architecture, household furniture and utensils, as well as burial practices, religious beliefs, thoughts, views of the universe, and cultural exchanges. Early Period Tomb Murals Anak Tomb No. 3 Anak Tomb No. 3 is a stone-chamber / earthen-mound tomb comprising an entryway, a foreroom, an antechamber (with two side-rooms, one each to the east and west), and a burial chamber (all aligned on a south-north axis) (Fig. 3). One of the oldest heretofore discovered, this tomb, which was constructed of basalt and limestone blocks, is especially significant in charting the origins of Goguryeo tomb murals. Fig. 3. Layout of Anak Tomb No. 3 The murals present a rich variety of themes. Guards grace the walls of the entryway, while depictions of a kitchen, meat storage room, barn, and carriage shed decorate the walls of the antechamber’s east side-room, and portraits of the deceased and his wife the walls of its west side-room. Murals depicting guards, dancers, and musicians embellish the south wall of the antechamber, while dancers and musicians adorn the east and west walls of the burial chamber. A grand procession appears on the walls of the corridor that extends along the east and north walls of the burial chamber. High-ranking military officers appear on the left and right walls of the entrance in the west side-room (Fig. 4). The inscription above the officer on the left, which translates “Dongsu (冬壽), who held various government posts, died at the age of sixty-nine in the thirteenth year of Young-hwa (永和, 357),” has sparked ongoing controversy concerning the nationality of the tomb occupant (Archaeology and Folklore Institute of the State Academy of Sciences 1958; Gong Seokgu 1998, 102-103). Fig. 4. High-ranking military officer, west side room, Anak Tomb No. 3 Chinese scholars claim that the tomb belongs to Dongsu (冬壽, Ch. Dongshou; active, fourth century), a general of Former Yan (前燕, 337-370) who surrendered to Goguryeo; by contrast, North Korean scholars contend that it is the tomb of a Goguryeo king, either King Micheon (美川王, r. 330 – 331) or King Gogugwon (故國原王, r. 331 – 371) (Kim Jeongbae 1977, 12-25; Gong Seokgu 1998, 102-138). It seems evident that the interred was a member of a royal family, based on the characters written above the military officer, the presentation of the tomb occupant wearing a king’s white silk headgear, the three-tiered ceremonial standard symbolizing a king which is portrayed to the left of the tomb occupant’s portrait, and the appearance of a king’s standard next to the main figure in the procession scene. This suggests that Dongsu, who is mentioned in the crudely written inscription above the military officer mentioned above, is not the tomb occupant, but a military officer appearing at the entrance (Jeon Junong 1959, 20). The inscription, which dates the tomb to 357 at the earliest, indicates that, at the latest, Goguryeo began constructing mural tombs in the fourth century at the latest. The west side-room boasts the tomb’s most dramatic murals: a portrait of the deceased on the west wall (Fig. 1) and a portrait of his wife on the south wall (Fig. 5). The master sits cross-legged under a canopy, his slanted shoulders and the wide space between his knees forming a triangle. Dressed in a red robe, he wears the white silk headgear, which was reserved for a Goguryeo king, according to the Old Book of Tang (舊唐書 16冊 東夷傳 高麗條). He holds a feathered fan in his right hand, and, with his left hand before his chest, he appears as if poised to deliver a Buddhist sermon. Such a deified representation suggests he is a royal personnage. Fig. 5. Portrait of the deceased’s wife on the south wall of the west side-room, Anak Tomb No. 3 The tomb occupant is flanked by attendants who differ in size according to rank, the composition thus assuming a triangular form—a compositional arrangement typically found in early East Asian figure paintings. The figures’ narrow, slanting shoulders recall those in contemporaneous East Asian Buddhist paintings. One of the oldest portraits in the history of Korean art, this painting has immense art-historical value. Differing from portraits of the Goryeo (高麗, 918 – 1392) and Joseon (朝鮮, 1392 – 1910) periods, however, the tomb occupant’s face lacks identifying personal features. The same is also true of the portrait of his wife, as she and her female attendants lack distinctive facial traits, all exhibiting the same faces with chubby cheeks, long narrow eyes, and small mouths. The wife’s elaborate dress and hairstyle contrast with those of her attendants, indicating a hierarchical presentation. One of the earliest female portraits in the history of Korean art, this painting has great historical significance. The murals’ depiction of the kitchen, meat storage room, carriage shed, well, and stable reflect the affluent lifestyle of the nobility (Figs. 6 and 7). Fig. 6. Kitchen represented in the antechamber east side-room, Anak Tomb No. 3 Fig. 7. Stable represented in the antechamber east side-room, Anak Tomb No. 3 However, the mural that most clearly illustrates the power and prosperity of the tomb occupant is the grand procession scene that features as many as 250 figures (Fig. 8). Adorning the walls of the corridor (10 meters in length, 2 meters in height) running along the east and north walls of the burial chamber, the procession scene vividly portrays the tomb occupant sitting in a carriage in a dignified manner, surrounded by marching civil and military officials, honor guards, cavalry, and musicians. The mural demonstrates outstanding artistry in the rendering of a large number of figures, effectively creating a sense of depth and recession into three-dimensional space. Although individual facial features and expressions are not clearly portrayed, the overall composition and its proportions exhibit a high level of sophistication. Fig. 8. Procession scene on the corridor wall, Anak Tomb No. 3 Another noteworthy mural is the scene of subak (手搏, bare-handed martial arts), which features a man (presumed to be the tomb occupant) engaged in a match with a hawk-nosed man from the Western Regions (Fig. 9). The influence of the Western Regions, which is apparent in the lantern ceilings (laternendecke) of the tomb chambers (Kim Byeongmo 1978, 1-26), evinces that in the fourth century Goguryeo directly or indirectly adopted cultural elements from both China and the Western Regions. Fig. 9. Subak scene, Anak Tomb No. 3 Buddhist-inspired motifs are another notable feature of this mural tomb. An open lotus blossom adorns the burial-chamber ceiling (Fig. 10), while open lotus flowers and lotus buds appear along the top and in the four corners of the canopied chair in the portraits of the husband and wife. Goguryeo officially accepted Buddhism in 372, the second year of the reign of King Sosurim (小獸林王, r. 371 – 384). In fact, official acceptance occurred fifteen years after this tomb’s construction; however, the mural demonstrates that Buddhist culture had been transmitted to the kingdom, at least in part, earlier than the religion’s official date of acceptance (Bureau of Dharma Propagation of Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism 2011, 14; Jeong Seonyeo 2007, 20). Fig. 10. Lotus flower on the lantern ceiling of the burial chamber, Anak Tomb No. 3 The shape of the lotus buds on the corners of the canopied chair is distinctive of Goguryeo. Similar representations appear in other Goguryeo tomb murals as well as on the plinth of the Tamamushi Shrine (玉蟲廚子), which is housed in the Hōryū-ji Temple (法隆寺) in Nara, Japan. It has been confirmed that the Tamamushi Shrine, which dates to the early seventh century, reflects artistic influence from Goguryeo (Uehara Kazu 1996, 220-232). Deokheung-ri Tomb Discovered in 1976 at Deokheung-ri, Gangseo District, Nampo in South Pyeongan Province, Deokheung-ri Tomb, which was constructed in 408, is a two-chamber mural tomb comprising a burial chamber and antechamber. Even though separated in time by fifty years, Deokheung-ri Tomb and Anak Tomb No. 3 (dated 357) share many features, including the long epitaph and the rich murals featuring the tomb occupant, a procession, a stable, and a hunting scene (Figs. 11) (Academy of Social Science 1981; Gong Seokgu 1998, 139-140; Yi Incheol 1998, 1-3). Fig. 11. Layout of murals, Deokheung-ri Tomb The north wall of the antechamber bears a fourteen-line epitaph indicating that the tomb occupant, named Jin (鎭) (surname is obliterated), was a disciple of Shakyamuni Buddha, held several high-level government posts, including a military post, died at the age of seventy seven, and was interred in the eighteenth year of Yeongnak2 (永楽, 408) (Joseon Illustrated News Magazine 1986, 117-120). The portraits of the tomb occupant appear on the north walls of both antechamber and burial chamber. The portrait in the antechamber conveys the dignified air of the deceased receiving homage from the governors of the thirteen commanderies (Fig. 12). The tomb occupant wears the blue silk headgear reserved for high-ranking ministers and holds a fanshaped object in his right hand. This painting shares many similarities with the portrait in Anak Tomb No. 3: the triangular arrangement of the figure, who sits with legs crossed on a canopied chair; his left hand poised as if preparing to give a Buddhist sermon; the shape and type of the headgear; and the face’s perfunctory expression. Only slight differences attributable to the gap of fifty years can be observed in the details. The thirteen governors are virtually identical in appearance and clothing; they all have large eyes and mustaches, and they lack distinguishable facial features. Fig. 12. Tomb occupant receiving the homage of governors on the antechamber north wall, Deokheung-ri Tomb An interesting aspect of the second portrait, on the burial chamber’s north wall, is that it occupies only half of the wall surface (Fig. 13), the remaining half likely reserved for the wife’s portrait. It remains unknown why the portrait of Jin’s wife (who presumably died sometime after Jin) was not painted and the space left blank. Still, this shows that murals of husband and wife seated together began to appear early in the fifth century. Fig. 13. Portrait of the tomb occupant on the north wall of the burial chamber, Deokheung-ri Tomb The portrait of the deceased in the antechamber continues the artistic tradition of the portrait seen in Anak Tomb No. 3, which was subsequently passed on and informed the portraits found in Taeseong-ri Tomb No. 2 (台城里2號墳) and Gamsinchong (龕神塚, Tomb of the Niche Deity). Meanwhile, the custom of painting husband and wife seated together in the burial chamber continues in the married-couple portraits in Yaksu-ri Tomb, Maesan-ri Sasingchong (梅山里四神塚, Four Directional Deities Tomb in Maesan-ri), Ssangyeongchong and Gakjeochong (Ahn Hwi-Joon 2013, 99-174). The general trend from the early fifth century onward likely was to paint portraits of the couple together rather than just the tomb occupant alone. Grand procession scenes of the type featured in both Deokheung-ri Tomb and Anak Tomb No. 3 also appear in Yaksu-ri Tomb, though such scenes gradually lost favor and disappeared. Of particular note is the hunting scene on the eastern portion of the vaulted ceiling of the antechamber, which features warriors on horseback (Fig. 14). The depiction of humans and animals in this oldest known Goguryeo hunting scene is rudimentary. Mountains appear for the first time in this mural, though they are rendered in a crude, awkward style and appear flat, like wooden boards arranged in a straight line; and the trees on the peaks look more like mushrooms than trees. Nevertheless, the mural holds great significance as one of the earliest examples of landscape painting in Korea (Ahn Hwi-Joon 2012, 121-206; 1980, 12-14; 1998, 296-297). Fig. 14. Hunting scene on the ceiling of the antechamber, Deokheung-ri Tomb The ceiling murals of Deokheung-ri Tomb display a richer variety of motifs than those of Anak Tomb 3. In the vaulted ceiling of the antechamber, the sun, hunters, a cosmic bird, and a winged fish adorn the eastern portion; the moon, flying jade maidens (玉女), immortals, and birds with human heads—such as cheonchu (千秋) and manse (萬歲)—occupy the western portion; the Milky Way, the cowherd (牽牛) and weaving maiden (織女), and auspicious birds, such as gilli (吉利) and bugwi (富貴), embellish the southern portion; and the epitaph, mountains, and a heavenly horse, occupy the northern portion. Drifting clouds and constellations representing the heavenly world are also depicted throughout the entire ceiling. The cosmic bird is the prototype of the bird symbolizing the sun that appears in the Silla-period Eumnae-ri Mural Tomb (順興邑內里壁畵古墳) in Sunheung-myeon, Yeongju, North Gyeongsang Province (Ahn Hwi-Joon 2013, 211-233); that tomb has an inscription dated to the gimi year (己未年, 479). The cowherd and weaving maiden on the southern portion of the ceiling show a Korean rendering of the Chinese folktale (Fig. 15), and the heavenly horse on the northern portion of the ceiling is regarded as the origin of the type of heavenly horse represented in the famous Silla Cheonmachong (天馬塚, Tomb of the Heavenly Horse) in Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang Province, and also the one in Goguryeo Muyongchong (Ahn Hwi-Joon 2013, 209-233). Fig. 15. Cowherd and weaving maiden on the antechamber ceiling, Deokheung-ri Tomb The multi-colored pleated skirts worn by the weaving maiden and the attendants to the tomb occupant’s wife are remarkably similar to the attire of the noblewoman in Susan-ri Tomb and that of the female figures in Takamatsuzuka Tomb (高松塚), a Goguryeo-style Japanese mural tomb in Asuka, Nara (Ahn Hwi-Joon 2013, 99-174; 175-191). The clothing is representative of the early fifth-century Goguryeo style, as featured in Deokheung-ri Tomb; in the late Goguryeo period that style exerted strong influence on Japan, particularly in the late seventh to early eighth century. Middle Period Tomb Murals Gakjeochong and Muyongchong As discussed above, portraits of the tomb occupant and his wife constitute the central theme of early Goguryeo tomb murals as witnessed by Anak Tomb No. 3 and Deokheung-ri Tomb. Other popular themes were procession and hunting scenes, which featured large numbers of individuals. The disappearance of such motifs from tomb murals thus serves as an important indicator for dating tombs and understanding changes in mural theme, style, and composition. In this context, Muyongchong and Gakjeochong deserve particular attention. The two tombs are located side by side at the southern foot of a mountain in Tonggu. The two tombs’ many shared similarities indicate that they were constructed about the same time. Each comprises two chambers: an antechamber which is significantly smaller than those of the earlier period and a burial chamber with an octagonal ceiling that narrows toward the top. The tombs are constructed with large, finely worked, brick-shaped stones; their interiors convey the impression of a wooden structure; and the murals, which are painted on lime-plastered walls, are similar in content and style. Gakjeochong presumably dates from a slightly earlier period than Muyongchong. Its painting of the deceased and his wife continues the traditions of early mural tombs from the fourth and fifth centuries (i.e., Anak Tomb No. 3, Deokheung-ri Tomb, Yaksu-ri Tomb, Maesan-ri Sasinchong, Gamsinchong, and Ssangyeongchong). Most prominent among the Gakjeochong murals is the portrait of the tomb occupant and his wives on the burial chamber’s north wall (Fig. 16). The master is seated upright and presented in frontal view; his two wives, each shown in three-quarter view, kneel and face him. Dressed in armor, the master wears a sword at his waist. A bow and arrow rest on the table behind him. The inclusion of the weapons, together with the wives’ solemn posture, suggests that the man is about to take leave for the battlefield. In portraying narrative details from an event in the deceased’s life, the mural shows a departure in style from earlier portraits. Fig. 16. Portrait of the tomb occupant and his wives on the north wall of the burial chamber, Gakjeochong The east wall of the burial chamber in Gakjeochong features a scene of ssireum (Korean wrestling) in which the tomb occupant and a large-eyed, hawk-nosed man (presumably from the Western Regions) wrestle under a large tree (Fig. 17). The sophisticated rendering of the figures—with glaring eyes, thick calves, and energetic movements, executed in thin, sharp lines—shows a marked improvement over the figures in the murals of Anak Tomb No. 3 and Deokheung-ri Tomb. The large tree divides the composition into two, and focuses attention on the wrestling scene. Fig. 17. Ssireum scene on the east wall of the burial chamber, Gakjeochong The Muyongchong tomb presents the portrait of the deceased in a fashion very different from that of Gakjeochong. In contrast to the style of earlier tombs, the Muyongchong burial chamber’s north wall features a painting of the tomb occupant listening to a Buddhist monk preaching (Fig. 18). The master is not seated upright and presented in frontal view, as in earlier portraits; rather, all of the figures are seated in chairs and shown in profile, the tomb occupant, in hierarchical fashion, portrayed larger in scale than the others, and the preaching monk (i.e., the one nearest the master) portrayed only slightly smaller in scale. The quantity of food and the size of the table also vary according to the status of the figure. This hierarchical presentation expresses the figures’ relative social importance. Fig. 18. Tomb occupant and Buddhist monks on the north wall of the burial chamber, Muyongchong The tomb occupant and attendants wear dotted trousers and long, belted upper garments that fasten on the left side. The deceased’s trousers are wide and capacious while the attendants serving the food wear tight-fitting pants, revealing that social status even determined the width of pant legs. The east wall of the burial chamber features the well-known scene of dancing figures, from which derives the tomb’s name (Fig. 19). Based on their pretty faces, smooth faces lacking facial hair, and wide hips, the dancers are presumed to be women. The earrings worn by some of the dancers dressed in male attire make this more plausible. Their faces are exceptionally small in proportion to their bodies; they wear robes with long flowing sleeves, and each extends the left arm to its full length (with the end of long sleeve hanging vertically). A similar interpretation of this particular theme also occurs in a mural in Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 (長川1號墳) in Changchuan(長川), Ji’an. Fig. 19. Dancing scene on the east wall of the burial chamber, Muyongchong The well-known hunting scene in Muyongchong is outstanding for its artistry (Fig. 20). Enlivening the burial chamber’s west wall, it masterfully captures the vigor and spirit of the Goguryeo people. With horse-mounted hunters appearing between the large tree and the mountains, it effectively conveys the urgency of the chase as well as the tension between hunters and fleeing quarry. The scene’s energy and dynamism is characteristic of Goguryeo painting. Both the appearance and the rapid motion of the figures and animals have been captured with a dexterous skill far superior to that of the dancing scene, indicating that they are by different hands. Fig. 20. Hunting scene on west wall of the burial chamber, Muyongchong In contrast to the animals and hunters, the mountains, which are rendered in alternating thick and thin undulating lines, appear flat and stylized. This shows that, despite an improvement over the mountains in the Deokheung-ri Tomb mural (Fig. 14), landscape painting was still in its infancy in fifth-century Goguryeo (Ahn Hwi-Joon 1980, 16-33). The variation in the coloring of the mountains—from the white of the nearest ones, to the red of those in the middle distance, to the brownish-yellow of those in the far distance—exhibits the influence of Chinesestyle coloring techniques. Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 Other especially noteworthy mural tombs from the middle period and located in Ji’an are Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 and Samsilchong (三室塚, Tomb of the Three Chambers) (Jilin Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, and the Cultural Relics Preservation Office of Ji’an County 1982, 154-173). Both tombs date to the fifth century; the triangular corbels of their lantern ceilings feature paintings of muscular men who appear in a semi-squatting position and support the ceilings with their arms and hands. But the two also reveal distinct differences: Jangcheon Tomb No.1 comprises two chambers, and Buddhist-related iconography abounds in its murals, whereas Samsilchong claims three chambers, and paintings of muscular men embellish most of the chamber walls (Fig. 25). Except for the images of the sun, moon, and constellations representing the Big Dipper that appear on its ceiling, the burial chamber in Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 is embellished almost completely with lotus blossoms, evincing that Buddhist influence had reached its zenith. Divided by thick reddish brown lines into three horizontal registers, the antechamber’s east wall portrays the deceased couple and people singing in the uppermost register and dancers and spectators in the lower registers. This compositional division may have arisen from the need to make efficient use of the limited space. The dancing scene shows a stylistic affinity to that on the east wall of the burial chamber in Muyongchong. Muyongchong also includes a hunting scene (Fig. 20) similar to that in Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 (Fig. 21). The hunting scene in Jangcheon Tomb No.1, which appears on the west wall of the antechamber, shares the space with the scene of an outing, which differs from that in Muyongchong. Hunters appear in the lower register, and people enjoying themselves outdoors in the upper register. Another example of hunting and outing scenes grouped together in the same space occurs in the Goguryeo-influenced painting on the red leather ground affixed to the rosewood lute housed in the Shōsōin Repository (正倉院) in Nara, Japan (Fig. 22) (Ahn Hwi-Joon 2013, 175-191). The energy, dynamism, and vitality emanating from the combined hunting and outing scene in Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 compare favorably to those in the hunting scene in Muyongchong. The tree at the upper right is depicted more realistically than that in the Muyongchong mural, displaying an advance in the portrayal of trees. Fig. 21. Hunting and outing scene on the west wall of the antechamber, Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 Fig. 22. Hunting and outing scene, rosewood lute, Shōsōin Repository, Japan Buddhist-inspired images fill the antechamber’s ceiling of Jangcheon Tomb No. 1. The most eye-catching among them is the scene of Buddhist worship, which appears on the ceiling of the entrance to the passageway connecting antechamber and burial chamber (Fig. 23) (Moon Myungdae 1991, 137-153; 1998, 55-72; Kim Lena 1996, 81-85; Min Byeongchan 2005, 93-136). It features a Buddha seated on a pedestal with hands clasped in front of his abdomen; shaggy dog-like mythical lions seated to the left and right of the pedestal, their tongues hanging out; and two figures kowtowing in worship before the Buddha, their heads touching the ground. In the absence of Goguryeo images of the Buddha dating before the sixth century, and with no surviving large-scale Buddhist images enshrined in temples, this scene of Buddhist worship constitutes a valuable source for understanding the fifth-century Goguryeo representations of the Buddha. Bodhisattvas on lotus pedestals and scenes of transmigration through lotus blossoms adorn the antechamber ceiling, as do various images of lotus blossoms. Fig. 23. Scene of Buddhist worship on the ceiling of the antechamber, Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 Samsilchong Samsilchong comprises three chambers. The mural on the first chamber’s south wall is divided into upper and lower registers; the upper register features the deceased couple and their attendants, the lower register a hunter mounted on horseback, with a hawk perched on his left arm. The tomb occupant’s trousers are wider and more capacious than those of the tomb occupant in Muyongchong; his finely dressed wife follows behind him. Like the Muyongchong mural, the painting depicts an event from the life of the deceased couple. The north wall of the first chamber features a fortress of zigzag configuration with a gate and gate tower and also a battle scene with warriors in full battle gear. It is comparable to the warrior mural in Ssangyeongchong but is not as elevated in quality. The Four Directional Deities, immortals playing musical instruments, auspicious birds, mystical animals (including a single-horned, unicorn-like animal), and scenes of rebirth through lotus blossoms adorn the tomb’s walls. The most striking of the murals are those embellished with muscular men, who stand guard at the entrance to the tomb chambers and appear in various guises, some clad in armor and carrying a sword, others with a snake about the neck (Fig. 24). Shown in semi-squatting pose, the ones in the triangular corbels visually bear the weight of the ceiling with their arms and hands (Fig. 25), like the muscular men in Jangcheon Tomb No. 1. All have broad shoulders, slim waists, thick wrists and ankles, and glaring eyes, and all wear robes with rounded necklines that differ from ordinary attire. Fluently executed with bold lines, the muscular men exude supernatural power and strength. Fig. 24. Guard on the entrance walls, Samsilchong Fig. 25. Muscular man on the triangular corbels, Samsilchong Late Period Tomb Murals Mural tombs saw major changes during the late Goguryeo period (sixth to seventh century). First, multi-chamber and two-chamber tombs completely disappeared, and the tomb structure was reduced to just one chamber and an entryway. In Ohoebun Tomb No. 4 (五盔墳4號墓) in Ji’an, four stone biers appear in the single, small chamber, which demonstrates how strictly the policy of the single-chamber structure was observed. Second, the tombs were constructed using large stone blocks, and the murals were painted directly onto the stone surface without a prior coating of lime plaster. This marks a departure from middle-period practices, in which lime plaster was characteristically applied to the surface of the finely worked, brick-shaped stones to provide a smooth, white ground on which to paint the murals. The practice of using large stone blocks and direct stone-surface painting actually dates back to the fourth century, as witnessed in Anak Tomb No. 3, but it became more prevalent in the late Goguryeo period. Third, there was a major shift in the theme of the mural paintings. As exemplified by such mural tombs as Gangseodaemyo (江西大墓, Great Tomb in Gangseo) and Tonggu Sasinchong (通溝四神塚, Four Directional Deities Tomb in Tonggu), the Four Directional Deities dominated entire walls in the late Goguryeo period: the Azure Dragon on the east wall, White Tiger on the west, Vermilion Bird on the south, and Black Tortoise-and-Serpent (intertwined snake and tortoise) on the north. If the four deities graced the chamber walls, the ceilings primarily featured supernatural beings. These motifs exhibit a strong influence from Taoism, which spread throughout Goguryeo in the late period, and contrast with the Buddhist-associated themes that flourished during the early and middle periods. As four-deity murals took the place of genre paintings, the murals no longer provide a means to observe the various aspects of Goguryeo culture. This thematic shift can be attributed to changes in religious beliefs as well as to a reduction in tomb space, which resulted in less wall space for mural paintings. Fourth, the murals were rendered with great artistry. Despite the simplification of themes, the murals exhibited a higher level of sophistication in terms of artistic skill and technique than those of earlier periods. The vivid, naturalistic, even realistic depiction of the subjects shows a major evolution from the awkward representations of the early and middle periods. The murals’ compositional organization also exhibits outstanding artistry. The murals that embellish the walls and ceiling of Ohoebun Tombs Nos. 4 and 5, for example, boast a well-organized pictorial structure that conveys a sense of recession into three-dimensional space and thus gives the impression of a three-dimensional world. Fifth, the power and dynamism that characterized all the arts of Goguryeo became even more prominent, as evinced by the painting of the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent in Tonggu Sasinchong (Fig. 26). The writhing movement of the snake’s contorted body as it coils around the tortoise, the fierce manner in which the tortoise and snake twist their heads to face each other, and the powerful motion emanating from the two creatures that sends the clouds scattering away all impart tremendous vigor and explosive energy. These intertwined creatures exude far greater dynamism than do the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent of Gangseodaemyo, thus demonstrating the artistic culmination of Goguryeo-style paintings in the seventh century. Fig. 26. Black Tortoise-and-Serpent, Tonggu Sasinchong Sixth, colors became more vivid and resplendent. Rich, vibrant colors including red, green, yellow, and blue are elegant, not gaudy. The level of expertise in developing pigments and adhesives must also be noted. Even those paintings executed directly onto the stone surfaces, without a lime-plaster coating, remain intact, showing little discoloration, deterioration, or degradation despite drops and rivulets of water occasionally running down the surface. This would have been impossible without the use of non-fugitive pigments and exceptionally durable adhesives; the development of such pigments and adhesives ranks among the outstanding technical achievements of the period. Late Goguryeo tomb murals typically feature honeysuckle scrolls or dragon imagery in a decorative frieze that visually distinguishes walls from ceilings; the Four Directional Deities appear on the walls, while diverse motifs representing the heavenly world appear on the ceiling, those motifs including the sun and moon, dragons, immortals, mystical animals, auspicious birds, sacred herbs, and drifting clouds. The murals in late-period tombs in the Tonggu region feature muscular men, some as gatekeepers on the walls to the left and right of the entryway, others standing in the four corbels and visually supporting the ceiling. Such representations are reminiscent of the muscular men found in middle period mural tombs in the region, such as Jangcheon Tomb No. 1 and Samsilchong. Though both are located in the Tonggu region and though both date to the late period, Tonggu Sasinchong and Ohoebun Tombs Nos. 4 and 5 exhibit significant differences in mural content and expressive technique (Figs. 26 and 27). The Ohoebun tombs are elaborately decorated with leaf patterns that sport figures, palmettes, and flame-within-leaf patterns. Images of writhing, intertwined dragons also abound in the murals. A yellow dragon symbolizing the center of the universe now occupies the center of the ceiling, pushing aside the fully-open lotus blossoms that were depicted in that location in the early and middle periods and the images of the sun and moon that were portrayed a little later. Such iconography reflects the belief in the mystical powers of the dragon. Such thematic and stylistic differences indicate that the Ohoebun tombs were constructed later than Tonggu Sasinchong. Fig. 27. Figures on the north wall of the burial chamber, Ohoebun Tomb No. 4 Among the paintings on the ceiling corbels in Ohoebun Tombs Nos. 4 and 5, the most noteworthy are those that depict the heavenly beings Bokhui (伏羲, Ch. Fuxi), a god holding up the sun with a threelegged crow inside, and Yeowa (女媧, Ch. Nuwa), a goddess supporting the moon with a toad inside, each heavenly being portrayed with human head and snake’s body. The ceiling also features the gods of civilization who govern agriculture, fire, iron, and the wheel. It is difficult to determine why these gods of civilization appeared in tomb murals in the Tonggu region, but they are outstanding examples and seemingly are without parallels elsewhere. Such iconography is closely related to the Goguryeo view of the world, and it reflects the Goguryeo people’s profound interest in science and technology. The well-organized composition and the rendering of celestial figures with lifelike facial expressions and movements bursting with vitality demonstrate the high artistic standards achieved in the late Goguryeo period. Also an important component of these murals, trees are rendered with much greater realism than those in murals of earlier periods. Even so, they are executed with the boneless (沒骨) method, which eschews outlines in favor of depiction though the application of controlled washes of color, as was done in the early and middle periods. Motifs, such as Taoist immortals soaring through the heavens on the back of a dragon or crane, also reveal both the influence of Taoism, which flourished during the late period, and the evolution and development of the figure-painting tradition. The image of a Taoist immortal draped in an exotic tunic from the Western Regions and riding a crane, a scene featured on the ceiling of Tonggu Sasinchong, displays a unique blend of Taoist beliefs from China and cultural elements from the Western Regions. Elements of landscape painting feature more prominently in late Goguryeo tomb murals, as is evident in the representation of mountains in the painting on the ceiling of Gangseodaemyo (Fig. 28); in the mural of the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent, trees and swiftly moving clouds on the north wall of the burial chamber in Jinpa-ri Tomb No. 1 (Fig. 29); and in the trees and mountains adorning the ceiling corbel in Nae-ri Tomb No. 1 (Fig. 30). These murals demonstrate both the evolution of landscape painting in Goguryeo and the higher level of artistry in representing landscapes that was achieved in the late Goguryeo period. Fig. 28. Mountains on the ceiling, Gangseodaemyo Fig. 29. Black Tortoise-and-Serpent and trees on the north wall of the burial chamber, Jinpa-ri Tomb No. 1 Fig. 30. Trees and mountains on the ceiling corbel, Nae-ri Tomb No. 1 Conclusion Goguryeo tomb murals constitute a rich and invaluable cultural heritage that provide a vivid pictorial account of Goguryeo history and culture, and they offer unique insight into the distinctive characteristics of and developments in Goguryeo painting. They also provide a window into Goguryeo society, shedding light on both the shifts in religious beliefs and the cultural exchanges with other countries (Gwon Yeongpil 1996, 171-193; Uehara Kazu 1996: 220-232). The murals from the fourth to the seventh century thus far discovered reveal considerable changes in theme and artistic technique over time. The awkward, even crude style of representation of the early phase gradually became more refined and polished in later years, embodying the power and dynamism characteristic of Goguryeo art. Early tomb murals primarily featured genre scenes and portraits of the tomb occupant and his wife as well as hunting and procession scenes. In the middle phase, narrative scenes of daily life featuring the deceased couple as the main subjects replaced the portraits, and hunting and procession scenes disappeared. Accordingly, the portraits with their triangular compositions gave way to linear compositions that better characterize the narrative scenes. The late Goguryeo period saw genre paintings abandoned in favor of representations of the Four Directional Deities, which emerged as the central theme, in accordance with the reduction in tomb space and growing influence of Taoism. In that context, figures were seldom depicted in late-period murals, but the figures that were depicted, such as Taoist immortals and figures inside leaf patterns, exhibit a higher level of artistic merit compared to those in murals of earlier periods. The figures also reveal changes in style of hair and dress over time. Landscapes began to appear in tomb murals no later than the early fifth century, as evidenced in Deokheung-ri Tomb. As did other subjects, they developed a more sophisticated style during the middle and late periods and claimed an elevated sense of naturalism.

The full-fledged investigation of Goguryeo (高句麗, 37 BCE – 668) fortresses1 located in South Korea began fewer than two decades ago; even so, South Korean research achievements on Goguryeo fortresses exceed those of North Korea and China due to the concentrated excavations that have taken place during this relatively short time. Fig. 1. Hongryeonbong Fort 2 on Mt. Acha (Korean Institute for Archaeology and Environment) The first Goguryeo fortress excavated in South Korea was Guui-dong Fort, which was investigated in 1977. At the time South Korean archaeologists could not envision the presence of Goguryeo sites in South Korea, so the excavation team tentatively concluded that the Guui-dong Fort’s remains were associated with a tomb from the Baekje Dynasty (百濟, 18 BCE – 660). However, the Guui-dong site came to be reinterpreted as the remains of a Goguryeo fortress after the discovery of a distinctive Goguryeo-style long-necked jar with four handles and wide mouth during the 1988 excavation of the Mongchon Earthen Fortress (夢村土城) in Seoul, the first capital of Baekje—i.e., during the Hanseong Period (漢城時代, 18 BCE – 475), the first phase of Baekje. This development, along with the 1979 discovery of the Jungwon Goguryeo Stele (中原高句麗碑) in Chungju, North Chungcheong Province, fostered optimism that Goguryeo fortress sites would be found in South Korea. Subsequent field surveys beginning in the early 1990s resulted in the further discovery of the remains of Goguryeo fortresses in the Seoul region and northern areas of Gyeonggi Province. Formal excavations began in the late 1990s with Mt. Acha Fort 4 (阿且山4堡壘), which overlooks the north of the Han River. More than 100 Goguryeo sites have now been reported in South Korea, of which approximately 80% are fortress sites. Excavations have confirmed sixteen sites to be fortresses constructed by Goguryeo. However, given that those fortresses might have been renovated a number of times by various peoples, significant care must be taken in establishing their characteristics. This paper has two objectives. The first is to conduct a comprehensive examination of the structural characteristics of Goguryeo fortress sites excavated in South Korea. It is expected that the research results will provide a sound basis for further studies on Goguryeo fortresses. The second objective is to consider the characteristics of Goguryeo fortresses located in South Korea, focusing on their distribution, chronology, and role within the Goguryeo system of defense. These two issues have been examined by other scholars, but previous studies analyzed only basic features of individual fortress sites, included sites which might have been occupied only temporarily by the Goguryeo army, or attempted to understand the context of fortress construction based only on historical records but without detailed examination of the archaeological evidence. This paper addresses these weaknesses with a focus on the Goguryeo fortresses confirmed through excavations rather than sites identified only through surface surveys. Fig. 2. Distribution of Goguryeo fortresses Fig. 3. Distribution of Goguryeo sites in South Korea Fig. 4. Distribution of Goguryeo sites in northern Gyeonggi Province Overview of Goguryeo Fortress Sites Goguryeo fortress sites in South Korea are distributed throughout the Imjin-Hantan River (臨津江; 漢灘江) region, the Yangju (楊州) region, the Han River (漢江) region, and the Geum River (錦江) region. Detailed features of these fortress sites have been discussed in numerous publications; therefore, only a brief overview of the Goguryeo fortress sites investigated in excavations or preliminary excavations will be presented in this section through the tables (See the table in p. 35). Table 1. Key features of the Goguryeo fortresses of the Imjin-Hantan River region Type Name Altitude (m) Circumference (m) Notes Flatland fortress Eundae-ri Fortress (隱垈里城) 60 ? 1005 – Hantan River north side – Composite structure comprising inner and outer fortresses (?) – Earthen wall (?) (5th century): stamped earthen core, worked stone reinforcements added to the wall exterior – Artifacts: pottery and ironware Flatland fortress Jeongok-ri Wooden Fence Structure (全谷里 木柵) 55 ? – Hantan River north side – Wooden fence (5th century ?): double wooden fence structure – Artifacts: pottery Flatland fortress Horogoru Fortress (瓠蘆古壘) 28 401 – Imjin River north side – Wooden fence (5th century): double wooden fence structure, pit – Stone-built wall (6th – 7th century): stone wall with earthen core with vertical post indentations, roof-tiled building, building with ondol heating facilities, water reservoir facilities, etc. – Artifacts: roof tiles, pottery, ironware, stone objects, animal remains (e.g., horse, cattle, pig, deer), grains (e.g., rice, millet) – Role: headquarters of the Imjin River region – Reused during the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods Flatland fortress Dangpo Fortress (堂浦城) 13 450 – Imjin River north side – Stone-built wall (6th – 7th century): stone wall with earthen core, the stone wall with vertical post indentations and square hole located amongst the stones of the wall – Artifacts: roof tiles, pottery, ironware, etc. – Reused during the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods Mountain fort Mudeung-ri Fort 2 (無等里2堡壘) 93 300 ? – Imjin River west side – Stone-built wall (6th – 7th century): 2 chi (雉) structures, retaining walls, drainage facilities, etc. – Artifacts: pottery, stone objects, grains (e.g., rice, millet), roof tiles (small number), ironware (helmet, body armor, etc.), and iron slag – Presence of iron production facilities Mountain fort Deokjin Mountain Fortress (德津山城) 80 ? – Imjin River north side – Stone-built wall (certain sections constructed by Goguryeo forces) – Expanded during the Unified Silla period Table 2. Key features of the Goguryeo fortresses of the Yangju region Type Name Altitude (m) Circumference (m) Notes Mountain fort Mt. Taebong Fort (胎峰山堡壘) 150 – Stone-built wall: stone wall and building with ondol heating facilities – Artifacts: pottery and ironware Mountain fort Mt. Cheonbo Fort 2 (天寶山2堡壘) 336 150 + – Wooden fence (?): row of post-holes (built earlier than the building with ondol heating facilities) – Stone built wall (6th century): stone wall, 1 chi structure, building with ondol heating facilities, above-ground building, and water reservoir facilities – Artifacts: pottery, ironware and whetstone Table 3. Key features of the Goguryeo fortresses of the Han River region Type Name Altitude (m) Circumference (m) Notes Mountain fort Guui-dong Fort (九宜洞堡壘) 53 46 – Stone built wall (6th century): 4 chi structures, building with ondol heating facilities, drainage facilities, and water reservoir facilities – Artifacts: pottery, bricks and ironware (e.g., iron pot) – Small-scale fort entirely burnt down – Possible existence of another fort to the south with a wooden fence and water reservoir facilities Mountain fort Hongryeonbong Fort 1 (紅蓮峰1堡壘) 116 140 – Stone built wall (6th century): wooden fence, double stone wall with vertical post indentations, support posts, 1 chi structure, roof-tiled building, building with ondol heating facilities, drainage facilities, water reservoir facilities, etc. – Artifacts: pottery, ironware, roof tiles, etc. – Presence of a government administrative office overseeing the Han River region – Partially rebuilt and temporarily used by Silla forces Mountain fort Hongryeonbong Fort 2 (紅蓮峰2堡壘 117 218 – Stone built wall (6th century): wooden fence, surrounding trench with drainage facilities, double stone wall, support posts, in-filled earth (pseudo-stamped earth), 7 chi structures, building with ondol heating facilities, water reservoir facilities, drainage facilities, pottery-firing structure (?), mill, storage facilities, etc. – Artifacts: pottery with inscriptions (e.g., 庚子—i.e., 520 or 580—官瓮 or 官倉), ironware – Role: Production and circulation of military supplies (?) Mountain fort Mt. Acha Fort 3 (阿且山3堡壘) 296 420 – Stone built wall (6th century): stone wall, entrance structure, building with ondol heating facilities, drainage facilities, storage facilities, mill, blacksmith’s workshop, etc. – Artifacts: pottery, ironware, etc. – The largest of the Mt. Acha forts (only partially excavated) Mountain fort Mt. Acha Fort 4 (阿且山4堡壘) 286 256 – Stone built wall (6th century): double wooden fence, stone wall, 5 chi structures, wall, building with ondol heating facilities, temporary blacksmith’s workshop, water reservoir facilities, drainage facilities, etc. – Artifacts: pottery with inscriptions (e.g., 冉牟兄, 支都兄, 後部都?兄, 下官), ironware (e.g., helmet) and stone objects Mountain fort Mt. Yongma Fort (龍馬山堡壘) 230 150 – Stone built wall (6th century): stone wall, 3 chi structures, building with ondol heating facilities, auxiliary building, water reservoir facilities, storage facilities, warehouse, wooden ladder, etc. – Artifacts: pottery, ironware Mountain fort Sirubong Fort 206 260 – Stone built wall (6th century): double wooden fence, stone wall, 4 chi structures, surrounding trench, building with ondol heating facilities, water reservoir facilities, drainage facilities, etc. – Artifacts: pottery with inscriptions (e.g., 大夫井大夫井), ironware, stone objects, etc. Table 4. Key features of the Goguryeo fortresses of the Geum River region Type Name Altitude (m) Circumference (m) Notes Mountain fort Namseonggol Mountain Fortress (南城谷山城) 105 360 – Wooden fence (late 5th century ?): double wooden fence, chi structure, moat, stone-built eastern entrance gate, building with ondol heating facilities, pottery-firing structure (?), etc. – Artifacts: gold earring, pottery, ironware, etc. Mountain fort Wolpyeong-dong Site (月坪洞遺蹟) 130 ? – Stone-built wall: stone wall with vertical post indentations, wooden fence (?) – Artifacts: pottery – First built by Baekje forces and reused by Goguryeo forces Structure of the Goguryeo Fortresses of South Korea 1. Main fortress structure The walls’ structure and their construction methods are key elements of the main fortress because of their primary function of defense from external threats. Goguryeo fortress walls were built with materials that could easily be found around the fortress sites; they can be categorized into wooden fence structures, earthen wall structures, and stone wall structures. Among the middle- to large-scale Goguryeo fortresses that encircle valleys (包谷式山城) in China’s Liaoning region, a single fortress wall sometimes comprises separate sections, one section consisting of earth, another of stone, and yet another of mixed earth and stone. In South Korea, the earthen walls of Eundae-ri Fortress, in the northern Gyeonggi region, are faced up to a designated height with worked stone. Horogoru and Dangpo Fortresses both feature stone walls with earthen foundations and cores (Fig. 5). The walls of Mudeung-ri Fort 2 in Yeoncheon were constructed using a mixture of stone and clay with the outer surface covered in clay. Namseonggol Mountain Fortress in Cheongwon was primarily a wooden fence structure, but the fortress gate incorporated stone walls to enhance the defensive function. Making the best possible use of the local environment, Goguryeo fortresses apparently used various materials and construction methods in order to fulfill their protective function. Fig. 5. Horogoru Fortress in Yeoncheon (Land & Housing Museum): a) View from above; b) Stone wall (foreground: Silla period additions; background: original Goguryeo structure); c) Remains of the wooden fence structure and pits built earlier than the stone wall; d) Roof-end tile with lotus design from Horogoru Fortress 1) Wooden Fence Structures: At present, remains of wooden fence structures have been identified at the following sites: Jeongok-ri site, Horogoru Fortress, and Mudeung-ri Fort 2 in the Imjin-Hantan River region; Mt. Cheonbo Fort 2 in the Yangju region (Fig. 6); Guui-dong Fort, Hongryeonbong Forts 1 and 2, Mt. Acha Fort 4 (Fig. 8), and Sirubong Fort in the Han River region; and Namseonggol Mountain Fortress in the Geum River region. Wooden fences functioned as fortifications or as support posts for the earthen foundations of the fortress’ stone walls. Fig. 6. Mt. Cheonbo Fort 2 in Yangju (Seoul National University Museum) Fig. 7. Distribution of Goguryeo sites in the Han River region Fig. 8. Mt. Acha forts: a) Aerial photograph of the Mt. Acha fort cluster (Guri City); b) Hongryeonbong Fort 1 (Institute for Archaeology and Environment, Korea University); c) Mt. Acha Fort 4 (National Institute of Cultural Heritage); d) Sirubong Fort (Seoul National University Museum); e) Hongryeonbong Fort 2 (Korean Institute for Archaeology and Environment) Wooden fence structures that clearly served a defensive purpose include the wooden fence of Horogoru Fortress, which had been standing before the stone wall was erected, as well as the wooden fences of Jeongok-ri and Namseonggol Mountain Fortress. The most representative example is the wooden fence of Namseonggol Mountain Fortress, a dual structure consisting of inner and outer fences. The two rows of fences are placed 2.5-3 meters or 4-4.5 meters apart, depending on the local topography. The wooden posts used in the fences are 20-30 centimeters in diameter; the distances between the post centers range from 1.5 to 1.8 meters (Fig. 9). Fig. 9. Namseonggol Mountain Fortress (Chungbuk National University Museum): a) Overview; b) Internal post structure Remains of wooden fence structures identified at other fortress sites also consist of two rows, akin to the defensive wooden fence structures examined above. However, the wooden fences of Mudeungri Fort 2 and Hongryeonbong Forts 1 and 2 (Fig. 10) likely supported the stone fortress walls, or the earthen core of the fortress’ stone walls, rather than actually serving a protective function in their own right. Therefore, further research is required for the remains of the wooden fence structures found at other fortress sites. Fig. 10. Wooden fence structures: a) Wooden fence structures that functioned as supports (Honrgyeonbong Fort 1) (Institute for Archaeology and Environment, Korea University); b) Wooden fence structures that functioned as supports (Mudeung-ri Fort 2) (Author’s photograph) 2) Mixed Earth and Stone Fortress Walls: Walls of mixed earth and stone were used primarily for barrier structures located in the frontier pass regions of Goguryeo in the peripheries of the Ji’an (集安) region of China. Some Goguryeo fortresses have earthen walls to which an additional layer of stone was added at the base or up to a designated height on the exterior. Some fortresses feature earthen walls that contain an inner stone core or a linear arrangement of stones; because the one or two layers of stones placed at the base of such earthen walls are not exposed, it is impossible to distinguish this type of fortress wall from a plain earthen wall from the exterior. The earthen walls of Eundae-ri Fortress were merely faced with irregular stones, with the result that the fortress is categorized as an earthen-walled fortress rather than as a stone-walled fortress, like Horogoru and Dangpo Fortresses, both of which feature an additional outer layer of regularly-shaped, worked stones systematically stacked onto the outer wall. Earthen walls with stone reinforcements added to the base or outer wall surface are generally observed at Goguryeo fortresses constructed after the capital was relocated to Pyeongyang (平壤) in 427. Therefore, fortresses utilizing walls of mixed earth and stone seem to have appeared later than earthen-walled or stone-walled fortresses. 3) Stone Fortress Walls (Fig. 11): The stone fortress walls observed at many Goguryeo fortresses can be divided into single-faced and dual-faced types. For single-faced stone walls, an inclined ground surface was manipulated into an appropriate angle with stones stacked along the inclined surface, the gaps filled with earth and stones. This type of stone wall consisted of two sections—the stone-wall section and the earthen in-fill section—and was primarily utilized in small-scale mountain forts of South Korea. In contrast, large-scale flatland fortresses, such as Horogoru Fortress, utilized dual-faced stone walls in which stones were stacked vertically along both sides of the wall. Fig. 11. Stone walls (Author’s photograph): a) Chengshan Mountain Fortress (城山山城) in Zhuanghe (莊河), Liaoning Province, China; b) Sirubong Fort In the basic method of stone-wall construction, large stones are placed at the base of the wall and then other stones are gradually stacked inwards in stair-step fashion to a designated height. Even so, apart from particular sections, such as chi (雉) structures, for example, stair-step construction was seldom utilized for the Goguryeo mountain forts of South Korea, presumably due to the desire to use as little labor as possible for mountain forts. In the case of fortress walls exceeding a certain scale, such as those of Horogoru and Dangpo Fortresses, the ground surface was flattened, after which several layers of clay were added to establish the base of the fortress wall. By contrast, the foundations for the walls at the Mt. Acha forts were created by laying down a small amount of clay on the weathered-rock soil to achieve a horizontal ground surface. In addition, it appears that the stone walls extended only sufficiently high to shield the living space within the forts because it was structurally difficult to build high walls of one or two layers of stone for these small mountain forts; consequently, no evidence of parapets, which can be found among the middle- to large-scale Goguryeo mountain fortresses, exists in the Goguryeo mountain forts of South Korea. However, the use of low stone walls made it possible to fully utilize the living quarters in the limited space of forts situated on mountain peaks. The outer walls of Goguryeo stone-walled fortresses generally feature neatly stacked, well-worked stones. Seen from the front, the stacked stones form a running bond pattern—termed a “品”-shaped pattern in Chinese and Korean—in middle- to large-scale fortresses. In contrast to the middle- to large-scale fortresses in China and North Korea, however, this stone wall pattern is seldom observed in the mountain forts of South Korea, in which the walls were built using only one or two layers of stones. Since these walls are relatively thin, it is possible to observe stones that have been displaced due to soil pressure and loss of balance in the stone wall. In this case, the sections of the wall that have crumbled can be easily identified. The stones for facing the fortress walls were usually worked into a rectangular or wedge-shaped form. The frequently used wedge-shaped stones resemble elongated pyramids lacking their tops, or points. From the outside, the individual stones appear to be evenly rectangular; however, from above, the stones appear narrower towards the back, due to their generally triangular shape. The stones used for stacking the inner section of the wall were shaped like elongated diamonds; their very narrow points were set toward the front in order to interlock with the wedge-shaped stones. However, rectangular stones were favored over wedge-shaped ones in the mountain forts, which used only one to two layers of stones. 2. Additional Features 1) Surrounding Trenches: Additional defensive structures in the form of surrounding trenches, or oehwang (外隍, literally “outer ditch or trench”), have thus far been identified only at Hongryeonbong Fort 2 and Sirubong Fort (Fig. 12). The trench of Hongryeonbong Fort 2 surrounds the fortress 2-3 meters away from the outer wall. Measuring 1.5-2 meters in width and 0.6-2.5 meters in depth, the trench is either “U”- or “V”-shaped in cross-section. The surrounding trench had stone reinforcements in places with a weak ground structure and a drainage system to ensure it did not fill with water. Fig. 12. Surrounding trench (Author’s phograph): a) Sirubong Fort; b) Hongryeonbong Fort 2 2) Chi structures : Chi (雉) structures are protruding square sections of the fortress walls located at points where enemy movements could be easily observed or where additional fortifications were required. The “П” shape of the chi structures made it possible to fight the enemy from both flanks as well as from the front and therefore enhanced the fortress walls’ defensive role. Numerous chi structures have been identified from Goguryeo forts located in South Korea. Compared to the forts’ main walls, these structures were often built as more durable structures due to their important defensive function. Two types of chi structures have been identified: those packed with stone and those packed with earth. The sections of fort walls with chi structures are generally well preserved because the chi structures often acted as a retaining element in supporting the walls. The Mt. Acha forts are notable for their unusual chi structures, which are detached from the main fort walls. This type of chi structure has yet to be identified in the Goguryeo fortresses of China or North Korea. Such chi structures are found at defensively weak points along the wall, where the flat approaches to the fort would have allowed an enemy to assemble in large numbers. The addition of these stone structures would have enhanced the fort’s defensive power. Some of these chi structures appear to be associated with entrance structures. 3) Entrance Structures: Fortress gates have been identified in all middle- to large-scale Goguryeo fortresses; however, only in rare cases have they been found in forts. Structures that can definitely be interpreted as gates have yet to be found among Mt. Acha forts, for example (in the case of Mt. Acha Fort 3, the structure identified as an entrance appears to have been a stairway leading into the fort rather than a proper entrance gate). All forts required some type of entrance, and that entryway likely would have been a sturdy structure outfitted with additional defensive components. Features identified among the Mt. Acha forts that correspond to this description include the double-layered chi structure from Mt. Acha Fort 4, the triple-layered chi structure from Mt. Yongma Fort 2, and the No. 3 chi structure from Sirubong Fort (Fig. 13). Apart from the stairway of Mt. Acha Fort 3, ladders would have been used to access the other Mt. Acha forts, as evidenced by the wooden ladder dated to the Goguryeo period found at Mt. Yongma Fort 2. Fig. 13. Presumed entrance structures: a) No. 3 chi structure of Sirubong Fort (Seoul National University Museum); b) Double-layered chi structure of Mt. Acha Fort 4 (National Institute of Cultural Heritage) 4) Vertical Post Indentations: Vertical, square-sectioned indentations with sides 20-30 centimeters in width and spaced at intervals of 1.5-2 meters occur in the stone walls of Goguryeo fortresses. These indentations accommodated wooden posts at regular intervals to reinforce double-layered stone walls, the indentations set along the inner stone wall and protected by the outer stone wall. Only Daeseong Mountain Fortress (大城山城) in Pyeongyang previously was reported to have such features; however, such indentations have been recently identified at Dangpo and Horogoru Fortresses (Fig. 14), Hongryeonbong Fort 1, and Wolpyeong-dong Mountain Fortress. Stones placed at the base of the vertical indentations have been observed at Horogoru and Dangpo Fortresses. Fig. 14. Vertical post indentations (Author’s photograph): a) Dangpo Fortress; b) Horogoru Fortress All of the Goguryeo fortresses with vertical post indentations identified so far were constructed after the move of the Goguryeo capital to Pyeongyang in 427. Except for the Goguryeo examples, all of the stone fortresses featuring vertical post indentations in South Korea date to the Goryeo period or later. This indicates that the use of vertical post indentations represents a fortress construction technique that dates to the late Goguryeo period. 5) Water Reservoirs and Storage Facilities: A constant supply of water for the mountain fortresses was as important as the fortifications themselves. The majority of Goguryeo forts on mountain peaks had water reservoirs, as it would have been difficult to obtain an independent water supply (Fig. 15). Such water reservoirs were generally built by digging a square pit into the weathered bedrock and then facing the walls with mud to keep the water from seeping out. Wooden logs were stacked along the walls of the pit to fix the mud in place. Pits of a similar nature at some forts have been broadly interpreted as storage facilities, but their exact function remains unconfirmed. Fig. 15. Water storage and drainage facilities: a) Water reservoir (Mt. Yongma Fort 2) (Author’s photograph); b) Water drains (Sirubong Fort) (Seoul National University Museum) 6) Drainage Facilities: Drainage facilities were laid out below the fortress walls or gates to allow any water that accumulated within the fortresses to escape. Since heavy rains could result in damage to the fortress walls as well as to the various structures located inside and outside the fortress, drainage facilities were constructed as a preventative measure. Generally located around the base of the fortress walls, these facilities likely were put in place during the earliest phase of construction. Their placement below the stone building foundations indicates that the drainage facilities at the Mt. Acha forts were set in place prior to the construction of the buildings within. Hongryeongbong Fort 2 and Sirubong Fort feature both vertically-set drains that allowed water from inside the fort to flow outside and a long, laterally-set drain that encircled the mountain summit. 7) Internal Facilities: Most of the structures that have been identified within Goguryeo fortresses are either above-ground or semi-subterranean buildings. Most such structures found in South Korea are constructed above ground with stone foundations, surrounded by outer walls made of a wattle-and-clay mixture. Ondol structures for underfloor heating, which are built in an “L”-shape or in a straight-line along the building walls, suggest that these buildings functioned as dwellings. Ceramic vessels associated with food storage and consumption (e.g., small bowls, pedestal bowls, dishes, jars) have been excavated in the vicinity of ondol structures. In addition, an iron cauldron was found in situ at Guui-dong Fort, placed on the firebox of an ondol structure. Mt. Acha Fort 4 included an ondol structure built along a sloping floor; iron pincers for use in hammering iron were found in its vicinity, together with a large number of iron objects, indicating that a simple blacksmith’s workshop may have operated at the site for the repair of iron tools. A small furnace for working wrought iron was identified at Mt. Acha Fort 3 (Fig. 16), and numerous iron-slag and furnace-wall fragments were discovered at Mudeung-ri Fort 2. It is possible that a workshop for iron production existed at Mudeung-ri Fort 2, though too little archaeological evidence remains at the site to confirm this possibility. Fig. 16. Building with ondol structures and a blacksmith’s workshop (Author’s photograph): a) Building with ondol structures (Mt. Yongma Fort 2); b) Small furnace (Mt. Acha Fort 3) Archaeological features associated with pottery production have been identified at Hongryeonbong Fort 2 and Namseonggol Mountain Fortress, but direct archaeological evidence of a pottery kiln have yet to be discovered. The stone base of a foot-operated mill identified at Mt. Acha Fort 3 suggests that facilities for grain processing were also present at Goguryeo fortresses. The Characteristics of Goguryeo Fortresses in South Korea 1. Fortress Distribution Goguryeo fortresses identified in South Korea are broadly located in four regions that comprise the mid-western area of the Korean Peninsula: the Imjin-Hantan River, Yangju (in Gyeonggi Province), Han River, and Geum River. Interestingly, Goguryeo fortress sites have yet to be identified in Gangwon Province and the Chungju region, even though both the Goguryeo stone chamber tombs and the Jungwon Goguryeo Stele are located there. Perhaps this is because the main transport routes that extended from the southern part of the peninsula to Pyeongyang were located to the west of the Taebaek Mountain Range (太白山脈) which vertically bisects the Korean Peninsula. This lack of a Goguryeo line of defense in the eastern part of the peninsula may explain how Silla (新羅) forces were able to expand so easily along the eastern coastline and into South Hamgyeong Province in the mid-sixth century following the territorial expansion policy of King Jinheung (眞興王, r. 540 – 576) of Silla, the markers of which are the steles that commemorate King Jinheung’s inspection of newly acquired lands. The most common feature concerning the location of Goguryeo fortresses in South Korea is their situation to the north of the rivers for defense against Baekje and Silla forces that would have attacked from the south or southeast. Most of the Goguryeo fortresses situated to the south of the rivers are Baekje or Silla fortresses temporarily appropriated by Goguryeo forces, rather than Goguryeo-built structures. A brief examination of the distribution of Goguryeo fortresses in South Korea reveals that Goguryeo fortresses of the Imjin-Hantan River region were distributed along the rivers in an east-west direction. Basalt cliffs of 10-15 meters in height that extended over several kilometers along the two rivers would have functioned like fortress walls for the defense of the areas to the north and west of the rivers. Goguryeo fortresses in this region tend to be situated near fords in wide river bends where the currents are relatively slow. The Imjin River region was part of Goguryeo territory from the fifth century to the fall of Goguryeo in 668. It appears that both flatland fortresses and mountain forts were strategically constructed along the Imjin River since the de facto southern boundary of Goguryeo was located in this region from the mid-sixth century onward, following Goguryeo’s loss of the Han River region. The Yangju region is a key transportation point that gives entry to present-day Seoul—i.e., Hanseong, the Baekje capital from 18 BCE until 475—from the Imjin-Hantan River region or likewise when moving northward from Seoul to Gaeseong via the Yeonchon area. The north-south transportation routes passing through the Yangju Basin region could have been effectively cut-off since the area is surrounded by mountainous terrain; consequently, Goguryeo fortresses in the region are found along the tops of mountain ridges, ensuring high visibility of the surrounding landscape and transportation routes passing through the flatlands. Excavations thus far have been undertaken only at Mt. Cheonbo Fort 2 and Mt. Taebong Fort 2. Though their true nature has yet to be fully revealed, these forts share similarities with the Mt. Acha forts in terms of their structures and of the artifacts recovered from the sites. In terms of numbers, most Goguryeo fortresses in South Korea have been found in the Han River region. The Goguryeo fortresses of this region are distributed only in the vicinity of Mt. Acha, to the north of the Han River, in contrast to the Imjin-Hantan River region where Goguryeo fortresses are located along the rivers. One reason for such difference may be the different topography of the Imjin-Hantan River region, where cliffs along the river acted as natural fortifications. The only way to attack Pyeongyang (i.e., the Goguryeo capital from 427 until 668) by land from the south would have been to cross over to the north bank of the Han River and then follow the route from Jungnang Stream to Pyeongyang via Uijeongbu, Yangju, Imjin River, and Gaeseong. Along this route, the forts on Mt. Acha would have functioned as key centers for defense. It is possible that the seventeen systematically linked forts on the peaks of Mt. Acha and its environs would have functioned together as a middle-sized fortress. By contrast, the Geum River region features only a small number of Goguryeo fortresses which are distributed in a very scattered manner, perhaps because the region was both the southernmost part of Goguryeo territory and the frontline in the conflict with Baekje and Silla forces. 2. Fortress Scale In contrast to the middle- to large-sized Goguryeo fortresses in China and North Korea, the Goguryeo fortresses of South Korea tend to be smaller in scale. With the exception of the flatland fortresses of the Imjin-Hantan River region, Goguryeo fortifications were all situated on mountainous terrain, with the majority being mountain forts with walls of 200-300 meters in circumference. Shim Gwangzhu posited that the fortresses in North Korea differed in function from the mountain forts in South Korea because the Goguryeo fortresses located north of the Yeseong River (禮成江), in the Hwanghae Province region, tend to be large in scale, with walls of 2-10 kilometers in circumference. These large-scale fortresses, including Jangsu Mountain Fortress (長壽山城), were distributed at intervals of 20-40 kilometers. By contrast, the Goguryeo forts of South Korea tend to be distributed on a north-south axis along transportation routes, with high concentrations in localized areas. Thus, the mountain forts of South Korea likely were established at key points to secure strategically important transportation routes, rather than to function as administrative centers (Shim Gwangzhu 2006, 62-64). Differences in size indicate that small mountain forts and middle- to large-scale fortresses would have served different functions. However, the role of these fortifications could change according to the overall defense strategy, political situation, and geography. Since Hwanghae Province was located immediately to the south of the Goguryeo capital of Pyeongyang, the fortresses of this region could have played a greater defensive role, with consequent differences in size and distribution from those of the northern Gyeonggi region. The Imjin-Hantan and Han River regions were also strategically important. It is recorded in China’s Beishi (北史, History of the Northern Dynasties) that government offices (官司) were installed for local administration at dozens of Goguryeo fortresses, including Yodong (遼東城) and Hyeondo (玄菟城) Fortresses. These records indicate that fortresses located at strategic military points were used as local administrative centers from the mid-Goguryeo period onward. In particular, fortresses that have yielded archaeological finds of roof tiles can be interpreted as places where government offices once stood, as China’s Jiutangshu (舊唐書, Old History of Tang) records that roof tiles were used only for Buddhist temples, royal ancestral shrines, royal palaces, and government buildings in Goguryeo. Numerous roof tiles have been recovered from such flatland fortresses as Horogoru and Dangpo Fortresses in the Imjin-Hantan River region, for example. The Horogoru Fortress site has also yielded roof-end tiles with lotus designs, convex tiles used to cover roof ridges, and ridge-end tiles, along with ink stones, which make it likely that the local administrative center of the Imjin-Hantan River region was located in this fortress. The function of the tightly clustered group of small-scale mountain forts at Mt. Acha may have been similar to that of large-scale fortresses. The central presence among the Mt. Acha forts is Hongryeongbong Fort 1 where a roof-tiled building once stood. There would have been no need for a large, tiled-roof building at such a small mountain fort, had it served only a defensive function at a militarily strategic point. The presence of a tiled-roof building thus stands as evidence of the important role that the Mt. Acha forts served in terms of the local Goguryeo administration. 3. Chronology The chronology of the Goguryeo fortresses of South Korea must be examined by adopting a comprehensive approach in which the artifacts discovered at fortress sites are considered in association with the temporal sequence of the fortresses and the internal archaeological features. Based on excavated artifacts and the results of radiocarbon dating analysis, Horogoru Fortress (a wooden fence structure), Eundae-ri Fortress, both in the northern Gyeonggi region, and the Namseonggol Mountain Fortress in Cheongwon are at present regarded as the earliest Goguryeo fortresses in South Korea. These fortresses, which have been dated to the mid- to late fifth century, do not have neatly stacked stone walls constructed with worked stones of regular shape; rather, they feature simple wooden fence structures or walls that consist of irregularly shaped stones added to the surface of an earthen core. The pottery from the early fortresses comprises jars of various sizes, all with simple rims. Some vessels feature paddle marks on their bodies, and their shoulders are often decorated with wave or dotted designs. The ceramics recovered from the early fortress sites share similarities with those recovered from the Mongchon Earthen Fortress, which was occupied by Goguryeo forces from 475, when the Baekje capital Hanseong fell under Goguryeo’s control, and also with the ceramics from Goguryeo stone-chamber tombs located south of the Han River. The forts of Mt. Acha, to the north of the Han River, the forts of the Yangju region, and the forts of the Imjin River region, along with Horogoru and Dangpo Fortresses in the Imjin River region, have been dated to the sixth century or later. These structures have stone walls built with worked stones of regular shape, double stone layers, vertical post indentations, or earthen cores. The ceramics from these fortresses include jars of various sizes, large bowls, and steamers, all with rolled rims. The vessels have undecorated shoulders and lack paddle marks on their bodies. Some of the vessels feature burnished patterns, rather than incised linear patterns. In the case of pottery from the Mt. Acha forts, temporal variation in production methods can also be observed. Based on such variations in production methods, Sirubong Fort has been identified as the latest of the Mt. Acha forts due to the presence of pedestal bowls whose bases flare outwards and upwards at the bottom (Yang Sieun 2003, 59-60). The general belief, based on the historical situation of the day, is that the Mt. Acha forts were used early in the sixth century, following the occupation of Hanseong by Goguryeo forces in 475 (Choi Jongtaek 2008, 150-151; Yang Sieun 2013, 126). It has recently been argued, however, that the earliest dates of the Mt. Acha forts must be pushed forward to the late sixth century rather than 551, due both to the nature of a diachronic change observed in the Goguryeo ceramics of Horogoru Fortress and to the radiocarbon dates from individual items and sites (Kim Yeongseop 2009, 50; Yi Hyeongho 2014, 99-100). Conclusion The study of Goguryeo fortresses by South Korean researchers began at a later date relative to the efforts of Chinese and North Korean specialists; however, full-scale excavations on approximately ten fortress sites have provided the basic material needed for research. The Goguryeo fortresses of South Korea are distributed in the Imjin-Hantan River, Yangju, Han River, and Geum River regions. These fortresses are all characteristically located to the north of the rivers in order to defend against attacks by Baekje or Silla forces from the south or southeast. In addition, the Goguryeo fortresses of South Korea tend to be small-sized fortresses or mountain forts that stand in contrast to the middle- to large-scale Goguryeo fortresses in China and North Korea. Apart from the riverbank flatland fortresses of the Imjin-Hantan River region, all of the Goguryeo fortresses in South Korea are located on mountains, the majority of the forts claiming walls of 200-300 meters in circumference. The Goguryeo fortresses of the Imjin-Hantan River region are mostly located at fords where wide river bends permit crossing. They consist of both riverside flatland fortresses and mountain forts. Based on wall-construction methods, the sequence of archaeological features, and the artifacts excavated within, it is possible to attribute Eundae-ri Fortress and the wooden fence structures of Horogoru Fortress and Jeongok-ri site to the fifth century, which was the earliest phase of Goguryeo fortress construction in South Korea. All of the fortresses constructed after the sixth century have stone walls built with worked stones of regular shape. Dangpo and Horogoru Fortresses, both on riverside flatlands, feature double-layered stone walls and vertical post indentations. These architectural elements have also been identified at Daeseong Mountain Fortress as well as at Hongryeonbong Fort 1 in the Han River region. The walls of Dangpo and Horogoru Fortresses had earthen foundations and earthen inner cores covered with regularly stacked stones. Horogoru Fortress may have functioned as the local administrative center for the Imjin River region, given the presence of roof-end tiles with lotus designs, ridge-end tiles, convex tiles used to cover roof ridges, a ceramic drum, and writing tools such as ink stones. In addition, the large amount of iron slag recovered from Mudeung-ri Fort 2 suggests that iron-production facilities also may have existed at the site. Surrounded by mountainous terrain, the Yangju Basin claims ideal topographical conditions effectively to block transportation routes that run in a north-south direction. Set on the tops of mountain ridges, Goguryeo forts commanded an ideal view of the routes that passed through the flatlands. Notably, the forts of this region, in contrast to those of Mt. Acha, were not clustered in one area. Set to the north of the Han River, forts with stone walls in the Mt. Acha area are distributed along the tops of mountain ridges. The Goguryeo forts of the Han River region are found only on Mt. Acha and its environs, in contrast to those of the Imjin River region which are located at intervals along the river. Given their systematic connections, the Mt. Acha forts likely functioned collectively as a middle- to large-scale fortress, rather than merely as strategically important points placed to secure transportation routes. The remains of a tile-roofed building excavated at the site suggest that a government office was present at Hongryeonbong Fort 1. Given the historical context, the Mt. Acha forts likely came into use early in the sixth century, following Goguryeo’s occupation of Hanseong in 475. Even so, the results of recent radiocarbon analysis suggest that the use of the Mt. Acha forts did not begin until late in the sixth century. The function of the wooden fence identified at the Mt. Acha forts is currently the subject of debate. It is argued that the fence functioned as a wooden structure that supported the earthen in-fill section of the stone walls, rather than as a defensive structure as in the cases of Horogoru and Namseonggol Fortresses (Shim Gwangzhu 2014, 36-41). The Geum River region formed the frontline in Goguryeo’s conflict with Baekje; consequently, Goguryeo’s occupation of this region would have lasted a relatively short time. This region has the lowest frequency of Goguryeo fortresses in South Korea, which reflects the region’s political instability at that time. Based on the nature of the pottery recovered from the site, it is assumed that this region was occupied by Goguryeo forces in the late fifth century. Even so, archaeological evidence is insufficient to determine whether the Goguryeo fortresses of this region were established after the Goguryeo occupation of the Baekje capital Hanseong in 475, or whether Goguryeo forces advanced into the Daejeon area from Gangwon Province through Chungju (location of the Jungwon Goguryeo Stele), regardless of Goguryeo’s control over Hanseong. The Goguryeo tombs dating to the mid- to late fifth century recently identified in Gangwon Province, northern Gyeonggi Province, and some regions south of the Han River (e.g., Pangyo, Yongin, Cheonggye, Chungju) suggest the plausibility of both scenarios.

According to its creation myth, Goguryeo (高句麗, 37 BCE – 668) was founded by Jumong (朱蒙), later King Dongmyeongseongwang (東明王, r. 37 – 19 BCE) who traveled southwards from the ancient state of Buyeo (夫餘, 2nd century BCE – 494). Jumong arrived at Jolbon (卒本), which was located in the middle reaches of the Amnok River (鴨綠江, also called the Yalu River), and, through alliances with various indigenous groups in the region, came to exercise hegemony over that area. A comprehensive examination of various historical sources reveals that, at that time, the middle reaches of the Amnok River were home to an indigenous group called the “Na” (那) that developed into a significant independent regional polity prior to the appearance of the group led by Jumong. A successful integration with the “Na” enabled Jumong and his followers to establish Goguryeo. In this sense, the indigenous communities of the middle reaches of the Amnok River can be regarded as the driving force behind the formation of Goguryeo. The representative burial type of the earliest phase of Goguryeo is the stone-piled tomb (積石墓), which is distinct from the stone cist burial (石棺墓) and earthen pit burial (土壙墓) of the former territory of the ancient state Buyeo. This method of burial seems to have been widely used in the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River before the establishment of Goguryeo, indicating that an independent cultural sphere may have existed prior to the arrival of Jumong. The absence of stone cist burials and earthen pit burials in this region suggests that Buyeo migrants, including the group led by Jumong, may have adopted the local burial traditions (i.e., the stone-piled tomb) to integrate with the indigenous communities. This paper considers the formation of a Proto-Goguryeo society by examining the origins of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. The appearance of stone-piled tombs will be considered in association with cultural transformations of the time in order to understand the cultural foundation of Proto-Goguryeo society. The relationship between the stone-piled tombs and the indigenous communities of the region will be analyzed to determine whether the core group of Proto-Goguryeo was composed of migrants or by a consolidation of communities that traditionally resided in the region. Stone Cairn Sites of the Middle and Lower Reaches of the Amnok River Early-period Goguryeo stone-piled tombs consist of an above-ground stone burial platform (where the deceased was laid to rest) that was covered with a large pile of stones (Fig. 2). An above-ground burial chamber set atop the stone platform is characteristic of stone piled tombs, which distinguishes this type of tomb from the dolmen, stone cist, or earth-cut burial—the latter types featuring burial chambers located underground or directly on the ground surface. Fig. 1. Wangjianglou burial ground in Huanren (Author’s photograph) Fig. 2. The plan and artifacts from Xiahuolong (下活龍) Tomb 8, in Ji’an (not to scale). Cultural Relics (文物) 1984-1, p. 68: a) Sword with ring pommel (length: 46 cm); b) Iron axe (length: 11 cm); c) Iron sickle (length: 18 cm); d) Arrow quiver (length: 34 cm); e) Belt buckle Various symposia and research papers have explored the origin of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. Bronze Age stone-piled burials of the southwestern coastal region of the Liaodong Peninsula (遼東半島) and the stone cairns (石堆) of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River are the two types of burials that have garnered the greatest interest in relation to the origin of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. The possibility that Goguryeo stone-piled tombs may have originated from the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula was initially proposed by North Korean archaeologists (Jeong Chanyeong 1973, 13-17 and 51-53) and has been corroborated by the subsequent research of South Korean, Japanese, and Chinese scholars. However, significant differences exist between the two types of burials, even though both are referred to as “stone-piled” burials or tombs. For example, the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs feature stone platforms erected on the ground; by contrast, stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula were established directly on the ground surface without the use of stone platforms. The most significant difference between the two is that the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs feature burial chambers with a single interment, whereas the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula were communal graves with multiple burial chambers, each chamber containing multiple interments. In addition, the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs and the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula are spaced far apart in terms of both location and date. North Korean archaeologists appear to have been aware of this dissonance, for they expressed hope that future discoveries would uncover new sites that would reduce the temporal gap between the two. As if in answer to their wish, sites with stone cairn features were discovered in the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River in the 1970s and 1980s. North Korean archaeologists interpreted these stone cairns as a type of “stone-cairn burial” (dolmuji mudeom) and proposed that they be considered the missing link in the evolution from stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula to Goguryeo stone-piled tombs (Park Jinwuk 1988, 114-117). The opinions of North Korean archaeologists had a significant influence on archaeological discourse in South Korea and Japan. Japanese archaeologists proposed that stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula evolved into Goguryeo stone-piled tombs (Azuma Ushio 1997, 97-98) or that Goguryeo stone-piled tombs originated from the stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River (Tamura Kōichi 1990, 151-155). Whereas Japanese archaeologists considered either stone-piled burials or stone cairns as the origins of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs, South Korean archaeologists maintained that a causal link could be established between the two. Ji Byongmok proposed that the stone cairns of the lower reaches of the Amnok River had been built by groups that had migrated from the Liaodong Peninsula where stone-piled burials had traditionally been used. These groups are believed to have moved further into the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River where they constructed stone-piled tombs (Ji Byongmok 1997, 10-30; 2005, 69-94). However, Kang Hyunsook suggested that inherited cultural traditions may have been the mechanism for the evolution of the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula into the stone cairns of the lower and middle reaches of the Amnok River, and eventually into the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs (Kang Hyunsook 1999, 27-46). Ji Byongmok focused on the migration of populations, while Kang Hyunsook focused on the inheritance and transmission of cultural traditions; however, both accept the presence of a causal link among the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula, stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River, and the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. They both regard the stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River and the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs as belonging to the same category of burial. Both North and South Korean archaeologists believe that the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs originated from the stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River that had evolved from the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula. Chinese archaeologists currently regard the Hun River (渾江) region and the main waterway of the Amnok River separately when considering the origins of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. It is posited that dolmens in the Hun River region were influenced by the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula and evolved into stone-piled dolmens. Consequently, the stone-piled tombs of the region are believed to have originated from stone-piled dolmens, whereas the stone-piled tombs of the main waterway of the Amnok River are believed to have originated directly from the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula (Li Xinquan 2009, 3-8). Differing in view from North and South Korean archaeologists, Chinese archaeologists do not associate the stone-piled tombs with the stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River, despite their assertion of a direct link between Goguryeo stone-piled tombs and the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula. The crux of the debate concerning the origin of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs is how to interpret the stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River. The sites with the type of stone cairns, which North and South Korean archaeologists consider identical to the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs, are concentrated in the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River. The “middle-type bronze daggers” (a transitional type between the Liaoning-type bronze dagger and the Korean-type bronze dagger), bronze spearheads, and bronze mirrors have been found at these sites, but discoveries of iron artifacts are very rare (Oh Kangwon 2002, 14-24; Yeo Hokyu 2002, 115-119). This illustrates that the stone cairn sites may have been established at the time when the transition from bronze culture to iron culture took place. Table 1 presents the stone cairn sites of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River. Except for the structure from the Wudaolinggoumen site in Ji’an, which has been reported as a “stepped stone-piled tomb with a square platform” (方壇階梯積石墓), no other structures from these sites have been reported as stone-piled tombs. The structures from the sites of Xifangshen in Xiuyan and Dadianzi in Huanren were both reported as stone cist burials; in addition, the burial chambers identified at the sites of Xiaochenjia in Fengcheng as well as Paoziyan and Sipingjie in Kuandian are similar to the stone cist burials. Among these structures, those featuring stone cairns may be referred to as “stone-piled stone cist burials” (積石石棺墓); however, they cannot necessarily be regarded as identical to the early stone-piled tombs of Goguryeo. Table 1. Stone cairn sites of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River (See the references for Table 1 in Appendix) Site name (at the time of excavation) Archaeological features Bronze artifacts Iron artifacts Other artifacts Reference Dagger Spearhead Mirror Others Xifangshen (西房身), Xiuyan Manchu Autonomous County (岫岩滿族 自治縣) Stone cist burial built using large and small stone slabs 1 Bronze arrowhead (1) Stone pillow (polished with iron ore) (1) ③ Xiaochenjia (小陳家), Fengcheng County (鳳城縣, present-day Fencheng City) Rectangular stone cist burial built using roughly worked stones; located within a stone cairn 1 ③ Paoziyan (泡子沿), Kuandian Manchu Autonomous County (寬 甸滿族自治縣) Located below a stone slab discovered within a stone cairn 4 ③ Zhaojiabaozi (趙家堡子), Kuandian Manchu Autonomous County Located below natural stone boulders located 30 cm underground; a rectangular burial compartment built using unworked stones and pebbles found nearby 1 1 3 ③ Sipingjie (四平街), Kuandian Manchu Autonomous County Stone cist burial built using long stones; located within a stone cairn 2 Human remains, jade pieces (possibly used together in a necklace) (10) ③ Dafangshen (大房身), Donggou County (東溝縣) Unknown 1 ③ Wudaolinggoumen (五道 嶺溝門), Ji’an County (集 安縣) Located one meter below a stone cairn, amongst large stones; reported as a stepped stone-piled tomb with a square platform 1 3 1 Bronze axe (1), yue (鉞)-shaped bronze axe (4) Iron arrowhead (?) (2) ② Dadianzi (大甸子), Huanren Manchu Autonomous County (桓仁滿族自治縣) Rectangular stone cist burial built using stone slabs 1 Bronze arrowhead (2) Iron knife (1) Burnt human remains, Ming knife coin (明刀錢) (200), stone disk with a central hole (1), bead (210), jade with holes (1), tubular agate bead (2) The Wudaolinggoumen stone structure is the focus of significant attention regarding the origins of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. From the outside, this structure looks like a stepped stone-piled tomb, but it differs considerably from the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs in terms of its topographic situation and the nature of its burial chamber. This site also yielded bronze artifacts (e.g., a dagger, an axe, a mirror, spearheads), which are not present in the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. Consequently, the burial structures of the stone cairn sites of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River are most likely stone cists. If only the grave goods are considered, the Wudaolinggoumen stone structure is also closer in nature to stone cist examples. The Wanfabozi (萬發撥子) site in Tonghua (通化), Jilin Province is also of interest (China State Administration of Cultural Heritage 2001, 25-30). In total, six cultural layers have been identified at this site, of which the Late Bronze Age1 layer yielded bronze daggers and bronze spearheads similar to examples from the Wudaolinggoumen site. A variety of burials occurred in this layer, but a stone-piled tomb was absent. It is in the early Goguryeo layer of this site that the stone-piled tombs were identified, along with large stone-covered, stone-piled tombs (大石蓋積石墓), indicating that the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs may have emerged after the Late Bronze Age. Therefore, the structures of the stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River and the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs cannot be regarded as the same type of burial. As a consequence, the argument that the origins of the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs can be traced back to the stone-piled burials of the Liaodong Peninsula via the stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River also becomes untenable. The early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs have rarely yielded bronze artifacts (e.g., daggers, spearheads, mirrors), though iron farming tools and weapons are frequently discovered in such tombs. This indicates that the construction of the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs may have followed the spread of iron culture. One notable aspect of the stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River is that many were covered with stone piles even though the majority of the structures are stone cist burials with burial chambers located below, or partly below, ground. This suggests that the tradition of embellishing burials with stone piles—a central feature of the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs—can be traced back to this period. The Spread of Iron Culture into the Middle and Upper Reaches of the Amnok River Iron culture was introduced into Manchuria and the Korean Peninsula around the fourth to third century BCE as a result of the expansion of Yan (燕) into the Liaodong region. Yan (11th century – 222 BCE) was one of the contenting states of China’s Warring States period (戰國時代, 475 – 221 BCE). At the time, the Gojoseon (古朝鮮) territory had been constricted to the northwest region of the Korean Peninsula, and a cultural transformation involving the replacement of Liaodong-type bronze daggers by Korean-type bronze daggers had also taken place. Such developments further spread to the eastern mountain areas of the Liaodong region where Goguryeo originated (Lee Namkyu 2005, 17-50). This situation is well reflected in the middle-type bronze daggers frequently found in the area; such daggers represent a transitional type and feature elements of both the Liaoning-type and the Korean-type bronze dagger. In particular, many examples of the “B-style” middle-type bronze dagger, which sport a blade with a straight upper section and a groove at the lower section, have been found in the area, in association with Yan iron artifacts and other related items (Lee Chungkyu 1993, 10-18; Oh Kangwon 2002, 17-24). This reflects the situation of the early to mid-third century BCE, when Yan iron culture spread through the Liaodong Plain and was introduced into the northeast area of the Liaodong region. Two main areas of distribution are observed for the “B-style” middle-type bronze dagger: the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range (天山山脈), and the upper reaches of the Liao River (遼河) and the middle and upper reaches of the Songhua River (松花江) (Fig. 3). In the latter area, two of the four sites also yielded iron artifacts, demonstrating that the communities of this area adopted iron culture from the Liaodong region (with which they had maintained contact from an early date). By contrast, iron artifacts were found at only two of the ten sites of the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range. It is also likely that the iron arrowheads from the Wudaolinggoumen site (one of the two sites with iron artifacts) were later inclusions (Park Jinwuk 1988, 116; Lee Namkyu 2005, 41-43). This reveals that although it had spread to the Taizi River (太子河) area near the Liaodong Plain around the period of florescence of the “B-style” middle-type bronze dagger, iron culture had not fully penetrated into the southeastern part of the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range. In this latter area, bronze spearheads and mirrors incised with leaf patterns, rather than iron artifacts, have been found at sites yielding “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers. These artifacts are likely to have been indigenously produced, given the large number of molds for leaf-decorated bronze mirrors and bronze spearheads excavated from the Xiadouling site (小都嶺) in Tonghua (Man Chengzhi 1987, 68-70). The leaf pattern appears to have been a shared cultural element of this area, since it is also observed in pottery artifacts (Park Soonbal 1997, 7). The population groups of the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range likely maintained a close cultural affinity among themselves around the time of the transition from bronze culture to iron culture. Fig. 3. Distribution map of the sites with “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers.2 Study of the Political History of the Early Goguryeo (고구려 초기 정치사 연구) (Seoul: Sinseowon, 2014, p. 106) Table 2. Sites yielding “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers (Table based on the content of Oh Kangwon 2002; See the references for Table 2 in Appendix) Site name (at the time of excavation) Archaeological features Bronze artifacts Iron artifacts Other artifacts Reference Dagger Spearhead Mirror Others Liujiashao (劉家哨), Benxi County (本溪縣) Stone cist burial located 1.5m underground Ba-style: 2 C-style: 1 1 1 Animal-shaped ornament (2), bronze ringshaped object (1) Sword scabbard-end feature, T-shaped sword hilt (C type), bronze mirror with bird pattern 1 Nanfen (南芬), Benxi City (本溪市) Earthen pit burial Ba-style: 1 Sword hilt fragment 2, 3 Shawo (沙窩), Benxi City Stone cist burial Ba-style: 1 Sand-tempered pottery sherd 3 Shangbao (上堡), Benxi County Stone cist burial located 1.5m underground (Shangbao M1) Ba-style: 1 Bc-style: 1 Globular bronze ornament Iron chisel (cast iron) T-shaped sword hilt (2), cord-patterned barrel-shaped fine clay ceramic vessel (1), Sand-tempered grayish brown ceramic vessel (with iron rust stains) (1), tubular stone bead (3 4 Xihuangshantun (西荒山 屯), Huadian County (樺 甸縣) Bedrock pit burial M1 Ba-style: 1 Unknown: 2 Knife (3), arrowhead (1), button (2) Iron knife (1) T-shaped sword hilt (1), antenna-shaped sword hilt (2), stone spindle whorl (1), pottery, numerous ornaments 5 Bedrock pit burial M6 Ba-style: 2 Unknown: 1 Axe (3), sickle (1), knife (1) T-shaped sword hilt, pottery, numerous ornaments Zhaojiabaozi (趙家堡 子), Kuandian Manchu Autonomous County Below natural stone boulders located 30cm underground; stone burial found nearby Ba-style: 1 1 3 6 Daqingshan (大靑山), Huaide (懷德) Shallow earthen pit burial Bb-style: 1 Half-ring shaped bronze ornament Sand-tempered reddish brown ceramic vessel (4) 7 Fushun County (撫順縣) (assumption) Unknown Bb-style: 1 T-shaped sword hilt, hilt-end counterweight 8 Jixiangtun (吉祥屯), Shuangliao County (雙遼 縣) Unknown Bb-style: 1 T-shaped sword hilt, hilt-end counterweight 9 Shangmashi (上馬石), Changhai County (長海縣 Earthen pit burial (M2) Bb-style: 1 10 Dijiacun (翟家村), Changtu County (昌圖縣) Rectangular pit (bedrock floor) Bc-style: 1 Unknown: 1 Chinesestyle: 1 Bronze arrowhead (12) Iron axe (5) T-shaped sword hilt, hilt-end meteoritic iron counterweight, bone arrowhead (1) 11, 12 Majiazi (馬架子), Xinbin Manchu Autonomous County (新賓縣) Stone cist burial built with stone slabs Bc-style: 1 13 Banlaling (半拉嶺), Xinbin Manchu Autonomous County Stone casket Bc-style: 6 13 Beisiping (北四平), Xinbin Manchu Autonomous County Stone casket Bc-style: 1 1 13 Dafangshen (大房身), Donggou County(東溝) Unknown Bc-style: 1 6 Wudaolinggoumen, Ji’an County Located one meter below the stone cairn; a stepped stone-piled tomb with square platform (?) Bc-style: 1 3 1 Bronze axe (1), yue (鉞)-shaped bronze axe (4) Iron arrowheads (?) (2) Sword scabbard-end feature 14 The eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range can be divided into two parts: the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River (the birthplace of Goguryeo); and the areas to the west comprising the lower reaches of the Amnok River and the middle and upper reaches of the Taizi River. In the first to third centuries, the Proto-Goguryeo groups of the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River were referred to as the “Daesumaek” (i.e., the Maek people of the great water; 大水貊), and the groups residing further west were referred to as the “Sosumaek” (i.e., the Maek people of the small water; 小水貊) or the “Yangmaek” (梁貊, Ch. Liangmo). Both of these groups were known as “Maek” (貊, Ch. Mo), probably because they shared close cultural affinity between themselves compared to other groups of the “Yemaek” (濊貊, Ch. Huimo) people. The Proto-Goguryeo communities emerged out of the “Yemaek” people through many stages of fissuring. Since they came to be called “Guryeo” (句麗), they can be referred to as the “Guryeo ethnic group” (句麗種族), separate from the neighboring “Yemaek” communities. The distribution of groups by the name of “Maek” appears nearly identical to the distribution of the “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers. This indicates that communities that went by the name of “Maek” and used “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers and the leaf motif were present in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range prior to the appearance of Proto-Goguryeo groups. These communities may have actively interacted against the political backdrop of the early to mid-third century BCE—i.e., Yan’s expansion into the Liaodong region and the constriction of the Gojoseon territory—and established a closely related cultural sphere. The eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range features sites with “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers as well as numerous sites with Ming knife coins (明刀錢) (Table 3). Ming knife coins have been found at sites distributed over a wide area that extend from Hebei Province in China to the northwest region of the Korean Peninsula, and various discussions have taken place concerning the nature of these sites (Park Sunmi 2009, 19-26). In the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range, approximately twenty sites with Ming knife coins have been identified, but sites yielding both “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers and Ming knife coins have yet to be observed (Table 3). This indicates that, at least in this region, there was an interval between the prevalence of “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers and that of Ming knife coins. Table 3. Sites with Ming knife coins in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range (See the references for Table 3 in Appendix) Amnok River (鴨綠江) region Site name (at the time of excavation) Archaeological features Ming knife coins Associated artifacts Reference Shuangshanzi (双山子), Kuandian Manchu Autonomous County Pit dug into a limestone layer (width: 25cm, depth: 80cm) Approximately 200 coins (placed in an orderly manner) Iron axe (2), semilunar iron knife (5), trapezoid-shaped iron knife (1), sharp iron knife (1) 9 Guafangcun (挂房村), Kuandian Manchu Autonomous County Storage pit located at the foothills of a mountain Knife money (刀幣) A small number of round coins, Qin shiyi dagger-axe (石邑戈) 12 Dadianzi, Huanren Manchu Autonomous County Rectangular stone cist burial built with stone slabs 200 Human remains, “C-style” middle-type bronze dagger, bronze arrowhead, iron knife sheath, stone disk with central hole (1), bead (210), jade with holes (1), tubular agate bead (2) 10 Choushuidong, Huanren Manchu Autonomous County House 1 (round) Knife money Bird-shaped iron ornament, grinding stone, bone hair pin, ceramic spindle whorl, pottery 4 House 2 (square) Quantity unknown Spade money (布錢), coin marked with “一化,” Qin Banliang coin, bronze arrowhead, iron axe, iron knife, human remains, sand-tempered paddled pottery, huitao pottery sherd (灰陶片) Ash pit 1 (round) Quantity unknown Spade money, coin marked with “一化,” iron arrowhead, sand-tempered reddish brown pottery sherds, sheep-headed clay figurine, fishnet sinker Ash pit 3 (square) Knife money A small number of coins marked with “一化,” iron axe fragment, sand-tempered reddish brown pottery sherds, paddled pottery sherds, ceramic spindle whorl, grinding stone, stone knife fragment Ash ditch (believed to be an auxiliary facility of House 1) Not found Semilunar iron knife, sand-tempered reddish brown pottery sherds Stone wall (located upon the southern mountain slope) Quantity unknown Spade money, Qin Banliang coin, iron axe, triple-winged bronze arrowhead with iron tang, bronze arrowhead, pottery handle and sherds, stone dagger fragment Yongyeon-dong, Wiwon-gun in North Pyeongan Province Stone cairn (3.6m in diameter) consisting of river stones (or a stone-piled burial?) Approximately 400 coins (tied in batches and placed in four rows) Bronze arrowhead, bronze belt buckle, iron spearhead, iron arrowhead, iron axe, iron sickle, semilunar iron knife, hoe, iron spade 1-2, 13 Near Taewangneung Tomb (太 王陵), Ji’an County Jar buried at the foot of a slope to the north of Taewangneung One coin (14cm long and 1.6cm wide) Spade money, Banliang coin, Wushu coin (五銖錢), Huoquan coin (貨泉) 7 Near Seodaechong Tomb (西大 墓), Ji’an County Pit located below the floor stone of a stonepiled tomb with a square platform Round coins of the Warring States period, marked with “明化” or “一化” Banliang coin, Wushu coin, Daquanwushi coin (大泉五十), Huoquan coin 7 Seohae-ri, Jaseong-gun in North Pyeongan Province Located 60cm underground, cutting into the reddish sandy soil layer Approximately 2,000 coins (stringed together with a tie consisting of three strings and placed in a wooden box) Coin marked with “一化” (650), Banliang coin (3) 4 Icheon-dong, Changseong-gun in North Pyeongan Province Located 3m underground at the foot of a mountain Approximately 50 coins 2 Gilda-dong, Jeoncheon-gun in Jagang Province Located underground of an unfarmed plot of land sloping at a 20° angle Approximately 4,000 coins (tied together in batches of five to six and placed in a wooden box) Spade money 1-2 Jungam-dong, Jeoncheon-gun Stone cairns located above bedrock covered with humic soil Approximately 250 coins, including 184 coins in a complete state 2 Jangpungdeok, Jeoncheon-gun Jars buried in mountainous locations (①~②) ① Approximately 1,200 coins recovered ② Approximately 1,500 coins (in batches of 50 coins each) ① Blackish gray jar ② Cord-patterned vessel 3-4 Unsong-ri, Jeoncheon-gun Evidence of decomposed wood Approximately 5,000 coins 8 Nampa-dong, Sijung-gun in Jagang Province Pit located in the layer above Bronze Age House 1 One coin fragment Bronze arrowhead (1), iron arrowhead tang (2) 11 Iron Age Pit 2 One coin fragment Vessel lid, iron ingot Underfloor heating facility 1 of Iron Age House 2 Wushu coin (1), iron arrowhead, iron axe fragment, iron knife, clamp, iron disk, iron borer, iron disk with central hole, bronze bracelet, whetstone, pottery Cheongcheon River (淸川江) and Daedong River (大同江) region Site name (at the time of excavation) Archaeological features Ming knife coins Associated artifacts Reference Cheongsang-ri, Huicheon-gun in North Pyeongan Province Spread out beneath the remains of a ruined stone wall Approximately 50 coins 4 Sejuk-ri, Yeongbyeon-gun in North Pyeongan Province Iron Age house feature ① 2 coins within a jar ② 2,500 coins (in batches of 50) ③ Unknown Spade money, bronze arrowhead, cord-patterned pottery, iron axe, iron sickle, iron sword, iron spear, iron chisel, iron hook, mold, sword hilt 5-6 Dogwan-dong, Yeongbyeon-gun in North Pyeongan Province Stone cist located 45cm underground, or stone cist located within a stone cairn Approximately 100 coins 2 Onyang-ri, Yeongbyeon-gun in North Pyeongan Province Located at the foot of a slope 30cm underground Hundreds of coins Hundreds of spade money coins 1-2 Cheongsong Laborers’ District, Deokcheon-gun in South Pyeongan Province ? 4,280 coins coin marked with “一化” (91), spade money (29), iron axe (3), iron fragment (3) 8 Bosan-ri, Cheolsan-gun in North Pyeongan Province ? Hundreds of coins 8 In the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range, iron artifacts are almost non-existent in sites with “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers, whereas they have been recovered in great number in those sites with Ming knife coins. These iron artifacts commonly consist of cast-iron farming tools and weapons in the Yan tradition (Lee Namkyu 2005, 35-41). Therefore, it is possible to suggest that the full-scale spread of iron culture into the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range took place when the sites with Ming knife coins were established, rather than at the time when “B-style” middle-type bronze daggers were widely used. In this respect, the Choushuidong (抽水洞) site in Huanren Manchu Autonomous County is of interest because it has yielded a large number of coins along with iron artifacts in the Yan tradition. Of the excavated coins, 280 were Ming knife coins with angled backs (折背式), which appeared at a later date than those with crescent backs (弧背式). Anyang square-footed spade coins (安陽方足布), which are considered to be the latest of the Chinese spade money (布錢), as well as round coins marked with “一化” (一化錢) minted between 226 and 222 BCE, at the end of the Warring States period (475 – 221 BCE), were also present at this site (Wang Sizhou 1990, 104-105). In the case of Banliang coins (半兩錢), which were first minted in the Warring States period, the examples from the Liaodong region are believed to date to the Qin Dynasty (秦, 221 – 206 BCE), following the unification of China by Emperor Qin Shi Huang (秦始皇, r. 246 – 221 BCE) in 221 BCE. The presence of coins dating to both the late Warring States period and the Qin Dynasty as well as the contrasting absence of coins from the Han Dynasty (漢, 206 BCE – 221) makes it possible to date the Choushuidong site to the late third century BCE, around the time of the transition from the Warring States period to the Qin Dynasty. This indicates that the sites yielding Ming knife coins in this region began to be established in the late third century BCE, concurrently with the full-scale adoption of iron culture in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range. Recently, weapons dating to the end of the Warring States period have been found at sites in the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River. Among the excavated examples, the Qin bronze dagger-axes appear to be related to Qin expansion into the Liaodong region, whereas the Zhao (趙) bronze daggers and dagger-axes seem related to the displacement of communities at the time of the Qin-Han transition. Such weapons demonstrate that the impact of these political events had reached the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River. It is assumed that the transition from bronze culture to iron culture that took place in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range was associated with the spread of Ming knife coin sites and appearance of displaced populations at the time of the transition from the Warring States period to the succeeding Qin and Han Dynasties. The sites of Wanfabozi in Tonghua and Wunu Mountain Fortress (五女山城, Kr. Onyeosanseong) in Huanren also yielded similar results. In total, six cultural layers were identified at the Wanfabozi site; the Late Bronze Age layer has been attributed to the end of the Warring States period, around the third century BCE, and the Early Goguryeo layer containing iron artifacts to the second to first century BCE, corresponding to the Western Han period (西漢, 206 BCE – 9 CE) (Oh Kangwon 2004, 163-164). Of the five cultural layers identified at Wunu Mountain Fortress, the Late Bronze Age layer dates to the fourth to third century BCE, and the Early Goguryeo layer containing iron artifacts to the second century BCE to the first century CE (Liaoning Provincial Institute of Archaeology and Cultural Relics 2004, 49-72 and 284-285). The Late Bronze Age and Early Goguryeo (i.e., Iron Age) cultural layers of these two sites correspond to the Warring States and Western Han periods of China, respectively. This result also concurs with the finding that a transition from bronze culture to iron culture took place in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range at the time of the transition from the Warring States period to the Qin and Han Dynasties. Therefore, a full-fledged adoption of iron culture in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range, including the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River, is estimated to have occurred at the end of the third century BCE, slightly later than in other areas of the Liaodong region. The Emergence of the Groups that Constructed Stone-piled Tombs and the Formation of a Proto-Goguryeo Society The eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range remained in a phase of bronze culture until the third century BCE, and then entered into a phase of iron culture around the time of the transition from the Warring States period to the Qin and Han Dynasties. Because bronze daggers and spearheads make only a limited appearance in early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs—in contrast to the frequent appearance of iron tools (including farming tools) and weapons as grave goods—it can be assumed that the construction of the stone-piled tombs began in the late third century BCE. Some of the sites that have yielded Ming knife coins are closely related to early Goguryeo sites. For example, Ming knife coin fragments were recovered from the layer covering a Bronze Age house and from an Iron Age pit at the site of Nonam-ri in Nampa-dong, where early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs and dwelling sites were identified. Such coins were also found alongside spade money and Han-Dynasty coins near Taewangneung Tomb in Ji’an. In addition, coins of the Warring States period marked with “明化” or “一化” were discovered along with Han-Dynasty coins in a pit located below the floor of a stone-piled tomb with square platform near Seodaechong Tomb (Gu Bing 1964, 83-84). These Ming knife coins and other coins of the Warring States period were found in the vicinity of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs (rather than inside such tombs) or near the early Goguryeo dwellings. Besides, Warring States-period and Han-Dynasty coins were found together near Taewangneung and Seodaechong Tombs. This indicates that the Ming knife coins and the other coins of the Warring States period may have been transmitted to Goguryeo communities around the first century CE. It is possible that some of the burials containing Ming knife coins may have been identical in nature with the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. The construction method of the stone cairn (3.6 meters in diameter) at Yongyeon-dong in Wiwon-gun is similar to that of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs in terms of the stone platform placed directly on the ground. In addition, Ming knife coins were found within a stone cairn set on bedrock at Jungam-dong in Jeoncheon (with another stone cairn located nearby). Consequently, many scholars have interpreted the structures of Yongyeon-dong and Jungam-dong to be stone-piled tombs. Figure 4 reveals that stone-piled tombs appear in high frequency along the banks of the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River. However, these tombs have rarely yielded artifacts useful in dating the structures. Many of the early stone-piled tombs sustained damage or had collapsed due to flooding, since most of them were constructed on natural levees that ran alongside the waterways. Fortunately, it has been possible to date with relative accuracy the tombs of Gangouzi (干溝子) in Changbai (長白) (Figs. 5 and 6), and Wangjianglou (望江樓) in Huanren. Fig. 4. Distribution of early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs in the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River. Study of the Political History of the Early Goguryeo (고구려 초기 정치사 연구) (Seoul: Sinseowon, 2014, p. 125) Hun River Region: 1. Gaolimuzi (高力墓子); 2. Shangguchengzi (上古城子); 3. Wangjianglou (望江樓); 4. Lianjiangcun (連江村); 8. Fengjiabaozi (馮家堡子); 21. Hunglujiudui (橫路九隊); 22. Mubeiling (母背嶺); 25. Xialongtou (下龍頭); 28 Wanfabozi (萬發撥子) Middle Reaches of the Amnok River: 31. Tonggou (通溝); 33. Shanghuolong (上活龍); 37. Mita-dong (present-day Mita-ri); 40. Changchuan (長川); 42. Liangmin (良民); 44. Seohae-ri; 51. Songam-ri; 5.2 Sajang-ri; 56. Unpyeong-ri (Unhaecheon-dong); 57. Yeonmu-ri; 60. Dagaolimuzi (大高力墓子) and Xiaogaolimuzi (小高力墓子); 61. Gaodi (高地); 66. Simgwi-ri; 67. Nampa-dong; 76. Yongyeon-dong Upper Reaches of the Amnok River: 84. Dongdianzi (東甸子); 85. Ximalupaozi (西馬鹿泡子); 90. Gangouzi (干溝子); 92. Jinhua (金華) Cheongcheon River and the Upper Reaches of the Daedong River 95. Yongho-dong; 98. Mukbang-ri Fig. 5. Gangouzi burial ground (Author’s photograph) Fig. 6. Tomb 2 of the Gangouzi burial ground in Changbai. Archaeology (考古) 2003-8, p. 50 Located in the uppermost reaches of the Amnok River, the Gangouzi tombs consist of fifty-two stone-piled tombs which lie adjacent to each other (Jilin Provincial Institute of Archaeology and Cultural Relics 2003, 45-66). The stone-piled tombs were erected upon a layer of small rocks that marked the boundaries of the common burial unit. The main tomb platform stood at the center, and additional platforms, attached one to the next, were constructed around this main platform (Fig. 6). In this respect, the Gangouzi burials seem to represent communal graves, in contrast to other examples of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs; they have thus been linked with the communal graves of the Bronze Age stone-piled burials of the southern Liaodong Peninsula. Each stone-piled tomb appears to be individual in nature, however, as evidenced by the large stones and protective stones that line the perimeter of each tomb as well as by the stone platform separately constructed for each tomb. These tombs should therefore be regarded as individual burials “attached” to the main stone platform at the center, rather than as constituting a communal grave. The stone platform of each of these tombs was made of worked stones or river stones that formed the foundation in addition to the smaller river stones that were used to construct the rest of the platform and the burial chamber. In that sense, the construction method of the Gangouzi tombs is similar to that of the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. Of these fifty-two attached tombs units, seven units were excavated in 2001; even so, a total of sixty-four tombs can be said to have been excavated, if each stone platform comprising the tomb unit is regarded as a separate stone-piled tomb. These stone-piled tombs contained burnt human remains, as well as such artifacts as pottery, coins, and objects made of bone, stone, iron, bronze, and jade (Table 4). However, these tombs yielded relatively few metal artifacts compared to other early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. Table 4. Iron objects, bronze objects, coins, and jade objects recovered from the Gangouzi burial ground in Changbai Tomb name Artifact location Iron artifact Bronze artifact Coin Jade artifact Other artifacts District A, Tomb 1 Stone cache within Subordinate Stone Platform 1 Iron axe (1) Burnt human remains, stone spade (1) Stone cache within Subordinate Stone Platform 3 Jade pendant (1) Ceramic vessel (1), bone implement (1), blue and white tube (13) District A, Tomb 2 Stone cache within Secondary Stone Platform 1 Bronze disk with central hole (1) Jade bead (1) A large amount of burnt human remains, ceramic vessel (1), ceramic cup fragment (1) Stone cache within Secondary Stone Platform 3 Banliang coin (18), coin marked with “一化” (12) A small amount of burnt human remains, ceramic cup fragment (1) District A, Tomb 3 Above the stone cairn of Primary Stone Platform Iron knife (1) Ceramic vessel, fishnet sinker Cache 3 of Primary Stone Platform Jade ornament (1 pair) Burnt human remains, ceramic vessel (2) Cache 4 of Primary Stone Platform Iron knife fragment (1) Bronze disk with central hole (1) Burnt human remains Cache 2 of Primary Stone Platform Bronze earrings (1 pair) Jade bead (1 pair) Skull, thigh bone, teeth, etc. District A, Tomb 4 Northwest stone pile feature of Primary Stone Platform Iron knife (1) District B, Tomb 2 Stone cache 3 of Primary Stone Platform Jade bead (1) Burnt human remains, ceramic tube (1) Stone cache within Secondary Stone Platform 6 Bronze disk with central hole (1) Burnt human remains, ceramic vessel (1) District B, Tomb 5 Stone cache within Subordinate Stone Platform 2 Coin marked with “一化” (5) A large amount of burnt human remains, ceramic vessel (1) The five coins marked with “一化” from Stone Platform 2 of Tomb 5 in District B, and the twelve coins marked with “一化” and the eighteen Banliang coins from Stone Platform 3 of Tomb 2 in District A provided key information regarding the dates of the tombs. The coins marked with “一化” were minted between 226 and 222 BCE, right at the end of the Warring States period (Wang Sizhou 1990, 104-105). The Banliang coins from this site have diameters of 2.6-3.2 centimeters and are estimated to be Qin or early Western Han coins. Such evidence makes it possible to date the Gangouzi burial ground to the late third to early second century BCE. The only iron artifacts recovered from the Gangouzi burial ground were three knives and one axe, indicating that the adoption of iron culture was severely restricted, mostly likely due to the geographic conditions of the site, which is located in the uppermost reaches of the Amnok River. Since each of the burial structures is essentially identical to the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs, the Gangouzi burial ground can be regarded as an example showing how the construction of stone-piled tombs began at the end of the third century BCE, along with the introduction of iron culture. The Wangjianglou stone-piled tombs yielded a large number of imported objects along with tempered reddish brown pottery, an indigenous pottery type of the region. The bead ornaments are similar to examples excavated from the Han-Dynasty settlement of Sandaohao (三道壕) in Liaoyang (遼陽), and the tombs of Xichagou (西岔溝) in Xifeng (西豊) and Laoheshen (老河深) Phase 2 in Yushu (楡樹). The glass earring ornaments are similar to those from Sandaohao and Laoheshen Phase 2, and the bronze bell is similar to that from Xichagou. The gold earring is almost identical to the examples from Xichagou and Laoheshen Phase 2. Overall, the imported objects found within the Wangjianglou stone-piled tombs are slightly earlier in date than the related examples from Laoheshen, and are virtually contemporaneous with examples from Xichagou (Liang Zhilong and Wang Junhui 1994, 76). The Wangjianglou stone-piled tombs can be dated to around the first half of the first century BCE, taking into consideration the dates of the establishment of the Xichagou and Laoheshen Phase 2 burial grounds. Consequently, the Wangjianglou stone-piled tombs are estimated to have been constructed at a date later than the Gangouzi stone-piled tombs, which date from the end of the third century to the first half of the second century BCE. It is therefore possible that the Wangjianglou tombs were built after this burial type had been firmly established, rather than being of a transitional type during the early stage of stone-pile tomb construction. Regarding the origin of the deceased buried in the Wangjianglou stone-piled tombs, the numerous imported artifacts excavated from these tombs deserve particular attention. Various discussions have focused on the identity of those buried in the Xichagou and Laoheshen tombs, which yielded similar imported artifacts; the general consensus is that those buried there had come from Buyeo (Lee Jongsu 2009, 198-239). The historical records concerning the large-scale migration of displaced Buyeo communities (including the group led by Jumong) southwards into the Amnok River region at the time of the foundation of Goguryeo suggest that those buried in the Wangjianglou stone-piled tombs likely were also individuals that had migrated from Buyeo (Liang Zhilong and Wang Junhui 1994, 78; Yeo Hokyu 1996, 62). If so, then it becomes possible to explain the unfamiliar elements of the Wangjianglou stone-piled tombs in relation to specific burials used by individuals originally from Buyeo. Since the Bronze Age, the burials of the Buyeo region (e.g., stone cists burials, stone pit burials, earthen pit burials) had mostly been sited on mountain ridges or summits, with burial chambers located underground. The tombs of Xichagou, for example, which share similarities with the Wangjianglou stone-piled tombs, are earthen pit burials set on the ridge and summit of a low mountain, and the earthen pit burials of Laoheshen were also located on a hill. Therefore, the unfamiliar elements of the Wangjianglou stone-piled tombs (i.e., tomb location and burial chamber construction mode) may have originated from the burial traditions of Buyeo. If those who constructed the Wangjianglou burial ground built early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs based on the Buyeo burial tradition, it can be assumed that stone-piled tombs were widely popular in the Huanren Basin region around the first half of the first century BCE when this burial ground was constructed. Stone-piled tombs that can be securely dated earlier than the first century BCE have yet to be found in the Huanren Basin region; however, given the nature of the Wangjianglou burial ground and the Gangouzi burial ground, it is possible that earlier tombs will be identified in future excavations.3 Albeit limited in number, the findings from existing excavations make it probable that the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs were constructed around the end of the third century BCE, accompanied by the expansion of sites with Ming knife coins and the adoption of iron culture. If that indeed proves to be the case, it is also possible to consider the possibility that the migrant groups responsible for the spread of iron culture replaced the existing communities in the region and initiated the construction of the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. Of particular significance in this regard is the continued sequence of cultural layers dating to a number of different periods identified at both Wanfabozi and Wunu Mountain Fortress. Each of the layers features distinct artifacts, but the bowl-shaped ceramic vessel—representative of the common base culture of the sites—is observed in nearly all of the cultural layers, suggesting that the base culture of Goguryeo was established upon the region’s existing indigenous culture (Oh Kangwon 2004, 166-167). It is thus more probable that the indigenous communities of the region, rather than migrant groups, were essentially responsible for the adoption of iron culture and the construction of the stone-piled tombs. In this respect, it must be taken into account that the local tradition of embellishing burials with stone piles extends back to the Late Bronze Age. For example, the majority of the structures of the stone cairn sites of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River (dating to the period of “B-style” middle-type bronze dagger use) were stone cist burials, many of which were covered with stones. Dolmens also developed into stone-piled tombs with large covers. Early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs appear to have developed out of (or under the influence of) this local tradition of embellishing burials with stone piles. The indigenous communities that had resided in the region since the Bronze Age must have evolved a new type of burial that derived from their existing cultural background and transformed it into what archaeologists refer to as “stone-piled tombs,” this transformation happening as those indigenous communities were also adopting iron culture. The distribution area of the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs (Fig. 4), which ranges over the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River, corresponds almost exactly to the boundaries of Proto-Goguryeo territory as well as to the distribution area of the “B-style” middle-type bronze dagger in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range, except for the middle and upper reaches of the Taizi River and the lower reaches of the Amnok River. Of the people collectively referred to as “Maek,” therefore, the “Sosumaek” (of the lower reaches of the Amnok River) and the “Yangmaek” (of the middle and upper reaches of the Taizi River) cannot be included in the group responsible for the construction of the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. Fig. 7. Plan of Wangjianglou Tomb 4 in Huanren. Northeast History and Geography (東北史地) 2009-1, p. 4 With the introduction of iron culture, the “Maek” communities that had emerged in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range in the early and mid-third century BCE likely were divided into two groups: the Proto-Goguryeo communities of the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River and the communities located farther west. The former actively adopted iron culture and constructed stone-piled tombs, thereby establishing an independent cultural sphere distinct from the latter. Referred to as the “Daesumaek,” this group was also called “Guryeo” (句麗), and developed Proto-Goguryeo society which laid the foundation for the Goguryeo state. Conclusion Various scholars have regarded the Bronze Age stone-piled burials of the southwestern coastal region of the Liaodong Peninsula and the Late Bronze Age stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River as the origin or the equivalent of the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. However, the stone-piled burials of the southwestern coastal region of the Liaodong Peninsula are communal graves erected above ground, and the stone cairns of the middle and lower reaches of the Amnok River are derived from the tradition of stone cist burials; therefore, neither can be regarded as similar to the stone-piled tombs. In addition, the absence of typical bronze artifacts (e.g., bronze daggers, spearheads, mirrors) and the presence of various iron artifacts in the early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs indicate that the construction of these stone-piled tombs began after the spread of iron culture into the region. The political upheaval that occurred around the early and mid-third century BCE, following the Yan expansion into the Liaodong region, encouraged the formation of a cultural sphere that shared certain elements, such as the “B-style” middle-type bronze dagger, leaf pattern, and pottery with band-shaped lugs. It is likely that the communities of this region responded to changes in the political landscape based on the bronze culture of the preceding period and strengthened their cultural affinity. These communities were the “Maek” people (i.e., “Daesumaek,” “Sosumaek,” and “Yangmaek”) of the first to third century. It appears that a population group commonly referred to as “Maek” was present in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range prior to the formation of the Proto-Goguryeo society. Bronze culture continued to predominate in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range until the early and mid-third century BCE. The full-scale adoption of iron culture took place at the time of the transition from the Warring States period to the Qin and Han Dynasties, toward the end of the third century BCE, alongside the migration of displaced communities and the spread of Ming knife coins. Early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs began to appear about this time, with limited distribution in the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River—i.e., the birthplace of the Goguryeo state. The roots of Goguryeo society can be found in the population group that began to construct stone-piled tombs in association with the adoption of iron culture; this group is believed to have split from the “Maek” people that resided in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range. The Proto-Goguryeo communities emerged out of the “Yemaek” people though many stages of fissuring, and came to be called “Guryeo” (句麗). In this sense, they can be referred to as the “Guryeo ethnic group” (句麗種族)—separate from the neighboring “Yemaek” communities—and the society that developed from this group can be regarded as the Proto-Goguryeo society that laid the foundation for the Goguryeo state.

Located in the Japanese village of Asuka (明日香村), Nara Prefecture (奈良県), the Kitora Tomb (キトラ古墳) and the Takamatsuzuka Tomb (高松塚古墳) garnered international attention at the time of their discovery because of the strong continental influences they displayed. The discovery in the 1960s of the Takamatsuzuka Tomb confirmed for the first time the existence of mural tombs—a type of tomb different in lineage from decorated tombs (裝飾古墳)—and also suggested the possibility that even more might exist in the Nara region. This sparked debate in academic circles both inside and outside of Japan as to the sociopolitical background and the sociocultural conditions that led to the construction of a continental-style mural tomb in Nara. Meanwhile, another mural tomb was discovered in the region in 1983: the Kitora Tomb. Fig. 1. Vermilion Bird on the south wall of the burial chamber, Gangseodaemyo Tomb, Pyeongyang. Cultural Assets and Sites in North Korea Ⅱ (북한의 문화재와 문화유적Ⅱ) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2000, Fig. 256) The discovery of the Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tombs also caused much excitement in the Korean academic community, as these tombs suggested a connection with the culture of Korea’s Three Kingdoms period (三國時代, 57 BCE – 668)—particularly that of the Goguryeo Kingdom (高句麗, 37 BCE – 668)—a matter that Japanese scholars also acknowledged. This paper offers a detailed look at the Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tombs and examines historical and cultural sources that can shed light on the possible link between Goguryeo tomb murals and the two Japanese mural tombs. Transmission of Goguryeo Culture to Japan Prior to the mid-sixth century, Goguryeo and the Yamato Court of Japan (大和朝廷, Yamato chōtei, c. 4th – 7th century) did not enjoy amicable relations. In the course of providing military assistance to Baekje (百濟, 18 BCE – 660) and Gaya (加耶, 42 – 562), the Yamato Court (hereinafter, Japan) engaged in frequent clashes with Goguryeo. Records show that Goguryeo-Japan relations turned around in the late sixth century, at which time exchanges between the two countries began to flourish. Japanese historical records confirm that in 570, in 573, and again in 574, Goguryeo sent envoys to Japan, establishing a channel for the transmission of Goguryeo culture (Yi Hongjik 1971, 134-136). Goguryeo Buddhist monk Hyepyeon (惠便), who had been residing in Japan, became a mentor to the powerful courtier Soga no Umako (蘇我馬子, 551 – 626) in 584. In 595, Buddhist monk Hyeja (惠慈) arrived in Japan and became tutor to the twenty-two-year-old Prince Shōtoku (聖德太子, 574 – 622). Thereafter, many other Buddhist monks from Goguryeo went to Japan. The fact that exchanges between Goguryeo and Japan became active from the late sixth century onward and that the people who stood at the forefront were Buddhist monks appears to be closely related to shifts in the regional order at the time. In 552, the allied forces of Silla (新羅, 57 BCE – 935) and Baekje occupied the Han River basin in Goguryeo, and in 568, Silla troops advanced as far north as the eastern coastal area of Goguryeo, seizing most of the territory that formerly belonged to Okjeo (沃沮) and Eastern Ye (東濊). In China, Northern Zhou (北周, 556 – 581) destroyed Northern Qi (北齊, 550 – 577), and the Sui Dynasty (隋, 581 – 618), which succeeded Northern Zhou, went on in 589 to vanquish the Chen Dynasty (陳, 557 – 589), the last of China’s Southern Dynasties (南朝), signaling the end of the period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties (南北朝, 439 – 589) and the emergence of a unified China. In Inner Asia, the Gokturks (突厥, a Turkic tribe from Central Asia) destroyed Rouran (柔然, a state of nomadic tribes in Mongolia) and strove to further extend their reach into Goguryeo in the east and China in the south. Facing hostile powers from the west, north, and south, Goguryeo lived under the constant threat of aggression from its neighbors. In the face of such a geopolitical environment, Goguryeo actively sought ties with Japan in hopes of curbing Silla’s territorial ambitions (Lee Sungsi 2010, 49-55). Japan also had good reason to forge relations with Goguryeo, as an alliance with a major power in Northeast Asia could keep Silla, its longtime enemy, in check. Amid such changes in the regional order, Buddhist monks from Goguryeo crossed over to Japan, both to serve their country and to propagate Buddhism. Development of friendly relations between Goguryeo and Japan permitted a political alliance among Goguryeo, Japan, and Baekje. The envoys the Japanese sent to Goguryeo in 601 returned home by way of Baekje, for instance. In 604, Japan established organizations of professional painters of Goguryeo descent, one of them being the Kibumi no Eshi (黃文畵師), to protect and foster the work of artists who painted Buddhist images at various temples around the country. In 605, King Yeongyang of Goguryeo (嬰陽王, r. 590 – 618) sent 300 nyang (兩, approximately 11.25 kg) of gold to Japan as a contribution toward the construction of Buddhist statues, which can be interpreted as a gesture of goodwill in return for Japan’s warm reception of the Goguryeo artists. Aside from Buddhist monks, Goguryeo also sent works of art, a variety of goods, and people with technical expertise and skills in various fields. In 645, when welcoming the envoys from Goguryeo, Emperor Kōtoku (孝德天皇, r. 645 – 654) issued the following imperial edict proclaiming the heightened friendship between the two states: “Though the history between them may have been short, the emissaries of the Japanese emperor and the envoys sent by Goguryeo’s son of the gods will have a long future ahead of them. It is my sincere wish that the two countries continue to maintain cordial relations for a long time to come.” Emergence of Goguryeo-Japanese Style Mural Tombs Takamatsuzuka Tomb The Buddhist monks from Goguryeo who settled in Japan devoted themselves to disseminating new knowledge and technology, and seeing it take root. Buddhist monk Hyeja participated in the construction of the Asuka-dera Temple (飛鳥寺), also known as Hōkō-ji Temple(法興寺), and remained there in order to pursue mission work. Buddhist priest and artist Damjing (曇徵, 579 – 631) resided in Hōkō-ji Temple (法隆寺), teaching Buddhist scriptures and painting. He is known to have created the famous wall paintings in the temple’s main worship hall, or “Kondō” (金堂, “Golden Hall”)—a landmark work that allowed ancient Japanese paintings to be viewed in the greater context of East Asian art (Ahn Hwi-Joon 1988, 396). After the downfall of Goguryeo in 668, displaced Goguryeo people crossed the sea to Japan. The influx of immigrants from a country with a more-advanced technology and culture had a positive influence on the development of Japanese culture. Mass migrations of people from Baekje and Goguryeo in the late seventh century ushered in a new wave of change in Japanese culture (Lee Jinhee and Kang Jaeeoun 1998, 71-73). Of particular note in terms of art and culture are major developments in Buddhist art and new trends in burial practices and funerary art. Among the Goguryeo immigrants to Japan, those that possessed specialized knowledge or skills were offered the opportunity to work in government offices or court-sponsored workshops in their fields of expertise. People with exceptional skills in weaving were able to work in the government bureau of textiles, for example, while those highly experienced in civil engineering or construction were offered employment at the government construction bureau. That is how Koma no Kasei (高麗加西溢), an artist of Goguryeo descent, came to play a prominent role in the design and embroidering of the Tenjukoku Shuchō Mandala (天壽國曼茶羅繡帳), which was made to honor Prince Shōtoku following his death in 622 and now is a Japanese registered national treasure (Ueda Masāki 1972, 140-141). The construction of stone-lined or stone-chambered tombs using granite slabs in the Nara and Kyoto (京都) regions at the end of the seventh century is also closely related to the influx of immigrants from Baekje and Goguryeo (Son Yeongjong 2000, 245-247). The early stone-chambered tombs, which are concentrated in the Kitakyushu (北九州) region, were built using large unworked stones. These early tombs are termed “decorated tombs,” because the interiors of the tomb chambers were painted in yellowish-red and the walls were embellished with various patterns (Fig. 2). The new types of stone-chambered tombs that appeared in Nara toward the end of the seventh century share some similarities in structure with the decorated tombs, but also show distinctive characteristics that clearly set them apart from decorated tombs (Saito Tadashi 1997, 142-144). Fig. 2. Interior of the stone chamber, Ouzuka Tomb in Fukuoka (Author’s photograph) The mural tombs are especially noteworthy among these new types of stone-lined and stone-chambered tombs found in the Kansai (關西) region. The Takamatsuzuka Tomb and the Kitora Tomb, both in Nara Prefecture, are the most salient as they offer insight into new cultural developments in Japan from the late seventh century onward (Yamamoto Tadanao 2010, 4-5). The mural paintings in the two tombs exhibit influence from late Goguryeo tomb murals representing the Four Directional Deities (四神)—the mystical animals guarding the four cardinal directions—as well as from the seventh-century murals, epitaphs, and stone-coffin decorative schemes of tombs from China’s Tang Dynasty (唐, 618 – 907 CE) (Monta Seiichi 2003, 180-197). Dating to the early eighth century, the Takamatsuzuka Tomb is a stone-lined tomb oriented toward the south. Despite some similarities to those from Goguryeo and Tang tombs, its murals also show distinct differences in their choice of subject matter, which includes both human figures and the Four Directional Deities (Fig. 3). Nothing remains of the mural on the tomb’s south wall (Agency for Cultural Affairs 2004, 29-30). However, given that the other three walls feature paintings of the Azure Dragon (靑龍), White Tiger (白虎), and Black Tortoise-and-Serpent (玄武), the mural adorning the south wall must originally have depicted the fourth guardian deity, the Vermilion Bird (朱雀). The Azure Dragon is depicted in the center of the east wall, accompanied by four male figures to the south (i.e., to its right) and four female figures to the north (left). The sun appears above the dragon. In like manner, the White Tiger occupies the center of the west wall, with four male figures to the south (left) and four female figures to the north (right). The moon appears above the tiger. The Black Tortoise-and-Serpent graces the north wall. Divided into groups of seven lunar mansions according to the four cardinal directions, the twenty-eight constellations enliven the ceiling stone. Fig. 3. Layout of murals. Takamatsuzuka Tomb, Nara. The Birth of “Nippon”: The Asuka and Fujiwara Capitals (飛鳥·藤原京展) (Osaka: The Asahi Shimbun Company, 2002, p. 123) The mural composition’s most striking feature is not what is depicted, but what is lacking: the walls that the mystical animals inhabit are wholly lacking in background ornamentation. In Tang-Dynasty tomb murals and stone-coffin embellishments, the Four Directional Deities were typically painted against an ornate background including clouds, constellations, and honeysuckle scrolls. The only other examples of four-deity paintings on an unembellished background are in tombs in the Pyeongyang (平壤) region that date to the late Goguryeo period (Jeon Hotae 2004, 262-268). This strongly suggests that the artist who painted the guardian deities in the Takamatsuzuka Tomb was either influenced by or adopted the artistic conventions of Pyeongyang-style tomb murals. Only the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent, depicted in the center of the north wall, is presented as an independent, stand-alone motif without accompanying figures (Fig. 4). Although not found in Tang murals, such a compositions is a common feature of fourdeity murals of the late Goguryeo period (Fig. 5). The presentation of the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent—the tutelary deity of the north—as an independent theme reflects the artistic conventions of Goguryeo tomb murals. Fig. 4. Black Tortoise-and-Serpent on the north wall, Takamatsuzuka Tomb, Nara. National Treasure: Takamatsuzuka Tomb Murals (國寶 高松塚古墳壁畵) (Tokyo: Chūō Kōron Bijyutsu Shuppan, 2004, Fig. 48) Fig. 5. Black Tortoise-and-Serpent on the north wall of the burial chamber, Gangseodaemyo Tomb, Pyeongyang. Cultural Assets and Sites in North Korea Ⅱ (북한의 문화재와 문화유적Ⅱ) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2000, Fig. 266) The Azure Dragon on the east wall and the White Tiger on the west wall also appear as virtually independent motifs, which is reminiscent of the pictorial compositions of four-deity murals from the late Goguryeo period. The addition of human figures to the right and left of the Azure Dragon and White Tiger clearly reveals Tang influence (Monta Seiichi 2003, 180-181). In particular, the ladies behind the two divine creatures partially overlap one another, stand in varied poses, and face in different directions, as if engaged in conversation. This is indicative of the artistic techniques employed in rendering groups of human figures in Tang-era tomb murals (Figs. 6 and 7). Fig. 6. Female figures in the north section of the east wall, Takamatsuzuka Tomb, Nara. Mural Tomb: National Treasure Asuka Takamatsuzuka Tomb (壁畵古墳 國寶飛鳥高松塚) (Kyoto: Benrido, 2000, Fig. 3) Fig. 7. Female figures in the south section of the east wall in the antechamber, Tomb of Princess Yongtai (永泰公主墓), Xi’an (西安), Shaanxi Province. Chinese Art Collection: Paintings (中國美術全集, 繪畵編) 12 (Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe, 1989, Fig. 119) The sun and moon, which appear above the Azure Dragon and White Tiger, respectively, seem to float above the thin layers of clouds, differing from the preferred style of depicting the sun and moon in Goguryeo and Tang mural paintings. Stylistic parallels occur in a few early Tang paintings, but such was not the fashion at the time (Donohashi Akio 2010, 23-25). A close examination of the murals in the Takamatsuzuka Tomb reveals the Tang and Goguryeo works of funerary art that influenced them. Images similar to the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent on the north wall can be found in brick reliefs from China’s Northern and Southern Dynasties, but a closer parallel from a period closer in time is the mural representing the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent in Gangseodaemyo Tomb (江西大墓) of Goguryeo. It is difficult to find comparable examples in tomb murals, epitaphs, or stone-coffin engravings from the Tang Dynasty. The depiction of the tortoise’s head in a manner that resembles that of a ferocious animal is reminiscent of the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent in Goguryeo Gosan-ri Tomb No. 1 (高山里 1 號墳). The decorative band around the neck of the Azure Dragon on the east wall is especially striking. Although the details differ, it bears a close resemblance to the five-colored decorative band on the neck of the Azure Dragon featured in late Goguryeo tomb murals (Figs. 8 and 9). This stylistic feature is not found in Tang murals depicting the Azure Dragon. Called cheokmok in Korean (尺木, Ch. chimu), the red, mane-like elements on the Azure Dragon’s neck, body, and tail reflect the influence of late Goguryeo tomb murals. In many ways, the head of the White Tiger on the west wall resembles the White Tiger in the murals of Goguryeo Deokhwa-ri Tomb No. 1 (德花里1 號墳) and Gosan-ri Tomb No. 1 (Figs. 10 and 11). The White Tiger’s stripes also more closely resemble those on the White Tiger in late Goguryeo tomb murals than those in Tang murals. Another stylistic affinity shared with late Goguryeo four-deity murals is the two-dimensional character of the bodies of the Azure Dragon and White Tiger, which contrasts with the three-dimensional character of the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent. By contrast, Tang four-deity murals clearly shows that significant effort went into depicting a voluminous body. Fig. 8. Azure Dragon on the east wall, Takamatsuzuka Tomb, Nara. Murals of the Kitora Tomb (キトラ古墳と壁畵) (Nara: Asuka Town Tourism Promotion Agency, 2001, p. 13) Fig. 9. Azure Dragon on the east wall of the burial chamber, Ohoebun Tomb No. 4, Ji’an, Jilin province. Cultural Assets and Sites in North Korea Ⅱ (북한의 문화재와 문화유적Ⅱ) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2000, Fig. 198) Fig. 10. White Tiger on the west wall, Takamatsuzuka Tomb, Nara. Murals of the Kitora Tomb (キトラ古墳と壁畵) (Nara: Asuka Town Tourism Promotion Agency, 2001, p. 12) Fig. 11. White Tiger on the west wall of the burial chamber, Deokhwa-ri Tomb No. 1, Daedong-gun, South Pyeongan Province. Cultural Assets and Sites in North Korea Ⅱ (북한의 문화재와 문화유적Ⅱ) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2000, Fig. 108) The style of the human figures represented on the east and west walls hints both at influence from Tang tomb murals and a connection with Goguryeo tomb murals. The full-face renderings of the plump, round faces reflect traces of the style of the late Northern and Southern Dynasties of China, whereas the flow of the lines that define the eyebrows, the upper part of the forehead, and the hair on the nape of the neck is reminiscent of human figures in early Tang tomb murals (Figs. 12 and 13). Fig. 12. Male figures in the southern section of the east wall, Takamatsuzuka Tomb, Nara. National Treasure: Takamatsuzuka Tomb Murals (國寶 高松塚古墳壁畵) (Tokyo: Chūō Kōron Bijyutsu Shuppan, 2004, Fig. 9) Fig. 13. Honor guards on the east wall of the entranceway, Tomb of Prince Zhanghuai (章懷太子墓), Xi’an, Shaanxi Province. Chinese Art Collection: Paintings (中國美術全集, 繪畵編) 12 (Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe, 1989, Fig. 117) At the same time, the design and style of the female figures’ multi-colored, pleated skirts—which delight in the strong contrast between the red and green pleats and in the lines defining the pleats that are so straight that they suggest the use of a ruler—bear a striking resemblance to the noblewoman’s attire in the procession scene on the west wall of the burial chamber in Goguryeo Susan-ri Tomb (水山里古墳) (Kim Jonghyeok 1974, 232-233) (Figs. 14 and 15). The long jeogori, or upper garment, which covers a good portion of the skirt, and the fastening of the jackets from right to left must derive from the style of dress transmitted from Goguryeo to Japan (Shiraishi Taiichirō 1993, 118-119). Fig. 14. Female figures on the northern section of the east wall, Takamatsuzuka Tomb, Nara. National Treasure: Takamatsuzuka Tomb Murals (國寶 高松塚古墳壁畵) (Tokyo: Chūō Kōron Bijyutsu Shuppan, 2004, Fig. 98) Fig. 15. Noblewoman in the procession scene on the west wall of the burial chamber, Susan-ri Tomb, Nampo, South Pyeongan Province (Photograph by Kim Gwangseop) The male figures on the west wall, unlike those on the east wall, appear uniform and are arranged in a straight line with minimal variation in pose. This compositional arrangement and style of representation recall a still image, a departure from the general trend in Tang paintings. The twenty-eight constellations painted on the ceiling stone are related to the Four Directional Deities and stem from the astronomical charts in late Goguryeo tomb murals (Kim Ilgwon 2003, 256-268). Kitora Tomb Dating to a slightly later period than the Takamatsuzuka Tomb, the Kitora Tomb also features murals on its walls: the Vermilion Bird on the south wall; the Black Tortoise-and-Serpent and several of the twelve Chinese zodiac animals on the north wall; the Azure Dragon and several of the twelve Chinese zodiac animals on the east wall; the White Tiger and several of the twelve Chinese zodiac animals on the west wall; and an astronomical chart on the ceiling stone (Fig. 16). Murals featuring both the twelve animals of the Chinese zodiac and the Four Directional Deities, as in the Kitora Tomb, have yet to be found in Goguryeo and Tang tombs. Fig. 16. Layout of murals, Kitora Tomb, Nara. The Birth of “Nippon”: The Asuka and Fujiwara Capitals (飛鳥·藤原京展) (Osaka: The Asahi Shimbun Company, 2002, p. 125) The placement of the twelve zodiac animals on the lower half of the wall and the guardian deities on the upper half indicates that the Kitora tomb murals were painted during a transitional period that witnessed a thematic shift from the Four Directional Deities to the twelve zodiac animals. As in the Takamatsuzuka Tomb, the Kitora Tomb features the Four Directional Deities as its central theme; each set against an unembellished background, one of the Four Directional Deities appears on each of the corresponding walls. The difference from the Takamatsuzuka Tomb is that in the murals of the Kitora Tomb human figures do not accompany the guardian deities; in fact, the presentation of the Four Deities is almost identical in composition to the four-deity murals of the late Goguryeo period. Featured as independent motifs, the Azure Dragon, White Tiger, and Black Tortoise-and-Serpent were executed in a style similar to that of murals in tombs in the Pyeongyang region from the late Goguryeo period. The depiction of the crest and wings of the Vermilion Bird on the south wall (Fig. 17) bears a closer resemblance to late Goguryeo tomb murals (Fig. 1) than to those of Tang murals. However, the rendering of the Vermilion Bird’s tail, with its multiple layers of long feathers arranged laterally in something of a horizontal line, diminishes the overall sense of dynamism compared to the Vermilion Bird found in late Goguryeo-period tomb murals, in which the bird’ s tail often rises vertically in graceful fashion. Given that the divine animals on the walls of the Kitora Tomb share many similarities with those of the Takamatsuzuka Tomb, a Vermilion Bird similar in style to the one in the Kitora Tomb likely once graced the south wall of the Takamatsuzuka Tomb. Fig. 17. Vermilion Bird on the south wall, Kitora Tomb, Nara. Murals of the Kitora Tomb (キトラ古墳と壁畵) (Nara: Asuka Town Tourism Promotion Agency, 2001, p. 8) The remnants of the twelve zodiac animals and other remaining traces painted on the walls suggest that three animals originally appeared on each of the four walls. Adopted from Sui and Tang, Silla employed the twelve Chinese zodiac animals for funerary figurines as well as for decorative stone carvings and reliefs in the tombs. It is difficult to determine whether the iconography of the Kitora Tomb murals resulted from the transmission of ideas and artistic styles from Silla to Japan or from Japan’s direct cultural exchanges with Sui and Tang (Iwase Tōru 2001, 16-21). The sun, moon, and stars that appear on the ceiling stone are comparable to those in the astronomical charts in tomb murals from the middle and late Goguryeo period. Recent studies on the arrangement and position of the stars in the Kitora Tomb strongly suggest that the location of observation was Pyeongyang, which was the last capital of Goguryeo from 427 until 668 (Son Yeongjong 2000, 264-267) (Figs. 18 and 19). Fig. 18. Astronomical chart on the ceiling stone, Kitora Tomb, Nara. Murals of the Kitora Tomb (キトラ古墳と壁畵) (Nara: Asuka Town Tourism Promotion Agency, 2001, p.14) Fig. 19. Astronomical chart on the ceiling stone of the burial chamber, Jinpa-ri Tomb No. 1 (眞坡里1號墳), Pyeongyang. Cultural Assets and Sites in North Korea Ⅱ (북한의 문화재와 문화유적Ⅱ) (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2000, Fig. 141) The twelve zodiac animals are especially noteworthy aspects of the mural in the Kitora Tomb. The animal in the northern section of the east wall, which remains relatively intact, corresponds to the third of the twelve earthly branches—that is, to the tiger of the Chinese zodiac—when the center of the north wall is taken as the starting point (Yoshinori Aboshi 2006, 316-319) (Fig. 20). The figure has the body of a human but the head of a tiger; its stance and general appearance project the powerful energy of a warrior and thus recall the gatekeepers in tombs of the middle and late Goguryeo period (Fig. 21). The expressive technique reflects a connection to the depiction of human figures in Goguryeo murals. Fig. 20. Tiger from the twelve zodiac animals on the north wall, Kitora Tomb, Nara. The 12 Animals of the Chinese Zodiac in the Kitora Tomb Murals: Rat, Ox and Tiger (キトラ古墳壁畵十二支 －子・丑・寅－) Kyoto: Asuka Historical Museum, 2008, Fig. 3) Fig. 21. Gatekeeper on the east wall of the antechamber, Jangcheon Tomb No. 1, Ji’an, Jilin province. 1993. Goguryeo Tomb Murals of the Ji’an Region (集安 고구려 고분벽화) (Seoul: Chosun Ilbo Co. Ltd., 1993, Fig. 51) Japanese Culture in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries and Goguryeo-Japanese Style Tomb Murals Exchanges between Goguryeo and Japan flourished at the turn of the seventh century, and cultural imports from Goguryeo prompted the Japanese to pursue direct exchanges with China by sending envoys on diplomatic missions to the Sui Dynasty. After Tang succeeded Sui, Japan sent the first state envoys on a diplomatic mission to Tang (遣唐使) in 630 in order to acquire more elements of Chinese culture for Japan. As Japan became embroiled in the war between the Baekje and the Silla-Tang alliance in the mid-seventh century, however, exchanges between Japan and Tang Chinese were interrupted until Japan resumed its diplomatic missions to China in 703. During this hiatus, Japan concentrated on assimilating the elements of culture acquired during its previous six missions to China and the cultural imports brought by Baekje and Silla immigrants. The emergence of a new regional order in East Asia early in the eighth century, led by Tang China, prompted Japan to seek broader cultural exchanges. The large-scale Japanese diplomatic missions to Tang included individuals representing diverse professions, including painters. Numerous individuals descended from Goguryeo and Baekje immigrants were allowed to join these missions to China because of their extensive experience in cultural exchanges with other countries (Donohashi Akio 2010, 152-166). In 604, Japan established the first organizations of professional painters; they comprised mainly descendants of immigrants from the Korean Peninsula. In 612, members of the Kibumi (黃文 or 黃書) and Yamashiro (山背) clans, both of Goguryeo descent, were appointed as professional painters by the imperial court (Yi Hongjik 1971, 229-234; Ueda Masāki 1972, 140-141). The Goguryeo priest and artist Damjing, who went to Japan in 610 and introduced paper, ink, and painting pigments, presumably exerted some influence on this decision. Thereafter, such artists of Goguryeo descent as Koma no eshi Komaro (高麗畵師子麻呂) played a prominent role in the creation of Buddhist works of art, as indicated by historical records, a situation made possible in large part by the extensive exchanges between the two countries in the early seventh century. Descendants of Goguryeo immigrants played a vital role in introducing Tang culture to Japan, as did the technocrat Kibumi no Honjitsu (黃文本實, 黃文連本實 or 黃書本實), who was from a Goguryeo painter’s family and who was included in Japan’s sixth diplomatic mission to Tang China (Yi Hongjik 1971, 229-234). Of course, the artistic techniques employed in decorating royal palaces and temples were among the Tang cultural imports. The establishment of a government painting bureau in Japan in 701 is intimately related to the increased demand for art and to the need for a government office to oversee, sponsor, and promote the development of artistic techniques (Donohashi Akio 2010, 152-166). The Asuka (飛鳥時代, 552 – 645) and Hakuho (白鳳時代, 645 – 710) periods of ancient Japan are marked by the continuous influx of diverse knowledge, technology, and culture from abroad, which laid the foundation for the development of a new culture with a distinctly native style. New cultural imports introduced to the country in the seventh century were adopted, adapted, and assimilated in order to create a distinct Japanese culture in the eighth century. Among those that played an active role during this period of cultural transition were Baekje and Goguryeo immigrants and their descendants. The Kibumi and other clans of Goguryeo descent, who stood at the forefront in opening the new horizon for ancient Japanese art, likely engaged in artrelated professions in their home country. They most probably participated in various projects concerning funerary and Buddhist art that flourished in Goguryeo, particularly in Pyeongyang and Gungnaeseong (國內城), present-day Ji’an (集安) in Jilin Province, China. The Japanese imperial court appointed the members of these clans as official court-sponsored painters, acknowledging the extensive knowledge and experience they had acquired in Goguryeo. Members of Goguryeo immigrant clans participated in many Japanese missions to Tang, taking ample opportunity to learn about Chinese culture; this naturally resulted in the assimilation of elements of Tang culture into the Goguryeo cultural tradition. The Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tomb murals clearly reflect such cultural trends in early eighth-century Japan, led by clans of Goguryeo origin. The Takamatsuzuka Tomb murals well-demonstrate the integration of cultural elements newly adopted from Tang into the Goguryeo painting tradition. The unique mural composition combining themes with different cultural origins—human figures from Tang paintings, for example, and the Four Directional Deities from Goguryeo tomb murals—is the earliest example in the development of Japanesestyle tomb murals. The figures’ style of dress, their postures, and the objects they hold not only show influences from Goguryeo and Tang but reveal a unique assimilation of foreign cultural elements. The murals in the Kitora Tomb also present a synthesis of Goguryeo-style mural compositions with important themes from Tang funerary art. They also exhibit distinct differences from the Takamatsuzuka Tomb, however, even though the two tombs were constructed relatively close in time to each other. The twelve Chinese zodiac animals represent a new theme featured in the Kitora Tomb murals together with the Four Directional Deities. The artist appears to have been influenced by the new styles of pictorial composition in epitaphs on stone-chamber covers popular at that time in Tang China. In addition, the astronomical chart that adorns the ceiling originated in Goguryeo, yet it reveals slight differences in detail from those in Goguryeo tombs, indicating that the artist attempted a style of his own, a style distinctly different from that of earlier tomb murals. The Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tomb murals reflect influences from the Goguryeo cultural tradition merged with the new cultural elements from Tang China. Even so, the changes in mural composition and artistic techniques also indicate an attempt to create a unique style distinct from that of Goguryeo and Tang. The two tombs reflect the early stages of the effort in Japan to establish a Japanese cultural identity and to develop a distinct Japanese style. The two tomb murals are especially noteworthy in that, although they do not yet manifest a firmly established Japanese style in terms of motif, composition, or artistic technique, they do show initial attempts at such. Because their murals exhibit the strong influence of Goguryeo, the Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tombs can be classified as Goguryeo-Japanese style mural tombs. Conclusion The murals in the Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tombs reveal the influence of Tang culture on the Goguryeo tradition in the choice of themes, composition, and technique. They also introduce features of mural composition unseen in Goguryeo or Tang tomb murals, however, as they were produced at a time when Japan was beginning to seek its own cultural identity. Both tomb structure and mural styles suggest the strong possibility that the people who constructed the two tombs and painted the murals were descendants of Goguryeo immigrants. It is also probable that the interred were government officials of Goguryeo descent. From many points of view, the two tombs can be classified as Goguryeo-Japanese style mural tombs. However, the task at hand in Japan in the eighth century was the establishment of a Japanese identity and the development of a distinct Japanese style and culture. Descendants of Baekje and Goguryeo immigrants also would have actively participated in such endeavors. The Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tombs provide insight into how Goguryeo immigrant clans understood and responded to the tasks of the day.

In terms of culture, economy, and politics, the difference between the center and the periphery was significant in ancient times, unlike in modern societies where this gap has been bridged, at least to some extent. The distinction maintained between the individuals of the royal city and those of the local regions can be regarded as a symbolic expression of such difference. As the ancient Baekje Kingdom (百濟, 18 BCE – 660) grew and various relationships were established between the center and the periphery, individuals or groups from the royal city were dispatched to local regions. A significant amount of “Baekje central-style” ceramic ware has been excavated from mountain fortresses constructed after the respective areas were incorporated into the Baekje territory during the Hanseong Period (漢城時代, 18 BCE – 475), the first phase of Baekje with the capital based in Hanseong, present-day Seoul. By contrast, indigenous types of ceramic ware traditionally used in local regions are predominantly observed in the power bases for the local elite that had acquiesced to Baekje central rule. This indicates that the construction, maintenance, and management of the peripheral mountain fortresses were undertaken by the central Baekje authority, as represented by the wanggyeongin (王京人), or individuals dispatched from the royal city (hereafter “wanggyeongin”) (Jeon Deokjae 2000), who resided mainly in the mountain fortresses and formed the core of the Baekje regional administration. This situation continued into the Ungjin Period (熊津時代, 475 – 538), the second phase of Baekje with the capital based in Ungjin, presentday Gongju. This paper considers the lives of the wanggyeongin who moved into and resided in the peripheral regions of Baekje by examining material artifacts they left behind. The temporal focus of the study will be the Ungjin Period and Sabi Period (泗沘時代, 538 – 660)—the final phase of Baekje with the capital based in Sabi, present-day Buyeo—since the method of regional control during these periods has received limited academic attention compared to the Hanseong Period. In addition, the spatial focus will be on the Honam (湖南) region (i.e., Jeolla Province). From the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period onward, the eastern region of South Jeolla Province (centered on Yeosu, Suncheon, and Gwangyang) shared many cultural similarities with Byeonhan (弁韓) and then later with the Gaya (加耶) sphere, which lay to the east. Cultural elements of Gaya, particularly those of Aragaya (阿羅加耶), began to be introduced to the region in the fourth century; by the fifth century, the region had been assimilated into Gaya culture to the extent of being acknowledged as part of the Sogaya (小加耶) Confederation. Daegaya (大加耶) based in Goryeong also attempted to bring this region into its sphere of influence. Gaya forces were eventually expelled from the region during the reign of Baekje’s King Muryeong (武寧王, r. 501 – 523) in the early sixth century, when the region became part of the Baekje territory. It is from this period that Baekje mountain fortresses actively began to be constructed in the eastern region of South Jeolla Province; the locations of these mountain fortresses coincide almost exactly with the core locations of Baekje regional control. In addition, tombs with Baekje grave goods began to appear, indicating rapid assimilation of the region into Baekje society. Only limited academic discussion has focused on what this assimilation actually entailed. Who was responsible for the construction of the mountain fortresses, which took place in such a concentrated manner over a short period of time? The leaders of local groups that had been incorporated into the Baekje Kingdom, the wanggyeongin who had been dispatched from the Baekje center, or the combined efforts of both? Despite the lack of previous research into this issue, the archaeological material thus far accumulated may help ascertain the actual situation of the time, albeit only partially. This paper identifies the legacy of the wanggyeongin in the Honam region that formed the peripheries of Baekje to examine the process and nature of the assimilation of the region into Baekje society. Residential culture of the Baekje center Pillar-wall buildings (壁柱建物) The dwellings of the Mahan (馬韓)-Baekje sphere of the Proto-Three Kingdoms are represented by two types of pit structures, as categorized by floor shape and entrance structure. The first type of pit dwellings had a pentagonal or hexagonal floor and a separate entrance structure for an access from the side added to the main structure of the house, and predominated in the central region of Korea (i.e., Seoul and Gyeonggi and Gangwon Provinces). The second type were “four-pillar type” (四柱式) houses, which were sunken structures, square in shape, with four pillars; the houses were entered directly from the roof to the house floor below by using a ladder. This type of building was popular in the southwestern region of Korea (i.e., Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces) (Kim Seungog 2004; Jeong Il 2006). In the central region of the Korean Peninsula, houses with numerous pillars densely spaced along the side walls have been frequently identified. The pillars were at times found within trenches dug along the walls, which would have facilitated setting up the pillars and the walls that were made of wooden planks, beams, and logs. In this type of house, the pillars that stood in a row—regardless of whether or not there was a trench—acted as walls and supported the weight of the roof. This type of building developed into the pillarwall structure that newly appeared in the Baekje center. The basic principle of pillar-wall building construction may have emerged during the Hanseong Period or the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (原三國時代) (Kwon Ohyoung 2013); even so, most dwellings from the Hanseong Period took the form of a sunken structure. As above-ground dwelling floors appeared during the Ungjin Period, pillar-wall buildings became popular in the areas of Gongju, Buyeo, and Iksan, and were subsequently introduced into the Kinki (近畿) region of Japan. Sites with pillar-wall buildings identified in Gongju include Gong Mountain Fortress (公山城), which is located within the boundaries of the capital city of Ungjin, and the sites of Mt. Jeongji (Fig. 1), Sanseong-dong, and Anyeong-ri. In Buyeo, many such sites have been discovered both inside and outside the boundaries of Sabi, the capital city. In Iksan, pillar-wall buildings have been identified at the sites of Sindong-ri and Sadeok. Given that Iksan paralleled Buyeo in status during the Sabi Period, it is estimated that pillar-wall buildings were concentrated at Baekje capital sites and others of similar status. Fig. 1. Pillar-wall building at Mt. Jeongji (Photograph by Lee Hansang) Some researchers consider the presence of a trench to be a requirement for a pillar-wall building (Aoyagi Taisuke 2002). However, a broader, alternative definition of this building type can be proposed as a “single-storied, square or rectangular structure set above ground in which the superstructure is supported solely by walls consisting of densely spaced pillars that are sometimes set within a trench.” According to this definition, structures without trenches can be categorized as Type I pillar-wall buildings and those with trenches as Type II buildings (Kwon Ohyoung and Lee Hyungwon 2006). This is because many examples in which trenches originally were absent have also been identified along with examples in which the trenches were destroyed by the post-depositional process. Both Type I and Type II buildings were present among the three pillar-wall buildings discovered at 172-2 beonji, Dongnam-ri in Buyeo (Chungnam Institute of History and Culture 2007) (Fig. 2). Type I buildings also occurred at the Mt. Baemae site in Wanju. Some of the buildings of the Nagahara (長原) site in Osaka, Japan, where Baekje immigrants resided en masse, have been identified as Type I pillarwall buildings (Kwon Ohyoung 2008a). Fig. 2. Pillar-wall building at Dongnam-ri in Buyeo. The Site of Dongnam-ri 172-2 Beonji at the Place Earmarked for Seodong Park in Buyeo (부여 서동공원 조성부지 동남리 172-2번지일원 유적) (Daejeon: Chungnam Institute of History and Culture, 2007, p. 5) Pillar-wall buildings often feature ondol (traditional underfloor heating) facilities made of stone slabs. Such occurrences have been identified at Mt. Baemae in Wanju as well as at the following sites in Buyeo: the Gunsu-ri locale (Park Soonbal et al. 2003); the area around the East Naseong (東羅城), outer city wall (Chungcheong Institute of Cultural Heritage 2006); and the Jeongdong-ri site. Examples have been found in Japan at sites such as Kankakuji (觀覺寺) in Takatorichō (高取町), Nara Prefecture (Takatorichō Board of Education 2007). Building 2 from Geomdan Mountain Fortress (檢丹山城) in Suncheon (Fig. 3) likewise can be identified as a Type I pillar-wall building with ondol facilities. In addition, it is highly probable that the building from Gorak Mountain Fortress (鼓樂山城) in Yeosu (麗水) (Choi Inseon et al. 2003; 2004) was also a pillar-wall building. Because pillar-wall structures represent a form of architecture closely associated with the Baekje center, it is possible that the wanggyeongin resided at these two mountain fortresses. As discussed below, the discovery of roof tiles and inkstones at these mountain fortresses cannot be regarded as mere coincidence. Fig. 3. Building 2 from Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon. Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon I (순천 검단산성 I) (Suncheon: Suncheon National University Museum, 2004, p. 104) Decorated chimney caps (煙家) From the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period, cooking and heating facilities were installed along the wall opposite the entrance in dwellings in the Yeongseo (嶺西) region of Gangwon Province (i.e., west of Daegwallyeong Pass) and the Seoul-Gyeonggi region. Ventilation of smoke was essential for the efficient working of these facilities. Since the dwellings were sealed off, poor ventilation would have made living conditions within pit dwellings unbearable. An external chimney, usually made of clay or hollowed out logs, was a necessary requirement for ventilation (Fig. 4). Rarely found in the Gaya-Silla (新羅) zone, ceramic chimneys were prevalent within the Mahan (馬韓)-Baekje zone (Kim Kyudong 2002). Fig. 4. Ceramic chimney from the South Jeolla region. Naju National Museum (Author’s photograph) A large number of cylindrical ceramic pieces—which would have functioned as oven frames, drains, or chimneys—have been found in the Honam region that formed part of the Baekje territory. Some cylindrical ceramic objects have straight profiles with a constant diameter, but others flare outwards at the base and thus superficially resemble the lower section of a bell. These two types were used in tandem to form a single chimney piece. Many such examples have been discovered at sites in the Mahan-Baekje zone and also in Japan (Fig. 5) (Kinoshita Hataru 2006; Ban Yasushi 2008). Fig. 5. Ceramic chimney from Takatorichō, Nara Prefecture. Takatorichō Cultural Center (Author’s photograph) Most chimney pieces recovered from the Hanseong-Period sites and those of the Honam region and the Japanese Archipelago only address a chimney’s functional ventilating requirements and thus lack decorative embellishment. However, some examples from Buyeo—the Baekje capital of the Sabi Period—and Iksan, the status of which was similar to that of Buyeo in the Sabi Period, sport a decorative lotus-bud-shaped element with holes through which smoke could escape (Kim Yongmin 1998; 2002). The discovery of such decorated chimney caps has been limited to the Wanggung-ri site in Iksan and the following sites in Buyeo: Neungsan-ri Temple site (陵山里寺址), Jeongrim Temple site (定林寺址), Buso Mountain Fortress (扶蘇山城), Mt. Hwaji, Gwanbuk-ri, Dongnam-ri, and Ssangbuk-ri (Fig. 6). In fact, this type of artifact is not generally associated with areas outside of the Baekje center. The recent discovery of fragments of a chimney cap at Mongchon Earthen Fortress (夢村土城) in Seoul demonstrates that the use of decorative chimney caps dates as early as to the Hanseong Period. Fig. 6. Chimney cap from a palace site in Iksan. Wanggung-ri Relics Museum (Author’s photograph) The original function of the chimney was utilitarian; therefore, decorated chimney caps likely evolved as a means of symbolizing the prestige of a particular household. The general lack of decoratively embellished chimney caps at regional sites other than the Baekje center supports the association of the artifact with the wanggyeongin. Even so, ceramic chimney caps have been found at Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon (Choi Inseon et al. 2004) and Chilseong-ri in Gwangyang (Fig. 7). The chimney cap from Chilseong-ri was made from fine base clay and fired in a reducing atmosphere, which resulted in its grayish hue. That chimney cap features a baffle that is horizontally set near the center, thus dividing the object into upper and lower sections; it shares similarities in form with examples recovered from Buyeo and Iksan, with minor differences in details. Geomdan Mountain Fortress also yielded the remains of a pillar-wall building with ondol facilities and ink-stones. Since both the pillar-wall building and the chimney cap have a close association with the architectural culture of the Baekje wanggyeongin, the presence of these artifacts in the eastern region of South Jeolla Province, far from the Baekje center, indicates that the wanggyeongin had moved into this region. Fig. 7. Chimney cap from Chilseong-ri in Gwangyang. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) Roof tiles Roof tiles were typically used in Baekje architecture during the Hanseong Period, but their use was limited to the capital city—as represented by the sites of Pungnap Earthen Fortress (風納土城), Mongchon Earthen Fortress, and the Seokchon-dong Burial Ground—as well as to the core settlements of the local regions. Roof tiles have yet to be found at mountain fortresses dating to the Hanseong Period. However, large numbers of roof tiles were used for the construction of mountain fortresses and buildings in strategic regional locales in the Chungcheong and Jeolla regions during the Ungjin and Sabi Periods. Some of those roof tiles bear imprints of chessboard-patterned mats that were woven with plant fibers, including reeds (Fig. 8). It appears that such mats were used to line the molds for the roof tiles instead of the more typical hemp cloth used at other sites (Song Mijin 2004). It is likely that a shortage of hemp cloth led to the use of mats for lining the roof-tile molds, a distinct possibility as large numbers of roof tiles were required in a relative short period of time for the construction of the mountain fortresses. Fig. 8. The inner surface of a concave roof tile from Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) Sites with cloth-impressed roof tiles and sites with mat-impressed roof tiles are both present in the eastern region of South Jeolla Province. Interestingly, roof tiles with stamped inscriptions also appear with high frequency in this region (Fig. 9). Roof tiles of this type have been found at such sites as Seonwondong Earthen Fortress (仙源洞土城) and Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu, Buram Mountain Fortress (佛岩山城) in Gwangyang, and Seongam Mountain Fortress (城岩山城) in Suncheon (Choi Inseon 2002; Choi Inseon et al. 2002). Fig. 9. Roof tiles with stamped inscriptions from the eastern region of South Jeolla Province. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) A comprehensive study of the Baekje roof tiles with stamped inscriptions (Ko Jeongryong 2007) shows that of the 3,2241 catalogued roof tiles with stamped inscriptions, the majority come from Buso Mountain Fortress in Buyeo (424) as well as the Wanggung-ri Site (448) and Mireuk Temple Site (1,605) in Iksan. As for the regional distribution of roof tiles with stamped inscriptions, seventeen come from Gongju (0.5%), 1,021 from Buyeo (31.7%), and 2,086 from Iksan (64.7%). Only 100 roof tiles with stamped inscriptions (3.1%) come from other Baekje areas, with 11 from Baengnyeong Mountain Fortress (栢嶺山城) in Geumsan (Fig. 10) and 73 from Gorak Mountain Fortress, representing a marked majority. Fig. 10. Roof tiles with stamped inscriptions from Baengnyeong Mountain Fortress in Geumsan. Buyeo National Museum (Author’s photograph) Roof tiles with stamped inscriptions discovered in Gongju, Buyeo, and Iksan were artifacts of the Baekje center. Notably, the majority of the 100 roof tiles with stamped inscriptions from sites not included in the above three locations come from Gorak Mountain Fortress. The eleven roof tiles with stamped inscriptions from Baengnyeong Mountain Fortress have previously been attributed to craftspeople dispatched from the Baekje center (Kang Jongwon and Choi Byeonghwa 2007, 180); roof tiles with stamped inscriptions found at kilns throughout Buyeo (Ko Jeongryong 2007, 73-74) attest to the validity of this opinion. Roof tiles with stamped inscriptions found at peripheral sites likely were fired at kilns located in the Baekje center, or involved craftspeople of the Baekje center in their production. The presence of numerous roof tiles with stamped inscriptions at sites in the eastern South Jeolla region (e.g., Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu) indicates that the central authority and craftspeople of the Baekje center were involved in the construction of the mountain fortresses of this region. Those craftspeople probably would have been dispatched to the peripheral regions of Baekje territory by the central authority. Aristocratic high culture Green-glazed ceramics The ruling elite of Baekje imported a significant amount of Chinese ceramics during the Hanseong Period. This group consisted of the aristocracy and royalty of the Baekje center as well as leaders of such local communities as Suchon-ri in Gongju and Beobcheon-ri in Wonju. The use of Chinese ceramics as grave goods in the tombs of the leaders of the regional elite (e.g., Ipjeom-ri Tomb 1 in Iksan; Yongwon-ri Stone Chamber Tomb in Cheonan; Bongdeok-ri Tomb 1 in Gochang) as well as in the Tomb of King Muryeong indicates that Chinese ceramics continued to be greatly appreciated by both the royalty of the Baekje center and the highest echelons of local society during the Ungjin Period. Baekje craftspeople attempted to produce localized versions of imported Chinese ceramics, which resulted in the continuous appearance of new ceramic types that emulated the type and form of Chinese ceramic and bronze vessels. For example, the lid with jewel-shaped knob, tripod, and pedestal dish (高杯) soared to popularity during the Hanseong Period, and the long-necked bottle (Park Soonbal 2006) and pedestal bowl (臺附碗) (which imitated bronze or stoneware examples) grew in popularity during the Ungjin Period. The pedestal bowl replaced the tripod and pedestal dish—the representative vessel types of the Hanseong Period—became a key vessel type in the subsequent period. Pedestal bowls with lids adorned with jewel-shaped (or lotus-bud-shaped) knobs were widely used as tableware by Baekje royalty and aristocracy, along with other vessel types, such as jars with high crests attached along the entire circumference of the vessel shoulder (Kim Jongman 2007). The continuous efforts to replicate the quality of Chinese celadon resulted in Baekje green-glazed wares, which were produced during the Sabi Period and used almost exclusively in Buyeo. Examples of green-glazed wares found at sites outside of Buyeo are limited to Bogam-ri Tomb 1 in Naju (Fig. 11), Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon, and Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu (Fig. 12). Fig. 11. Green-glazed cup and saucer from the Bogam-ri Burial Ground. Jeonnam National University Museum (Author’s photograph) Fig. 12. Green-glazed cup from Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) The green-glazed cup and saucer and the lidded containers from Bogam-ri Tomb 1 (Yim Youngjin et al. 1999) imitate the form and function of the silver cup and bronze saucer from the Tomb of King Muryeong (Fig. 13), with the addition of linear decoration that suggests the appearance of a bronze vessel. Relics from Bogam-ri are believed to have been produced at the Baekje center and presented to an individual of the local community, since it is unlikely that regional workshops suddenly were able to produce the technically sophisticated green-glazed wares. Very few local craftspeople would have had the opportunity directly to observe and copy the tea set consisting of the green-glazed cup and saucer and the lidded containers. The inscription of a reversed Buddhist swastika on the cup and saucer also supports this likelihood. The presence of a stone headrest at Bogam-ri Tomb 1 is another element shared with the Tomb of King Muryeong, where wooden headrests were found. The discovery of a headrest and green-glazed vessels at this tomb on the periphery of Baekje attests to the strong association of this region with the Baekje center. Fig. 13. Silver cup and saucer from the Tomb of King Muryeong. Gongju National Museum (Author’s photograph) As discussed below, the green-glazed ware from Geomdan Mountain Fortress takes the form of an inkstone. At Gorak Mountain Fortress, a green-glazed pedestal bowl was recovered from Water Reservoir 1 (Choi Inseon et al. 2003); the gentle curves of the foot and the lines that appear directly below the bowl’s mouth and just above its foot demonstrate that this vessel was made in imitation of a bronze vessel. As with the green-glazed ware from Bogam-ri Tomb 1, the inkstone and pedestal bowl must have been produced at the Baekje center and carried to these mountain fortresses. Bogam-ri Tomb 1 is located at the Bogam-ri Burial Ground, which was a cemetery for the highest-ranking local leaders of the Yeongsan River region in the sixth century. Given that the Baekje central government’s direct rule over this region commenced upon the completion of tomb construction at this burial ground, the green-glazed ware from this tomb reflects the strong influence of the Baekje center in this region. The same holds true for the green-glazed pedestal bowl from Gorak Mountain Fortress. Such artifacts, along with roof tiles with stamped inscriptions, make it possible to assume the presence of individuals of high political status from the Baekje center. Chamber pots Tiger-shaped ceramic chamber pots used by men are generally termed hoja (虎子, Ch. huzi). The production and practice of placing tiger-shaped chamber pots within tombs as grave goods first began during China’s Spring and Autumn Period (春秋時代, 771 – 476 BCE) and Warring States Period (戰國時代, 475 – 221 BCE) (Fig. 14), but it was during the Wei (魏, 220 – 265), Jin (晉, 265 – 420), and Northern and Southern Dynasties (南北朝, 420 – 589) that tiger-shaped chamber pots became popular. Fig. 14. Tiger-shaped chamber pot from a Spring and Autumn Period tomb in Jingjiang, Jiangsu Province. Bronzeware. Jinjiang Museum (Author’s photograph) A Chinese tiger-shaped chamber pot has yet to be discovered through proper excavation from a Baekje site, but the example from the collection of the National Museum of Korea deserves special attention. This celadon-glazed, tiger-shaped chamber pot, said to have come from Gaesong (開城), is believed to date to the Western Jin (西晉, 265 – 316) or early Eastern Jin (東晉, 317 – 420) Period, based on the color of the glaze and the form of the pot (Eun Hwasoo 1998). This indicates that, at the latest, Chinese tiger-shaped chamber pots were introduced to Baekje during the first half of the fourth century CE. Baekje imitations of the Chinese imported celadon tiger-shaped chamber pots may have been produced later, but material evidence dating to the Hanseong and Ungjin Periods has yet to be discovered. The numerous discoveries of Baekje-produced tiger-shaped chamber pots from sites in Buyeo and Iksan dating to the Sabi Period demonstrate that this ceramic type had become firmly rooted in Baekje society in these periods (Kwon Ohyoung 2008b). The tiger-shaped chamber pot from Gunsu-ri in Buyeo (Seo Seonghun 1979) is similar in form to Chinese examples in that it features a short-legged tiger with a wide-open mouth (Fig. 15) and a handle that extends from the head to the middle of the back. The characteristically Baekje features of this tiger-shaped chamber pot are the tiger’s straight, unflexed front legs and the slight turn of its head to the left; these elements do not appear in Chinese examples. Simplified versions of the tiger-shaped chamber pot, which claim only the form of the body, the legs and a handle, have been found at such sites as Gwanbuk-ri in Buyeo and Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu. It is likely that Chinese celadon tiger-shaped chamber pots inspired these simple male chamber pots, as in the case of the Gunsu-ri example. A female chamber pot, with a flat base, wide oval mouth, and band-shaped handles, was also discovered at the Gunsu-ri site. A chamber pot of a similar shape but with additional features that enhanced its function was recovered from the Wanggung-ri site in Iksan (Fig. 16). Fig. 15. Tiger-shaped chamber pot from Gunsu-ri in Buyeo. Earthenware. Buyeo National Museum (Author’s photograph) Fig. 16. Female chamber pot from Wanggung-ri in Iksan. Wanggung-ri Site Museum (Author’s photograph) It is unlikely that commoners would have used such chamber pots; rather, the use of male and female chamber pots surely was a feature of aristocratic high culture as well as an important indicator of the extent of urbanization. In ancient societies, toilet facilities would have been limited to palaces, administrative offices, and temples. The only extant example of Three Kingdoms-Period toilet facilities came from the Wanggung-ri site; therefore, it can be ascertained that the use of toilet facilities and chamber pots was limited to members of the highest echelons of society, even among the wanggyeongin. Interestingly, a chamber pot was excavated at Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu, which is not included among the locations of high status where the discoveries of chamber pots are typically concentrated (Fig. 17). This indicates that wanggyeongin of high standing resided there or at least wanggyeongin culture had been transplanted there. The leg-shaped fragment excavated from Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon, which likely came from a tiger-shaped chamber pot, also supports this possibility. Fig. 17. Tiger-shaped chamber pots from Gorak Mountain Fortress in Yeosu. Suncheon National University Museum (Author’s photograph) The existence of intellectual-bureaucrats Inkstones, brushes, wooden tablets, and documents are concrete evidence of literacy, and reflect the presence of literate bureaucrats and the creation of administrative documents (Yoon Seontae 2007). The discovery of a Chinese celadon-glazed inkstone at Mongchon Earthen Fortress in Seoul (Kim Wonyong et al. 1987) demonstrates that the use of inkstones in Baekje dates at least to the Hanseong Period. Numerous inkstones were recovered from Gong Mountain Fortress in Gongju (Ahn Seungjoo and Lee Namseok 1987); most date to the Sabi Period, but it is highly likely that one tripod of the Chinese Southern Dynasties style dates as early as to the Ungjin Period (Yamamoto Takafumi 2006). In contrast to the inkstones of the Hanseong and Ungjin Periods, which are either imports from the Eastern Jin or Southern Dynasties or are imitations of Chinese examples, inkstones of the Sabi Period feature a distinctively Baekje flavor, which indicates that the inkstone had become firmly established as an element of the Baekje ceramic repertory. In the Sabi Period, a variety of inkstone forms coexisted, including simple inkstones without legs, inkstones with multiple legs, and footed inkstones. Among inkstones with multiple legs, those with teardrop-shaped legs (水滴硯) and those with animal leg-shaped legs (獸足硯), also termed cabriole legs, were made in imitation of Chinese celadon-glazed inkstones from the Sui (隋, 581 – 618) and Tang Dynasties (唐, 618 – 907) (Figs. 18 and 19). However, the ceramic inkstone with animal leg-shaped legs from Mt. Geumseong in Buyeo features a distinctively Baekje style. Fig. 18. Celadon inkstone with animal leg-shaped legs of the Sui Dynasty. Jiangxi Provincial Museum (Author’s photograph) Fig. 19. Celadon inkstone with animal leg-shaped legs of the Tang Dynasty Fired at the Hongzhou Kiln. Jiangxi Provincial Museum (Author’s photograph) Discoveries of inkstones in Baekje territory have been limited to capital cities (present-day Seoul, Gongju, and Buyeo) and Iksan; therefore, the inkstone from the Naju area is of interest, as Naju was a key foothold for the indigenous local elite in the Yeongsan River region. Excavations conducted in the Bogam-ri area, where the sixth-century tombs of the highest-ranking leaders of the local community are concentrated, revealed the presence of a ceramic inkstone with multiple legs similar to that from Buyeo. In addition, three inkstones were discovered at the Nang-dong site located in close proximity to Bogam-ri; one inkstone was recovered from the District Ga artifact layer and the other two came from the District Na artifact layer (Choi Seongrak et al. 2006). Found in close proximity around Bogam-ri, these four inkstones indicate the presence of a bureaucratic group that produced administrative documents associated with governmental control of local regions. The inkstones are evidence of officials deployed from the Baekje center or of a literate class within the local society that maintained links with the Baekje center. Other finds from this area, including the iron production facilities, wooden tablets, and ceramic vessel inscribed with “官內用” (meaning “for use within official buildings”) together suggest that this area, where the tombs of the leaders of the indigenous local community had been concentrated, was subsequently transformed into an administrative center for regional control. It is very possible that this process was accompanied by the migration of the wanggyeongin into this region. Another site in the Honam region that yielded inkstones is Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Sunchon, where four inkstones were discovered. One inkstone with a short foot was discovered at the North Gate, and one with legs was found within the water reservoir. Building 2 and Building 3 (a pit structure) each yielded a single inkstone with a flat base. The example from Building 3 is in fragmentary condition, making it difficult to identify its original shape. Building 2 belongs to the category of Type I pillar-wall building defined above. The discovery of inkstones at this building site is especially significant because pillar-wall buildings have a close association with the Baekje center. The legs are missing from the green-glazed inkstone recovered from the water reservoir (Fig. 20); even so, the remaining fragments suggest that the inkstone originally had legs of either teardrop or animal-leg form. The pillar-wall building and the green-glazed inkstone from Geomdan Mountain Fortress (Suncheon), along with the roof tiles with stamped inscriptions and the green-glazed pedestal bowl from Gorak Mountain Fortress (Yeosu), are decisive evidence of the presence of the wanggyeongin in these regions. In particular, the green-glazed ceramics from these mountain fortresses are believed to have been used by the wanggyeongin, since artifacts of this type from the eastern region of South Jeolla Province were always discovered in conjunction with other elements that represent the culture of the Baekje center. By contrast, the green-glazed cup and saucer and the lidded containers from the Bogam-ri Burial Ground are believed to have been buried with a member of the indigenous elite. Fig. 20. Inkstone fragment from Geomdan Mountain Fortress in Suncheon (Suncheon National University Museum) Conclusion This paper examines the material culture of the wanggyeongin through the artifacts excavated from the local regions of Baekje. The evidence consisting of architecture (e.g., pillar-wall buildings, chimney caps, and roof tiles with stamped inscriptions), daily life items (e.g., green-glazed ware and chamber pots), and inkstones used by a literate class is admittedly piecemeal; however, as a whole, it provides valuable insight into the nature of the wanggyeongin who moved to the local regions of Baekje as well as the direct transplantation of the culture of the Baekje center to these local regions. The sudden appearance of artifacts associated with aristocratic high culture (usually observed in Buyeo or Iksan) in the area of Bogam-ri in Naju (the last foothold of the indigenous local groups) or the frontline defense areas of Yeosu, Suncheon, and Gwangyang can be explained by assuming that the wanggyeongin, who had first-hand experience of the aristocratic culture of the Baekje center, had settled in theses local regions. From the perspective of the Baekje center, it must have been of a key importance to have the local elite responsible for the construction of the Bogam-ri Burial Ground submit to the system of direct control by the Baekje center, since this group represented the greatest local power of the Naju area as well as the entire Yeongsan River region. The wooden tablets, inkstones, green-glazed ware, and ceramic vessels with inscriptions recovered from sites at Bogam-ri and Nang-dong can be understood as by-products of the efforts of the Baekje center to bring this indigenous local group under its control. From the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period, the eastern region of South Jeolla Province shared many cultural similarities with Byeonhan in the east, and from the fifth century, it became a part of the Sogaya Confederation that was later politically influenced by Daegaya. It is only in the early sixth century that Baekje was able to completely eradicate the influence of Daegaya and absorb this region into Baekje territory. Therefore, the eastern region of South Jeolla Province represented the front line of defense for the Baekje center against Gaya and Silla. Due to such strategic importance, the construction of defensive mountain fortresses unseen in the Yeongsan River region, took place at an extremely fast pace over a short period of time. Cooperation from the leaders of local indigenous communities would have been essential for the construction of mountain fortresses as well as for the regional defense; consequently, the wanggyeongin and craftspeople may have been dispatched by the Baekje center to ensure such cooperation. Unfortunately, it is not easy to prove this possibility based on archaeological evidence from burials. Baekje tombs discovered thus far in the eastern region of South Jeolla Province mostly consist of stone-lined burials with horizontal entrances. As in the case of mountain fortresses of this region, roof tiles with mat patterns on their inner surfaces were found in coffin platforms of certain tombs in Gwangyang and Suncheon. This means that typical tombs of the Baekje central style have yet to be identified in this region. Investigating the possible existence of such tombs in the region remains a task for future research.

The Buddhist pantheon comprises such deities as Buddhas, bodhisattvas, disciples, and guardians. Known as nahan in Korean and as luohan (羅漢) in Chinese, arhats (a Sanskrit name) are disciples of the historical Buddha Shakyamuni; they are human beings who have achieved enlightenment but have deferred entry into nirvana until the Buddha Maitreya finally appears. Possessing the supernatural powers of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, they remain on earth to protect the Buddhist law and to guide the spiritual progress of all sentient beings. They are worshiped as groups rather than as individuals; those groups sometimes include sixteen, sometimes eighteen, and other times even five hundred arhats. Monks of the terrestrial realm, arhats differ from the divine beings confined to Buddhist ethereal or celestial planes. Arhat iconography is relatively uncodified, and paintings of arhats typically represent figures with naturalistic human features set in realistic environments. The need for paintings of arhats developed rapidly in China late in the Tang Dynasty (唐, 618 – 907) and Five Dynasties period (五代, 907 – 960) in accordance with the growth of arhat worship. Many paintings of arhats were produced in Korea during the Goryeo (高麗, 918 – 1392) and Joseon (朝鮮, 1392 – 1910) Dynasties; even so, most such paintings have disappeared due to wars or the internal circumstances of individual temples. In fact, only forty sets of Korean arhat paintings remain today, a number substantially lower than that of extant arhat paintings from China and Japan. Whatever the reason for this relative paucity, Korean arhat paintings have received but scant attention from scholars of East Asian Buddhist art. Even so, the few extant Korean paintings are representative of the period in which they were created and reflect a variety of iconographic types and painting styles. In this regard, they are crucial to understanding the development of the East Asian tradition of arhat painting. The painting of Deoksewi, the 153rd of the 500 Arhats (第一百五三 德勢威尊者, hereafter “the LACMA Deoksewi”), in the collection of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA) exemplifies the unique characteristics of Korean arhat paintings. Commissioned during the reign of King Myeongjong (明宗, r. 1545 – 1567) by his mother Queen Munjeong (文定王后, 1502 – 1565), a fervent Buddhist devotee, this painting reflects both the reverence for arhats during this period and the characteristics of court-sponsored Buddhist art. In addition, it is the only known arhat painting from the early Joseon period (1392 – 1592). First introduced by Kim Hongnam in 1991 (Kim Hongnam 1991, 40-41), this painting has been included in several studies, but most publications have provided only a short description of the iconography and the patron, leaving the scroll’s full importance yet to be explored. This paper will examine the LACMA Deoksewi painting’s composition and style as well as the circumstances of its patronage in order to reveal both its significance and the unique characteristics of Korean arhat paintings. Queen Munjeong’s Arhat Worship This Deoksewi scroll (Fig.1) measures 45.7cm in height and 28.9cm in width; it was painted in ink with highlights in vermillion, copper-green, dark blue, white, and gold pigments. The arhat is represented as a venerable old monk seated on a rock beneath a tree and holding a Buddhist sutra. The inscription at the upper right translates “The 153rd disciple Deoksewi” (第一百五三 德勢威尊者); an inscription along the painting’s left edge (Fig. 2) records: In the fifth month of the imsul year (壬戌年, 1562), Great Queen Dowager Seongryol Inmyeong Daewang Daebi of the Yun clan had 200 arhat paintings created in honor of his majesty King Myeongjong and enshrined them at Hyangnimsa Temple on Mt. Samgak, for the King’s vitality, prosperous descendants, a flourishing nation, the welfare of the people, and her own longevity. 聖烈仁明大王大妃尹氏爲 主上殿下無病萬歲子盛孫興 國泰民安仰亦己身所願圓成壽星永曜 新畵成聖僧二百 幀掛安于三角山香林寺 聖烈仁明大王大妃尹氏爲 主上 殿下無病萬歲子盛孫興國泰民安仰亦己身所願圓成壽 星永曜 新畵成聖僧二百幀掛安于三角山香林寺 Fig. 1. Deoksewi. Joseon, 1562. Color on silk, 45.7 × 28.9cm. Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Author’s photograph) Fig. 2. Deoksewi. inscription (Author’s photograph) These inscriptions reveal that the painting was commissioned in 1562 by Queen Munjeong (referred to by the honorific title “Great Queen Dowager Seongryol Inmyeong Daewang Daebi”) as part of a commission for 200 arhat paintings for Hyangnimsa Temple (香林寺) on Mt. Samgak (三角山). The figure in the painting is clearly identified as Deoksewi, the 153rd disciple among the 500 arhats. Queen Munjeong ruled as regent for her son King Myeongjong, the thirteenth Joseon monarch, who ascended the throne in 1545 at age twelve. She dominated the government during her eight-year regency and, even after retiring from this prominent role, continued to yield considerable political and governmental power. In contrast to other Joseon rulers who suppressed the public practice of Buddhism, she actively promoted Buddhist worship. Together with a prominent monk named Bou (普雨, 1515 – 1565), she restored the “Seunggwa jedo” (僧科制度, a royal court recruitment system for selecting Buddhist monks) and the “Docheop je” (度牒制, a royal court licensing system for Buddhist monks) that had been abolished during the reign of King Jungjong (中宗, r. 1506 – 1544). She also re-established the two major Buddhist sects, the Seon (禪宗, read Chan in Chinese, Zen in Japanese; training sect focused on meditation) and the Gyo (敎宗, read Jiao in Chinese; a sect focused on doctrinal study). In addition, Queen Munjeong significantly increased the number of naewondang (內願堂), or royal memorial shrines at which prayers could be offered for the repose of the souls of deceased members of the royal family and for their rebirth in the Western Paradise. According to the Myeongjong sillok (明宗實錄), approximately forty memorial shrines existed when Myeongjong ascended the throne in 1545, but by 1550, only five years later, seventy nine large temples had been newly designated as naewondang. The number of naewondang expanded to 400 in 1554, and by 1565, the twentieth year of King Myeongjong’s reign, nearly all temples in the kingdom had been registered as naewondang. Ministers of the royal court, who supported Confucianism as the state ideology, raised objections, however, and officials submitted numerous petitions to the king against the royal patronage of Buddhism and the expansion of the naewondang. Undeterred by these objections, Queen Munjeong continued her policy of reviving Buddhist worship. One way in which she demonstrated her commitment to the cause was by commissioning Buddhist paintings. In addition to the 200 arhat paintings produced for Hyangnimsa Temple, she commissioned more than 400 works, including the Bhaisajyaguru Mandala (1561) and Ksitigarbha and the Ten Kings of Hell (1562) as well as 100 paintings each of Shakyamuni Triad (1565), Amitabha Triad (1565), Bhaisajyaguru Triad (1565), and Maitreya Triad (1565) to commemorate the reconstruction of Hoeamsa Temple (檜巖寺). Queen Munjeong was especially enthusiastic about arhat worship. As Buddhist disciples who have achieved enlightenment, arhats are believed to possess the power of both flight and physical transformation as well as the ability to extend their lifespans and to move the earth and the sky. Buddhist worshipers traditionally have beseeched arhats to intercede in periods of drought and national crisis and to answer prayers for earthly prosperity and good fortune. During China’s Five Dynasties period, for example, Buddhists prayed before the painting The Sixteen Arhats by Guan Xiu (貫休, 832 – 912) for relief from drought; such arhat worship continued into the Song Dynasty (宋, 960 – 1279). The Northern Song text Memoirs of Eminent Monks (高僧傳, 988) by Zan Ning (贊寧, 919 – 1001) includes many stories of arhats summoning their powers in response to prayers for rain. In Korea, Buddhist rituals related to arhats were widely performed during the Goryeo Dynasty, when the nation suffered from both foreign invasions and internal turmoil. Ordinary Koreans also prayed to arhats for health and longevity. It is not surprising, therefore, that painted representations of arhats reflect an association with prosperity and long life. For example, the arhats’ long beards and eyebrows symbolize their ability to extend their lifes-pans and to remain on Earth for long periods. It was this ability of the arhats, in particular, that underlay arhat worship in Korea in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Although the Joseon Dynasty maintained from its inception an official policy of promoting Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism among the general public, Buddhist worship continued within the royal court much as it had during the Goryeo Dynasty. At that time, the main reason for supporting Buddhist rituals at court was to pray for the safe passage of a deceased king into Paradise. Arhat worship on the other hand was characterized by an interest in achieving earthly prosperity and was particularly concerned with prayers for good health and long life. For example, the Taejong sillok (太宗實錄) describes how prayers were offered in a temple hall dedicated to arhats (羅漢殿, hereafter “arhat hall”) for Prince Seongnyeong (誠寧大君, 1405 – 1418) when he became critically ill. The Sejong sillok (世宗實錄) records that King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418 – 1450) ordered the performance of a ritual for arhat worship when the abdicated King Taejong (太宗, r. 1400 – 1418) fell ill. A passage in the second volume of Sigujip (拭疣集, Literary Collection of Sigu)—the collected writings of Kim Suon (金守溫, 1410 – 1481)—reveals that King Sejong’s wife, Queen Soheon (昭憲王后, 1395 – 1446), erected a hall for arhat worship at Wontongam Shrine (圓通菴) of Cheonggyesa Temple (淸溪寺) and installed stone sculptures of sixteen arhats as part of her appeals for the King’s longevity. A record of 1466 from the same Sigujip collection states that the monarch’s illness similarly prompted the Queen mother to construct an arhat hall at Sangwonsa Temple (上院寺) on Mt. Odae during the reign of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455 – 1468). This tradition of arhat worship continued during Queen Munjeong’s regency in the sixteenth century. In 1554, the Queen ordered the construction of an arhat hall at Jasugung (慈壽宮), a complex near the royal palace where the royal concubines of a recently deceased king resided and prayed for royal ancestors, and in 1562 she commissioned a set of 200 arhat paintings, including one representing Deoksewi, for Hyangnimsa Temple. The Na-am japjeo (懶庵雜著, Writings of Na-am) by Monk Bou states that the Queen commissioned a set of 500 paintings of arhats and ordered that the stone sculptures of sixteen arhats at Bongnyeongsa Temple (福靈寺) be moved to Bongeunsa Temple (奉恩寺) for repair Queen Munjeong’s reverence for arhats appears to have been closely related to the precarious situation of the royal family at that time. During Myeongjong’s reign, the King, his mother (Queen Munjeong), and his only son, all suffered ill health. The King found himself in a perpetual state of worry about his mother and her family, many members of which continued to involve themselves in political affairs even after Queen Munjeong’s eight-year regency ended in 1553, as well as about government officials who fiercely resisted their influence. Whether or not it was because of such constant stress, King Myeongjong struggled with chronic illness. Furthermore, the King and his Queen and six Royal Concubines produced only a single heir, Crown Prince Sunhoe (順懷世子, 1551 – 1563), and this sickly child died in 1563, just a year after the production of the arhat paintings for Hyangnimsa Temple in 1562. It seems that Queen Munjeong also was not in good health during the time when she was actively promoting arhat worship, as she passed away only three years after the Hyangnimsa Temple commission. The Queen’s own motivation for producing the Deoksewi painting supports this interpretation. As previously mentioned, the inscription reads: “Great Queen Dowager Seongryol Inmyeong Daewang Daebi of the Yun clan produced 200 arhat paintings in honor of his majesty King Myeongjong and enshrined them at Hyangnimsa Temple on Mt. Samgak, for the King’s vitality, prosperous descendants, a flourishing nation, the welfare of the people, and her own longevity.” This inscription strongly suggests that the Queen hoped to overcome the perilous difficulties of the royal family through an appeal to the Buddha for mercy and through her profound commitment to arhat worship. The Deoksewi scroll and the other works from the same commission were housed at Hyangnimsa Temple on Mt. Samgak in the vicinity of the royal palace. During the Khitan (契丹) invasions, which occurred during the reign of the Goryeo King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1009 – 1031), this temple also housed the coffin of the Goryeo founder, King Taejo (太祖, r. 918 – 943). Extant records from the Goryeo period include no detailed mention of this, but records concerning Hyangnimsa Temple and the Goryeo royal family do appear in such Joseon texts as the 49th volume of the Sukjong sillok (肅宗實錄) and the Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam (新增東國輿地勝覽, New Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea; 1530). These sources indicate that Hyangnimsa Temple maintained an especially intimate connection with the royal family from as early as the Goryeo period. Unfortunately, only the temple site remains today, so it is virtually impossible to establish the location and exact dimensions of the building where the arhat paintings were enshrined. Although it is not possible to know how the 200 paintings were displayed in the temple hall, there are clues that help us to understand how these works functioned. Arhat paintings are now appreciated as works of art; on a functional level, however, they belong to the category of religious paintings commissioned for the purpose of worship and the accrual of “merit” (功德), or meritorious karma. Like most other Buddhist works of art, arhat paintings were enshrined inside a temple hall and were used during worship. In the late Joseon period, for example, arhats were represented in the wall paintings of an arhat hall or of the main hall (大雄殿) of a temple, just as they were also depicted in hanging scrolls that were also displayed in those halls. However, the 200 arhat paintings produced for Hyangnimsa Temple, including the LACMA Deoksewi, likely were produced for rituals honoring arhats and donated as a means of accruing merit, or meritorious karma, rather than to serve as the focus of worship in a temple hall, as evinced by their relatively small size (viz. only 45.7cm in height and 28.9 cm in width). By contrast, scrolls intended to serve as the focus of worship generally were larger in order to create a more striking visual impact. The works Queen Munjeong commissioned for the purpose of ritual also support this assumption. In 1565, the Queen sponsored the production of 400 paintings of approximately the same size (100 paintings representing each of Shakyamuni, Bhaisajyaguru, Amitabha, and Maitreya) (Fig.3). An inscription in gold at the bottom of each painting details the reason for the commission and the intended function of the paintings. According to these texts, the 400 paintings were produced for the vitality of the king and the prosperity of royal descendants. The commission coincided in time with a ceremony celebrating the restoration of Hoeamsa Temple. After the completion of the ceremony, the paintings were to be dispersed throughout the country and enshrined in various temples. Fig. 3. Bhaisajyaguru Buddha Triad. Joseon, 1565. Gold on red silk, 58.7 × 30.8cm. Paintings of the Joseon Dynasty (韓國·朝鮮の繪畵) (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 2008, p. 105) Therefore, it seems unlikely that the 200 arhat paintings produced for Hyangnimsa Temple were installed in temple halls for the purpose of worship. Rather, it is much more likely that they were intended to honor various arhats for ritual purposes as part of an effort to accrue merit through the performance of good deeds and to ensure the long life of the King and the prosperity of his descendants. The Legacy of Goryeo Arhat Iconography Buddhist paintings are generally based on a particular sutra text. For example, paintings of the preaching Shakyamuni Buddha are based on a section from the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經, Saddharmapundarika Sutra). Paintings of Amitabha Buddha draw from the Three Pure Land Sutras (淨土三部經): The Infinite Life Sutra (大無量壽經, The Larger Sukhavativyuha Sutra), Contemplation Sutra (佛說觀無量壽佛經, Amitayurdhyana Sutra), and Amitabha Sutra (阿彌陀經, The Smaller Sukhavativyuha Sutra). Paintings of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara refer to the “Chapter on the Entry into the Realm of Reality” (入法界品) in the Flower Garland Sutra (華嚴經, Avatamsaka Sutra) or the “Chapter on the Universal Gate of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva” (觀世音菩薩普門品) in the Lotus Sutra. The precise subject of these paintings and their representation are based on the corresponding textual sources. The iconography of arhat paintings, by contrast, does not derive from a single textual source, despite a partial reflection of the character and descriptions taken from such texts as the Nandimitravadana (佛說大阿羅漢難提密多羅所說法住記, A Record of the Perpetuity of the Dharma Narrated by the Great Arhat Nandimitra). In general, the image of a Buddhist monk served as the prototype for the representation of arhats. Lacking a predetermined or set iconography for each arhat, painters were permitted a great deal of artistic license in the expression of each arhat’s particular appearance and individual spiritual powers. In some instances, painters used the same iconographic type to describe all the arhats. An image of the seventeenth arhat “Samghanandi” (僧迦難提尊者) (Fig. 4) from the Ming-Dynasty (明, 1368 – 1644) encyclopedia Sancai Tuhui (三才圖會, Illustrations of the Three Powers), for example, depicts a figure seated in contemplation near a body of water. This image served as the basis for the fifteenth arhat “Ajita” (阿氏多尊者) (Fig. 5) in the set of sixteen arhat paintings at Heungguksa Temple (興國寺), Yeosu, and also for the twelfth arhat “Nagasena” (那伽犀那尊者) (Fig. 6) in another set of sixteen arhat paintings at Songgwangsa Temple (松廣寺), Suncheon. In addition, the iconography of an arhat cloaked in a robe that covers the top of his head and extends downward to his feet, a symbol of his enlightened state, is usually understood as a reference to the monk Bodhidharma (達磨, fifth or sixth century). However, this iconographic type had already evolved in China’s Northern Wei (北魏, 386 – 535) period, before arhat paintings became popular, and it also appears in paintings that portray the sixteen arhats but do not include Bodhidharma. Fig. 4. Samghanandi, 17th of the 500 Arhats, from Sancai Tuhui. Woodcut. Ming Dynasty, 1609. Dongguk University (Author’s photograph) Fig. 5. Ajita, 15th of the Sixteen Arhats, from a set of the sixteen arhat paintings. Color on hemp cloth. Joseon, 1723. Heungguksa Temple, Yeosu (Author’s photograph) Fig. 6. Nagasena, 12th of the Sixteen Arhats, from a set of the sixteen arhat paintings. Color on hemp. Joseon, 1725. Songgwangsa Temple, Suncheon (Author’s photograph) The LACMA Deoksewi follows the typical presentation of an arhat in paintings: a male figure dressed in long monk’s robes, set before a nimbus, and seated on a rock beneath a pine tree, his body turned slightly to his right, and his hands holding a sutra from which he reads. It is probable that the artist arbitrarily selected this image from among a great variety of different iconographic forms and then, in the painting’s inscription, arbitrarily identified the arhat as the 153rd disciple. It was customary to produce sets of 500 paintings, each painting representing one of the 500 arhats. However, the inscription on the Deoksewi scroll indicates that only 200 paintings were produced and given to Hyangnimsa Temple. It is unclear whether the original commission was for just 200 paintings or was for 500 paintings, with 200 to be enshrined at Hyangnimsa Temple and the remaining 300 at a separate temple (or temples). This matter necessarily will remain unclear until more data come to light. The artist of the LACMA Deoksewi expertly focuses attention on the individual arhat, omitting additional figures that could detract from the main figure. One of the oldest employed in arhat paintings, this composition can be found in such early Chinese paintings as Guan Xiu’s The Sixteen Arhats. A set of Goryeo-period paintings representing the 500 arhats (hereafter “The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period”), which are produced in 1235 and 1236 according to the inscriptions on the paintings, also follows this compositional organization (Shin Kwanghee 2012). Measuring 55 cm in height and 40 cm in width, each of the 500 paintings depicts a single arhat who is identified by an inscription near the top of the painting. Each painting’s composition is extremely simple, with most figures cloaked in monk’s robes, perched atop a rock, and backed by a nimbus, the figures sometimes holding a few objects, likely ritual offerings. These paintings are closely related to the LACMA Deoksewi in terms of size and composition. Other extant arhat paintings from the Goryeo period include those featuring a group of arhats in a single composition, as exemplified by The 500 Arhats in Chion-in (知恩院), Kyoto, and the Shakyamuni Triad with the Sixteen Arhats in the Nezu Museum (根津美術館), Tokyo (Sigongsa 1996; National Museum of Korea 2010). However, the LACMA Deoksewi is closer in style and composition to The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period. Among these 500 works, elements in Bosu, 282nd of the 500 Arhats (Fig. 7) closely resemble related elements in the LACMA Deoksewi. In each work, the figure is seated, appears under a branch, turns slightly to his right, and holds a sutra. Fig. 7. Bosu, 282nd of the 500 Arhats. Goryeo, 1236. Ink and color on silk, 54.6 × 31.7cm. Kyushu National Museum (Author’s photograph) Other early Joseon-period arhat paintings too draw on Goryeo iconographic and compositional types. Sketch of an Arhat (Fig. 8) by Yi Sangjwa (李上佐) in the collection of the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art, Seoul, falls into this category. In this simple sketch, the arhat is presented in the guise of a monk wearing a full-length robe and holding an alms bowl in one hand and a ruyi (如意) scepter in the other; a small, hand-held censer also appears in the sketch. The figure appears to be attempting to lure a dragon into the alms bowl. Similar to the LACMA Deoksewi and The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period, this sketch—perhaps an unfinished work, perhaps a preliminary draft for a painting—depicts a single arhat without accompanying figures. The motif of luring a dragon into an alms bowl, in particular, closely resembles the subject of Segongyang, 464th of the 500 Arhats (Fig. 9) from The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period. Fig. 8. Yi Sangjwa, Sketch of an Arhat. Joseon, mid-16th century. Ink on paper. 41.0 × 23.7cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art. National Treasures from the Early Joseon Period (조선전기국보전) (Seoul: Hoam Museum of Art, 1996, Fig. 199) Fig. 9. Segongyang, 464th of the 500 Arhats. Goryeo, 1235–6. Ink and color on silk, 52.8 × 40.8cm. Cleveland Museum of Art, USA. Buddhist Paintings of the Goryeo Dynasty (고려시대의 불화) (Seoul: Sigongsa, 1997, Fig. 128) That the LACMA Deoksewi follows the Goryeo tradition of the 500 arhats paintings is further supported by the nomenclature used in the inscription of the LACMA Deoksewi. Today, two systems exist in East Asia for identifying the 500 arhats. The system used in China and Japan is based on the Southern Song-Dynasty stele Luohan zunhaobei (羅漢尊號碑, stele of the names of arhats), which once was housed in Qianmingyuan (乾明院), Zhejiang Province. A second system has been used exclusively in Korea since Goryeo times. The Luohan zunhaobei identifies all the disciples of the historical Buddha Shakyamuni listed in the sutras as well as the line of Chinese successors. It even includes eminent Korean monks from the Silla period (新羅, 57 BCE – 935). The actual names of the Buddha’s disciples mentioned in the sutras, such as “Ajnatakaundinya” (阿若憍陳如) and “Aniruddha” (阿尼樓), are listed first in the genealogy. As the list continues, however, the Luohan zunhaobei shows more conceptual names that are explicitly derived from Buddhist principles, such as “Vajra Radiance” (金剛明), “Freedom from Attachment” (無愛行), and “Remains in the World” (住世間). Such conceptual names derived from Buddhist principles predominate in the Korean nomenclature of arhats, as the list begins with the first arhat “Dharma Sea” (法海), the second “Lightening Flash” (電光), and continues featuring such doctrinal names up until the 500th arhat “Immeasurable Meanings” (無量義). The actual names of Buddha’s disciples are rarely mentioned in the Korean list; as a consequence, the Chinese/Japanese and Korean designations share only three or four names in common for the 500 arhats. Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese use the same system of names for the group of sixteen arhats, a system derived from the Nandimitravadana; however, no sutra identifies all the arhats in the group of 500. Obviously, different name designations have been adopted in China and Korea as the genealogical systems evolved (Shin Kwanghee 2010, 28-43). The inscription on each of the paintings in The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo Dynasty evinces the development of a separate arhat genealogy in Korea. Even so, it is difficult to interpret the complete picture because only fourteen paintings are known to remain from the original set. Though later in date, Obaekseongjung cheongmun (五百聖衆請文, Invocation of the Five Hundred Arhats; 1805) (Fig. 10) from the Geojoam Monastery (居祖庵) provides the Korean designations of the 500 arhats as well as insight into the date those names were established. The book follows the form of an invocation (奉請) and records the names of all 500 arhats. In the preface, the author states that both the ritual associated with the 500 arhats and the systematization of arhat genealogy were based on a text on related rituals written by Monk Muhak (無學, 1327 – 1405) at Seogwangsa Temple (釋王寺) late in in the Goryeo Dynasty. Accordingly, the Korean system of arhat genealogy dates back at least to the late Goryeo period. The names recorded on the fourteen extant arhat paintings from the Goryeo period further corroborate the genealogy outlined in the Obaekseongjung cheongmun, which indicates that this nomenclature extends back as far as to 1235 – 36 when the fourteen works were produced. For example, the 282nd arhat is recorded as “Bosu” (寶手) meaning “Precious Hand” in both the corresponding painting from The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period and the Obaekseongjung cheongmun. The 153rd arhat likewise is recorded as “Deoksewi” in both the LACMA painting and the Obaekseongjung cheongmun (Figs. 11 and 12). Fig. 10. Obaekseongjung cheongmun. Joseon, 1805. 44.0 × 32.5cm. Eunhaesa Museum (Author’s photograph) Fig. 11. Deoksewi, name (Author’s photograph) Fig. 12. Obaekseongjung cheongmun, detail (Author’s photograph) These observations show that the LACMA Deoksewi inherited its composition, iconography, nomenclature, and other elements from the set of 500 arhats from the Goryeo period. It also demonstrates how arhat iconography from the Goryeo Dynasty formed the basic communicative mode for the 200 arhat paintings commissioned by Queen Munjeong for Hyangnimsa Temple. Development and Spread of Court Style of Buddhist Paintings The LACMA Deoksewi presents an exceptionally realistic description of an arhat as a venerable old monk. The white hair, eyebrows, beard, and ear-hair are painted in meticulous detail (Fig. 13). Cloud patterns, small chrysanthemum florets, and vajra thunderbolts (金剛杵), all painted in gold, embellish his robe (Fig. 14). Painted in black ink, a rock and a pine tree provide a setting for the figure. The rock, whose unembellished top suggests a flat surface on which the arhat can sit, boasts bold outlines that reveal both the artist’s dexterity with brush and ink and the influence of China’s “Zhe school” (浙派) on his painting style (Fig. 15). Extant landscape paintings with figures from the first half of the Joseon period rarely include a precise date; by contrast, this arhat painting can be definitively dated to 1562. Therefore, the LACMA Deoksewi holds special significance for research both on Buddhist painting and on the development of the Zhe-school style in secular works of art from that time. Fig. 13. Deoksewi, face (Author’s photograph) Fig. 14. Deoksewi, patterning of the robe (Author’s photograph) Fig. 15. Deoksewi, infrared photograph of the landscape (Author’s photograph) Because the painting lacks a signature, it is virtually impossible to identify the artist who painted the LACMA Deoksewi. (In fact, most court-sponsored Buddhist works of art from the early Joseon period also lack artists’ signatures). Given that the painting’s patron, Queen Munjeong, was the most powerful figure of that era, and given that the painting boasts a stable composition, elegant brushwork, and skillful application of color, a court painter of exceptional skill likely created this work. Because this painting is similar in style to other Buddhist paintings commissioned by the royal family during the reign of King Myeongjong, it is possible that the same artist, or group of artists, was involved in the production of all of these works. The depiction of the arhat’s face and the patterning on his robe, for example, closely resemble the description of the face and clothing of the Buddha’s disciples in Gathering of the Four Buddhas (1562) (Fig. 16), a painting produced in exactly the same year for Yi Jongrin (李宗麟, 1536 – 1611), a member of the Yi royal family, who used the sobriquet “Pungsanjeong” (豊山正). The rock, moss, and pine tree in the LACMA Deoksewi also bear striking similarity to the rocks and tree branches in Thirty-two Responsive Manifestation of Avalokitesvara (Fig. 17), a painting produced in 1550 for Queen Gongui (恭懿王大妃, 1514 – 1577), the consort of King Injong (仁宗, r. 1544 – 1545). Fig. 16. Gathering of the Four Buddhas, detail. Joseon, 1562. Color on silk, 90.5 x 74.0cm. National Museum of Korea. Buddhist Painting of Korea vol. 39 (한국의 불화 39) (Seoul: Research Institute of Sungbo Cultural Heritage, 2007, p. 64) Fig. 17. Thirty-two Responsive Manifestation of Avalokitesvara, detail. Joseon, 1550. Color on silk, 201.6 × 151.8cm. Chion-in, Japan. Paintings of the Joseon Dynasty and Japan (朝鮮王朝の繪畵と日本) (Osaka: Yomiuri Shimbun, 2008, Fig. 101) The appearance of Buddhist paintings from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries varies according to the status of the patron, the basic polarities basically being royal patronage and popular patronage. Royal patronage refers to works produced for the Queen or the royal concubines, princes, other members of the royal family and their associates; popular patronage refers to works of art sponsored by regular officials or even people belonging to the secondary class of jungin (中人), or middle-level people. Paintings done under royal patronage follow the court style and set the standard for Buddhist painting of the era. Executed by the best painters of the day, court-style Buddhist paintings reflect exceptional artistic accomplishment in their elaborate compositions, refined depictions of landscapes, and clear focus on the subject. In particular, they typically sport a large amount of gold pigment. Two prominent examples are Sixteen Visions of the Contemplation Sutra, commissioned in 1465 by Prince Hyoryeong (孝寧大君, 1396 – 1486), the second son of King Taejong and the brother of King Sejong, and Ksitigarbha and the Ten Kings of the 18 Hells, produced between 1575 and 1577 for King Myeongjong’s royal concubine Sukbin of the Yun family (淑嬪 尹氏). Both paintings include a variety of motifs; the Sixteen Visions painting clearly delineates the “sixteen meditations” (十六觀) outlined in the Contemplation Sutra, while the Ksitigarbha painting features scenes of the underworld (冥府) with related religious icons, based on such Buddhist texts as the Ksitigarbha Sutra (地裝菩薩本願經). In the Thirty-two Responsive Manifestation of Avalokitesvara, which was produced for King Injong’s consort, the artist showcased his very accomplished talent by filling the entire composition with landscape elements. These court-style paintings are valued both for their outstanding artistic merit and for their extensive use of gold pigment, especially in the patterns on the figures’ clothing. The LACMA Deoksewi reflects many of these characteristics of court-style Buddhist painting from the early Joseon period. The artist highlights the arhat motif, embellishing his robe with beautiful patterns in gold, and embraces an energetic expression of the landscape with well-balanced composition and detailed brushwork, resulting in a very highly finished appearance. The artist must have possessed considerable understanding of the tradition of representing arhats. Compared to paintings of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, paintings of arhats typically feature extensive use of ink and a highly detailed, naturalistic description of facial features. The LACMA Deoksewi follows that tradition, particularly in the application of ink; compared to the Goryeo example (Fig. 9), however, the figure is more slender and elongated. In addition, the gold patterns appear over the entire robe, but in the Goryeo example the patterns appear mainly on the edges of the robes. In that context, the LACMA Deoksewi follows the basic style of arhat painting established in the Goryeo period but also incorporates intricate details, a characteristic of the Joseon courtpainting style. Although it shares stylistic elements with contemporary court-sponsored Buddhist paintings, it nevertheless retains characteristics that are particular to the specific genre of arhat painting. The court-style of depicting arhats, as revealed by the LACMA Deoksewi, inspired arhat paintings done by temple monks under popular patronage. No early Joseon paintings of individual arhats done under popular patronage remain today, so none can be directly compared to the LACMA Deoksewi. Even so, many Buddhist paintings done under popular patronage and featuring the sixteen arhats or the ten disciples survive; in those paintings the figures are portrayed in a manner similar to the arhats in court-style Buddhist paintings, including the LACMA Deoksewi. For example, the face of the old monk known as Mahakasyapa (摩訶迦葉尊者) in the late sixteenth-century painting Preaching Shakyamuni Buddha—in the collection of Kōshō-ji Temple (興正寺), Kyoto, Japan—closely resembles the description of the arhat in the LACMA painting. The facial wrinkles, the eyebrows, and the manner in which the artist depicted the figure’s beard are similar in both works. Arhats and monks represented in other contemporary paintings, such as Preaching Shakyamuni Buddha (1569) in the old collection of Hōkō-ji Temple (寶光寺), Kameoka, Kyoto Prefecture, Japan, and Nectar Ritual (1580) in a private Korean collection, also share similarities with the arhat in the LACMA scroll in terms of the shape of the faces, long eyebrows, and other physical features. The LACMA Deoksewi, the only remaining arhat painting from Queen Munjeong’s commission, illustrates the court-style of Buddhist painting from the sixteenth-century, just as it also demonstrates how the court style stood as a stylistic model for Buddhist paintings done under popular patronage. Conclusion The LACMA Deoksewi is one of the 200 paintings of arhats produced for Hyangnimsa Temple in 1562, a set commissioned by Queen Munjeong in supplication for the health and longevity of her son, King Myeongjong, and to ensure a line of prosperous descendants. Queen Munjeong played a key role in reviving Buddhism in the sixteenth century and enthusiastically engaged in arhat worship as part of her sponsorship of services at Buddhist temples. Arhats are spiritual beings that possess divine power to extend lifespans and reward worshippers with both good fortune and long life in the terrestrial world. Queen Munjeong appealed to these beings for the welfare of her son, King Myeongjong, and her grandson, both of whom suffered from illness, and for her own wellbeing as she approached old age. The LACMA painting focuses on the figure of Deoksewi, the 153rd of the 500 arhats, and presents him seated on a rock and reading a Buddhist sutra, without any attendant figures. Only the inscription in the upper right corner of the painting indicates his identity. Both the composition and the iconography indicate that the set of arhat paintings commissioned by Queen Munjeong closely followed the Goryeo tradition, as evinced by the set of 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period. It is also important that the name of the arhat, as recorded in the inscription, corresponds to an independent arhat genealogy developed in Korea. Representative of the sixteenth-century court-painting style, the painting is notable for its artistic sophistication. The artist’s skill is evident in the stable composition, delicate lines, and exceptionally forceful brushstrokes; the subtle description of the arhat’s expression imparts spiritual force. The LACMA Deoksewi painting provides a window onto both the spiritual beliefs of Queen Munjeong, the Joseon royal court’s most representative Buddhist practitioner and sponsor of Buddhism, and the style, iconography, and function of arhat paintings of that era. It also reveals the unique characteristics that distinguish Joseon arhat paintings from contemporaneous Chinese and Japanese paintings of arhats.

Suryukjae (水陸齋) is a major Korean Buddhist ritual intended to guide the souls of the departed to Paradise. Performance of the ritual, which had been transmitted to Korea from China during the Goryeo Dynasty (高麗, 918 – 1392), became widespread in the succeeding Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮, 1392 – 1910). As indicated by its name, which means ritual for the “deliverance of creatures of water and land,” the Suryukjae ritual brings together entities of opposite nature—the living and the dead, for example, and the enlightened (Buddhas and bodhisattvas) and the unenlightened (sentient beings). A ritual of equality and non-distinction, it features a symbolic, well-developed narrative supported by artistic, musical, and dance elements. Suryukjae rituals performed early in the Joseon period can be interpreted as attempts by King Taejo (太祖, r. 1392 – 1398), founder of the Joseon Dynasty, to appease the souls of the Goryeo royal family members that he killed in the process of founding a new dynasty. The rituals also served to promote social cohesion and to solidify the foundations of the nation. For this reason, the Suryukjae ritual was frequently performed on a grand scale by state officials during the early Joseon period. Once Neo-Confucianism had been firmly established as the underlying ideology of the Joseon social order, however, this ritual was performed less frequently under state sponsorship, but it remained popular among the general public. Extant Suryukjae ritual manuals suggest that such texts were actively published throughout the nation from the fifteenth through the eighteenth century. This article reconstructs the structure and arrangement of the Suryukjae ritual through the examination of relevant Buddhist paintings in the collection of the National Museum of Korea. Most of the related paintings were acquired one-by-one beginning in the 1990s and, though related to the Suryukjae ritual, they are unrelated in date of creation and place of use. Even so, the various types of the Suryukjae-related paintings in the museum collection will play a significant role in future research and exhibitions, as the ritual is gaining renewed popularity today. An examination of those paintings that relate to each step of the Suryukjae ritual will deepen understanding of the ritual itself and the related artworks. The Procedures and Narrative of the Suryukjae Ritual Numerous ritual manuals describe the procedures of the Suryukjae ritual. Typically edited by monks, Suryukjae ritual manuals published in Korea are organized differently from those published in China. Major manuals from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries include Suryukjae mucha pyeongdeung jaeui chwaryo (水陸無遮平等齋儀撮要, Ritual for Water and Land as an Unobstructed, Equal Ritual; hereafter “Chwaryo”)1 and Cheonji myeongyang suryuk jaeui chanyo (天地冥陽水陸齋儀纂要, Ritual for Heaven and Earth, the Netherworld and This World, and Water and Land; hereafter “Chanyo”).2 All of these records tell a similar story and assist in understanding the development of the Suryukjae narrative. Other ritual manuals published in the eighteenth century, such as Cheonji myeongyang suryuk jaeui beomeum sanbojip (天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集, Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ritual for Heaven and Earth, the Netherworld and This World, and Water and Land; hereafter “Beomeum sanbojip”),3 include excerpts from various Suryukjae records. Though not a Suryukje ritual manual, the nineteenth-century Jakbeop gwigam (作法龜鑑, Model for the Performance of Rituals) serves as an important historical reference on various Buddhist rituals and the litanies used. The major ritual manual from the twentieth century, Seongmun uibeom (釋門儀範, Rules for Buddhist Rituals) is similar in composition to Jakbeop gwigam but contains separate section on the Suryukjae ritual. It is difficult to present a single, fixed liturgy for the Suryukjae ritual because procedures differ slightly according to the manual consulted and the chronological period involved (as changes occurred over time). To enhance understanding of the ritual, reference is made to two interpretations of the Suryukjae ritual that have been revived today: the ritual as performed at Jingwansa Temple (津寬寺) in Eunpyeong-gu, Seoul, and the ritual as performed at Samhwasa Temple (三和寺) in Samcheok, Gangwon Province. The procedures and narrative structure of these two contemporaneous interpretations of the Suryukjae ritual are as follows: 1. Siryeon (侍輦, Escorting the deities on the palanquin): Monks carry a palanquin outside the temple gate in order to escort to the ritual site the Buddhas, bodhisattvas, lonely spirits (孤魂), and other beings invited to participate in the rite (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Siryeon (Ushering in on the palanquin), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 2. Daeryeong (對靈, Greeting the lonely spirits): The lonely spirits are invoked and given an offering of tea. These spirits still retain the suffering and karma of past lives, which requires them to wait outside the inner gate of the temple (Fig. 2). Fig. 2. Daeryeong (Greeting the spirits), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 3. Gwanyok (灌浴, Bathing): Ceremonial cleansing of the spirits of the deceased to signify the washing away of past karma and suffering. Separate bathing places are prepared for male and female spirits, and for those of high rank and those of low rank. Bathing utensils are also laid out, including towels, willow branches (in place of toothbrushes), mirrors, paper clothes, and basins. The ritual manuals indicate that Buddhas and bodhisattvas were ceremonially bathed as a gesture of respect, rather than to wash away the suffering and karma of past lives (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Gwanyokso (Bathing place), Suryukjae held at Samhwasa Temple, Donghae (Author’s photograph) 4. Gwaebul iun (掛佛移運, Transporting the hanging scroll): In this rite, the gwaebul (掛佛), which is a large Buddhist hanging scroll intended for use in outdoor ceremonies, is carried to the ritual site to be installed on the platform, symbolizing both the arrival and the presence of the Buddha as the most important figure in the rite (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Gwaebul iun (Setting up the gwaebul painting), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 5. Yeongsan jakbeop (靈山作法, Vulture Peak rite): This rite is a symbolic reenactment of Shakyamuni Buddha’s sermon on the Vulture Peak in India. It comprises an invocation of the Buddhas Shakyamuni, Prabhutaratna, and Amitabha, and the bodhisattvas Manjushri, Samantabhadra, Avalokitesvara, and Mahasthamaprapta; a recitation of sutras; and the presentation of offerings to the deities (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Yeongsan jakpbeop (Vulture Peak rite), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 6. Sajadan (使者壇, Rite for the Messengers of the Four Units of Time): In this rite, the Messenger of the Years, the Messenger of the Months, the Messenger of the Days, and the Messenger of the Hours are invoked and implored to spread word to the beings of all levels of existence that the Suryukjae ritual is to be performed (Fig. 6). Fig. 6. Sajadan (Rite for the Messengers of the Four Units of Time), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 7. Orodan (五路壇, Opening the roads in five directions): The Emperors of the Five Directions (South, North, East, West, and Center) are invoked and beseeched to open the roads in all five directions so that sentient beings of the land can reach the site of the Suryukjae ritual unobstructed (Fig. 7). Fig. 7. Orodan (Opening the roads in the five directions), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 8. Sangdan gwongong (上壇勸供, Offerings to the uppermost altar): Buddhas, bodhisattvas, sages, and the Three Jewels of Buddhism (representing the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha, or Monastic Community), who occupy the uppermost altar, are invoked and given offerings of food (Fig. 8). Fig. 8. Sangdan gwongong (Offerings to the uppermost altar), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 9. Jungdan gwongong (中壇勸供, Offerings to the middle altar): The Three Bodhisattvas who occupy the middle altar—Divyagarbhah Bodhisattva and the retinue of heaven; Dharanimdhara and the retinue of earth; and Ksitigarbha and the retinue of the underworld—are invoked and given offerings of food (Fig. 9). Fig. 9. Jungdan gwongong (Offerings to the middle altar), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 10. Hadan sisik (下壇施食, Offerings to the lowermost altar): The lonely spirits, who occupy the lowermost altar, are invoked and offered food (Fig. 10). Fig. 10. Hadan sisik (Feeding the lonely spirits at the lowermost altar), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 11. Bongsong hoehyang (奉送回向, Dismissal): When the ceremony has been completed, all the beings participating in Suryukjae ritual are dismissed. This is symbolically expressed by burning spirit tablets, banners, flowers, and other accoutrements used in the ritual (Fig. 11). Fig. 11. Bongsong hoehyang (Dismissal), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) Buddhist Paintings and Suryukjae Rituals Connection between Buddhist Paintings and Suryukjae Rituals The close connection between Buddhist paintings and Suryukjae rituals is evinced by a number of Buddhist paintings that depict or directly relate to the contents of the ritual. Such paintings are not necessarily devoted exclusively to the Suryukjae ritual, so the Suryukjae ritual must be examined in relation to other Buddhist rituals. Gwaebul, the large hanging scrolls usually used in outdoor ceremonies, for example, were used in Suryukjae rituals as well as in such other large outdoor events as the Giujae (祈雨齋, rainmaking ritual), Yesujae (豫修齋, rite for purification of the body and spirit before death), Sasipgujae (四十九齋, rite for the 49th day after death), and Seongdojae (成道齋, commemoration of Buddha’ s enlightenment) (Lee Youngsook 2003, 42-45). The Amitabha Triad, Seven Buddhas, and lonely spirits who appear in Nectar Ritual paintings (甘露圖, gamnodo) are mentioned in Suryukjae manuals, but are also frequently mentioned in manuals for other rituals offering food to the souls of the deceased. It can therefore be assumed that Nectar Ritual paintings were used in Suryukjae ceremonies as well as in offering rituals of smaller scale. In short, not all Buddhist ritual paintings were used in Suryukjae ceremonies, nor were Suryukjae paintings used in all Buddhist rituals. Suryukjae ceremonies are large in scale, involve numerous individuals, and require significant time and resources. The ritual encompasses many different rites for the Buddhas, bodhisattvas, souls of the deceased, and lonely spirits. An examination of Buddhist paintings in the context of the Suryukjae ritual is thus necessary for understanding Buddhist ritual paintings of the Joseon Dynasty. Apart from paintings, such ritual accoutrements as palanquins and spirit tablets also played an important role in the Suryukje ritual, as briefly explained below. Buddhist Paintings and Ritual Accoutrements Used in Suryukjae Rituals 1. Ushering in on the Palanquin (Siryeon), Greeting the Spirits (Daeryeong), and Bathing (Gwanyok) 1) Palanquin Siryeon is the symbolic ushering in on a palanquin (輦) of the deities and spirits. The inscriptions on extant ritual palanquins—such as “upper jade palanquin” (上位玉輦), “middle palanquin” (中輦), and “lower palanquin” (下輦)—refer to the position of the entity within the palanquin during the rite (i.e., uppermost altar, middle altar, or lowermost altar), and indicate that the palanquins were divided into three types for the different altars, respectively. Although the collection of the National Museum of Korea lacks any such palanquins, a representative example of a Buddhist ritual palanquin is preserved at Buryeongsa Temple (佛影寺) in Uljin, North Gyeongsang Province; this particular palanquin dates to 1670 (Fig. 12). Fig. 12. Palanquin at Buryeongsa Temple, Uljin. 1670 (Cultural Heritage Administration) 2) Painting of the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva In Buddhist rites, when appropriate to invoke the souls of the deceased, the master of the rites calls to the souls who have been met by the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva (引路王菩薩) and requests that they pay their respects to the Three Jewels. In advance of appearing before the Three Jewels, however, the souls of the deceased require the intervention and assistance of the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva, who eventually will also guide them to Paradise. Moved by equality, we offer this food without discrimination and hang the banner of the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva and recite the secret words as we invoke the spirits of the dead. We pray that with the power of the supernatural the crowds will gather at this site and taste the nectar and delectable food, and receive the precepts of the Bodhi tree... With one heart we invoke thee three times. With one heart we believe in and invoke the Great Soul-guiding Bodhisattva, carrying a jeweled parasol and wearing a flower garland, who guides clean souls to Paradise and the souls of the dead on the blue lotus platform. We pray that you will take pity on all sentient beings and descend on this site. “今乃 運平等心 設食無遮 爲汝竪引路神幡 爲汝誦招魂密語 願承呪力 雲集道場 享甘露之羞 受菩提之戒法...謹秉一心 先陳三請 南無一心奉請 手擎寶蓋 身掛花鬘 導淸魂於極樂界中 引亡靈向碧蓮臺畔 大聖引路王菩薩 摩訶薩 惟願慈悲 憐愍有情 降臨道場” (Yim Jonguk 2007, 89-90 and 247-248) Typically symbolized by a ritual banner embroidered with his name (南無大聖引路王菩薩), the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva is occasionally depicted in paintings as well. The collection of the National Museum of Korea includes a painting entitled Soul-guiding Bodhisattva, which was acquired in 2010 (Fig. 13). Although usually depicted with a banner to guide the souls, in this painting, the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva clasps his hands together before his chest and is poised to move forward, flanked by the banners carried by the youthful monk and nun. Most of the text originally inscribed on the painting have been lost, but the characters “乾隆” (Qianlong) remain legible, indicating that the work dates to the Qianlong era (1736 – 1795) of China’s Qing dynasty (清, 1644 – 1912). Fig. 13. Soul-guiding Bodhisattva. Joseon, 1736 – 1795. Color on silk, 55 × 37.6cm (National Museum of Korea) 3) Spirit Tablets and Votive Tablets Though identical in appearance, spirit tablets (位牌) and votive tablets (願牌) have different functions. A spirit tablet symbolizes a particular subject according to the name inscribed on it—a deity or the soul of a deceased relative, for example—while a votive tablet is inscribed with prayers and wishes. Both spirit tablets and votive tablets are permanently enshrined on altars or are used in special ceremonies, such as the Suryukjae and other rituals. According to Suryukjae ritual manuals, all three levels of beings can be symbolized with spirit tablets: the Buddhas and Three Jewels of the uppermost altar, the Three Bodhisattvas of the middle altar, and the lonely spirits and spirits of the deceased of the lowermost altar. Paintings of the Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and lonely spirits could have served the same function, but portable symbolic devices were required in order to permit the subjects of the rituals to be moved for different rites and procedures, such as the invocation and the arrival of the subjects at the ritual, bathing, worship of the Buddhas and bodhisattvas, and the dismissal. Beomeum sanbojip, a ritual manual published in 1721 at Jungheungsa Temple (重興寺) on Mt. Samgak, Seoul, contains various instructions indicating that the spirit tablets were physically carried and moved during the proceedings, such as “Take up the tablet of Buddha and enter the bathing room” (奉佛牌 入於浴室), “Take up the tablets of the Tripitaka Bodhisattvas and enter the bathing room” (奉三藏牌 入於浴室) and “Take up the tablet of the lonely spirits and move forward to the food-offering altar” (侍位板 詣施食壇) (Kim Dujae 2012, 138, 147 and 155). The National Museum of Korea possesses a tablet inscribed “十方三寶慈尊,” which translates into English as “Three Jewels of the ten directions” (Fig. 15). Often called the “Ritual Tablet of the Three Jewels,” this tablet symbolizes the Three Jewels of Buddhism (the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha), the beings invoked on the uppermost altar in various Buddhist rites as an object of worship. Tongdosa Museum at Tongdosa Temple (通度寺聖寶博物館) in Yangsan, South Gyeongsang Province, has two spirit tablets of the Three Jewels; one is similar in shape to the tablet in the National Museum of Korea, and the other is dated to 1684. The same museum also has a spirit tablet bearing an inscription that reads “十類孤魂等衆,” a reference to the lonely spirits, which indicates that the tablet belonged on the lowermost altar. Votive tablets often occur in sets of three and bear inscribed prayers for the longevity of the king (“主上殿下壽萬歲”), the queen (“王妃殿下壽齊年”), and the crown prince (“世子邸下壽千秋”). It is assumed that, under normal usage, these tablets were enshrined indoors on the altar and taken outdoors to the ritual altar only for special ceremonies. The 1890 Nectar Ritual painting of Buramsa Temple (佛巖寺) in Namyangju, Gyeonggi Province, depicts two votive tablets at the top of the ritual altar; it is assumed that those tablets bear inscribed prayers for the longevity of the king and queen (Fig. 14). The 1892 Nectar Ritual painting belonging to Bongeunsa Temple (奉恩寺), Seoul, depicts votive tables on the altar, the tablets offering prayers for the longevity of the king, queen, and crown prince as well as the queen dowager. Fig. 14. Votive tablet on the altar, detail from Nectar Ritual at Buramsa Temple. Joseon, 1890. Color on silk, 165.5 × 195.0cm. Buddhist Painting of Korea vol. 33 (한국의 불화 33) (Seoul: Research Institute of Sungbo Cultural Heritage, 2004, Fig. 61) Fig. 15. Ritual Tablet of the Three Jewels of the Ten Directions. Joseon. Wood. Height: 41cm (National Museum of Korea) The collection of the National Museum of Korea includes the Votive Tablet with Inscription Wishing for the Longevity of the King (Fig. 16) and the Votive Tablet with Inscription Wishing for the Longevity of the Crown Prince (Fig. 17). An inscription on the underside of the pedestal of the votive tablet for the king dates the tablet to 1701. Fig. 16. Votive Tablet with Inscription Wishing for the Longevity of the King. Joseon, 1701. Wood. Height: 86cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 17. Votive Tablet with Inscription Wishing for the Longevity of the Crown Prince. Joseon, 1701. Wood. Height: 79.6cm (National Museum of Korea) 2. Moving the Hanging Scroll (Gwaebul iun) and the Vulture Peak Rite (Yeongsan jakbeop) Large hanging scroll paintings, or gwaebul, are featured in two parts of the Suryukjae ritual: the rite of carrying the hanging scroll to the area where the ritual will be performed and the Vulture Peak rite. Manuals devoted to the Suryukjae ritual generally do not mention or describe these two procedures. Though not necessarily associated exclusively with the Suryukjae ritual, these procedures were performed as preparatory ceremonies before the ritual proper, particularly before the Suryukjae and Yesujae rituals. The relevance of gwaebul paintings to the Suryukjae ritual is demonstrated by the inscriptions on the Gwaebul of Jeokcheonsa Temple (磧川寺) in Cheongdo, North Gyeongsang Province (dated to 1695), and the Gwaebul of the Magoksa Temple (麻谷寺) in Gongju, South Chungcheong Province (dated to 1832). The inscription on the former states that a Suryukjae ritual was performed to commemorate the completion of the painting and that the painting was subsequently used in the rite. The inscription on the latter states that the painting was repaired in 1831 when the first story of the two-story Daeungbojeon (大雄寶殿), the main hall of the temple, was repaired, and that it was taken out again for use in the Suryukjae ritual in the fourth month of the following year (Kim Jeonghui 2004, 18-19). The National Museum of Korea owns the Gwaebul (dated to 1684) from Buseoksa Temple (浮石寺) in Yeongju, North Gyeongsang Province (Fig. 18). Fig.18. Gwaebul from Buseoksa Temple. Joseon, 1684. Color on silk, 925 × 577.5cm (National Museum of Korea) 3. Rite for the Messengers of the Four Units of Time (Sajadan) and the Rite for the Emperors of the Five Directions (Orodan) Preparatory procedures performed before the Suryukjae ritual proper, the Rite for the Messengers of the Four Units of Time (Sajadan) and the Rite for the Emperors of the Five Directions (Orodan) are described in all Suryukjae manuals. Many extant paintings depicting the Messengers and the Emperors, the subjects of these rites, likely were used in the Suryukjae rituals. The Messengers of the Four Units of Time bear a superficial resemblance to the Messengers from the Underworld—Jikbusaja (直符使者) and Gamjaesaja (監齊使者)—and thus the Messengers of the Four Units of Time have been perceived as messengers sent from the underworld to the homes of the dead to evaluate and confirm their deeds in life. Even so, the Messengers from the Underworld are usually depicted as a pair, while the four messengers always appear as a group in Suryukjae ritual manuals, suggesting that the Messengers of the Four Units of Time actually are distinct from the Messengers from the Underworld. In the litanies of Suryukjae rituals, the Messengers of the Four Units of Time are addressed as follows: With one heart we call on the Messenger of Heaven and the Years, With one heart we call on the Messenger of the Air and the Months, With one heart we call on the Messenger of the Land and the Days, With one heart we call on the Messenger of the Underworld and the Hours. “一心奉請 年直四天使者 一心奉請 月直空行使者 一心奉請 日直地行使者 一心奉請 時直琰魔使者” (Kim Dujae 2011, 584). The Messengers of the Four Units of Time...have become messengers bearing a secret message from heaven to the human world... We ask that you now carry this notice to the underworld, riding on the clouds, and quickly convey the message. “執天上之符文 作人間之捷使...更請從容 文牒幸謝於賚持 雲程願希於馳赴” (Kim Dujae 2011, 522 and 524). As we send this document we pray that with the power of the Three Jewels you will travel all over the world and do as we ask with all the sincerity of your hearts. “發送啓文 願承三寶之威光 歷徧十方之世界 凡當所請 盡達至誠” (Yim Jonguk 2007, 41 and 290). The Emperors of the Five Directions are the deities who control North, South, East, West, and Center. In the litanies of Suryukjae rituals, they are addressed as follows: With one heart we call on the Emperor of the East, With one heart we call on the Emperor of the South, With one heart we call on the Emperor of the West, With one heart we call on the Emperor of the North, With one heart we call on the Emperor of the Center. “一心奉請 東方句芒輔弼 太皥之君 一心奉請 南方祝融輔弼 炎帝之君 一心奉請 西方蓐收輔弼 少皥之君 一心奉請 北方玄冥輔弼 顓頊之君 一心奉請 中方飛簾輔弼 黃帝之君”(Kim Dujae 2011, 585-586). If by chance the roads in the five directions are not opened, we are concerned that it will be difficult for all sundry spirits to gather here... As the human world and heaven and hell, devils and asuras have not yet reached the level of saints, how can they possess majesty and divine powers? It is our concern that they will face obstacles and problems at every pass... We pray that as the deities controlling the five directions you will open wide all the doors leading to enlightenment. “若不開於五路 恐難集於萬靈 由是 謹具香燈 先伸供養 切以 人天地獄 鬼畜修羅 未登聖位之流 豈有威神之力 經歷分野 慮有障違...惟願五方地主 五位神祇 大開方便之門” (Kim Dujae 2011, 526; Yim Jonguk 2007, 43 and 287-288) As indicated by the texts above, at the beginning of the Suryukjae ritual the Messengers of the Four Units of Time carry a message to the underworld announcing that the ritual will be performed. Their names—Messenger of Heaven and the Years, Messenger of the Air and the Months, Messenger of the Land and the Days, and Messenger of the Underworld and the Hours—are symbolic of time and space. Also at the beginning of the ritual, the Emperors of the Five Directions open the roads in the five directions in order to enable all beings invited to the rite to attend freely. The five directions are symbolic of all directions. Therefore, the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and the Emperors of the Five Directions symbolize the universal and open characteristics of the Suryukjae ritual. Paintings of the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and of the Emperors of the Five Directions were used in two preparatory procedures of the Suryukjae ritual: Sajadan and Orodan. Paintings on these themes first appeared in written records from the sixteenth century, but the oldest extant examples are the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and the Emperors of the Five Directions. Preserved at Gaesimsa Temple (開心寺) in Seosan, South Chungcheong Province, the two paintings, both of which date to 1676, were designated as Korean National Treasures in 2012. In general, each of the four messengers and five emperors is represented in a separate scroll; however, as with the Gaesimsa paintings, they are sometimes depicted in groups. The National Museum of Korea possesses a painting titled Messengers of the Four Units of Time, which depicts all four figures together in one composition (Fig. 19). The scroll has sustained damage, and some pigment has flaked off; even so, it is not difficult to imagine the painting’s original appearance. Infra-red photographic analysis of the traces of ink at the bottom revealed an inscription reading “康〇二〇六年歲在丁卯七月日造成也,” which indicates that the painting was produced in 1687, using the Chinese Kangxi era (康熙, 1662-1722) for dating purposes. This is the earliest known painting representing the Messengers of the Four Units of Time; its grouping of all four messengers in a single composition further underscores its rarity. The National Museum of Korea collection also includes a painting of one of the Five Emperors, though the identity of the emperor depicted is uncertain (as it lacks both inscription and identifying attributes) (Fig. 20). Fig. 19. Messengers of the Four Units of Time. Joseon, 1687. Color on silk, 110 × 120.5cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 20. Emperors of the Five Directions. Late Joseon Dynasty. Color on silk, 87.2 × 61.2cm (National Museum of Korea) 4. Uppermost Altar Rite (Sangdan gwongong) The uppermost altar of the Suryukjae ritual is centered on the triad of Vairocana, Rocana and Sakyamuni Buddhas, as indicated by numerous gwaebul paintings featuring this triad. The uppermost altar rite focuses on worship of the Buddha, though there is some overlap with the Vulture Peak rite (Yeongsan jakbeop), which focuses on Shakyamuni. Gwaebul paintings featuring Shakyamuni’s sermon on Vulture Peak show the influence of the Vulture Peak rite. Occasionally, more than four Buddhas appear in one gwaebul painting, which likely reflects the people’s desire to include as many as possible of the diverse Buddhas that appear in the litanies of the rituals. The Gwaebul from Buseoksa Temple in the National Museum of Korea features numerous Buddhas, with Vairocana, Shakyamuni, Amitabha, and Bhaisajyaguru as central figures. 5. Middle Altar Rite (Jungdan gwongong) The middle altar of the Suryukjae ritual depicts the Bodhisattvas of the Three Realms and their retinues. According to Suryukjae ritual manuals, the triad comprises Divyagarbhah (天藏菩薩, Heaven-store Bodhisattva), Dharanimdhara (持地菩薩, Earth-holding Bodhisattva), and Ksitigarbha (地藏菩薩, Earth-store Bodhisattva). Suryukjae ritual manuals demonstrate that the following litany was recited after invoking the names of the Three Bodhisattvas (Kim Dujae 2011, 534 and 536; Yim Jonguk 2007, 68 and 269): I take refuge in Divyagarbhah. I take refuge in Dharanimdhara. I take refuge in Ksitigarbha. “南無天藏菩薩 南無地持菩薩 南無地藏菩薩”(Kim Dujae 2012, 145 and 150). The painting of the Three Bodhisattvas is placed on the middle altar. The earliest known Korean painting of these bodhisattvas is Divyagarbhah dated to 1541, which is preserved at Tamon-ji Temple (多聞寺) in Higashikurume, Tokyo, Japan. Some sixty Joseon-period paintings of the Three Bodhisattvas are known. In 2010 the National Museum of Korea acquired one work titled Three Bodhisattvas (Fig. 21). Any inscription that originally might have been associated with the painting has disappeared, so the exact date of production is impossible to know from textual sources, but the painting’s style and composition suggest that it likely was produced in the eighteenth century. Following the usual compositional organization, Divyagarbhah is featured in the middle, Dharanimdhara to the right, and Ksitigarbha to the left. Fig.21. Three Bodhisattvas. Joseon, 18th century. Color on silk, 214.5 × 213cm (National Museum of Korea) 6. Lowermost Altar Rite (Hadan Sisik) 1) Nectar Ritual Painting The Nectar Ritual painting is the one most closely associated with the lowermost altar. Many studies have examined Nectar Ritual paintings in relation to the litanies of the Suryukjae ritual. Descriptions in ritual manuals of the lowermost-altar subjects in the Suryukjae ritual reveal the close relationship to the iconography of Nectar Ritual paintings. The subjects of the lowermost altar listed in the Chanyo mostly coincide with the subjects found at the bottom of Nectar Ritual paintings (Yun Eunhui 2003, 29-32). Aside from those at the bottom, other iconographic elements in other areas of the paintings also show a close connection with the content of Suryukjae ritual manuals, making it clear that the Suryukjae ritual played a decisive role in establishing the iconography of Nectar Ritual paintings (Kim Seunghee 2009, 113-154). Table 1. Names and Functions of the Five Buddhas and the Seven Buddhas Category Name Function Seven Buddhas Five Buddhas Dabo Buddha (多寶如來, Prabhutaratna, Abundant Treasures Buddha) Helps lonely spirits break the chain of greed and receive the Buddha's teachings as blessings and virtue Myosaeksin Buddha (妙色 身如來, Surupakaya, Fine Form Body Buddha) Removes the ugliness from lonely spirits so that they may obtain a perfect appearance Gwangbaksin Buddha (廣 博身如來, Vipulakaya, Broad and Extensive Body Buddha) Helps sentient beings still in the samsara cycle of transmigration, or birth and rebirth, to free themselves of their bodies and realize that they are free and unobstructed beings Ipo-oe Buddha (離怖畏如 來, Abhayamkara, Buddha Freed from Fear) Removes all fears so that the lonely spirits may have the joy of reaching Nirvana Gamnowang Buddha (甘露 王如來, Amrtaraja) Opens the mouths and throats of lonely spirits so that they may taste the necta Boseung Buddha (寶昇如 來, Ratnaketu, Jewel-born Buddha) Leads spirits to leave unwanted paths as they will on the cycle of transmigration Amitabha Buddha (阿彌陀如來) Enables sentient beings to reach Nirvana and enter Paradise as they will The National Museum of Korea owns three Nectar Ritual scrolls: a Nectar Ritual presumed to date to the sixteenth century, donated by Ejima Kodo (江島孝導) in 2010 (Fig. 22); a Nectar Ritual from Boseoksa Temple (寶石寺) in Geumsan, South Chungcheong Province, which bears an inscription dated to 1649 (Fig. 23); and a Nectar Ritual, believed to date to the eighteenth century (Fig. 24). Fig. 22. Nectar Ritual. Joseon, 16th century. Color on hemp, 240 × 246cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 23. Nectar Ritual from Boseoksa Temple. Joseon, 1649. Color on hemp, 220 × 235cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 24. Nectar Ritual. Joseon, 18th century. Color on hemp, 200.7 × 193cm (National Museum of Korea) 2) Paintings of the Five Buddhas and the Seven Buddhas The Five Buddhas and the Seven Buddhas appearing on the uppermost altar of Nectar Ritual paintings are represented by banners depicting the same figures in the Suryukjae ritual. References to the invocation of the Five Buddhas and the Seven Buddhas occur in all ritual manuals and litanies for offering food to the spirits at the lowermost altar. The role of these deities is to provide nectar to lonely spirits in order to save them and to lead them to rebirth in Paradise. Their names and functions are listed in the table below. The Five Buddhas painting preserved at Tongdosa Temple and the Seven Buddhas scroll preserved at Namjangsa Temple (南長寺) in Sangju, North Gyeongsang Province, are exceptional examples of full sets of Buddhas. The National Museum of Korea has separate paintings of several of the Buddhas but does not own a full set of either group. The museum collection includes one Gwangbaksin Buddha (Fig. 25), and one each of Boseung Buddha (Fig. 26) and Ipo-oe Buddha (Fig. 27) from a set of the Seven Buddhas. In 2008 the National Museum of Korea purchased a painting of Myosaeksin Buddha (Fig. 28), and in 2013 it acquired the 1806 painting of Dabo Buddha (Fig. 29) from the same set of Seven Buddhas. These two paintings are of the approximately same size and style as the painting of Boseung Buddha (Fig. 30) in the Tongdosa Museum. The inscriptions on the paintings prove that the same artists were involved in the production of all three works, thus confirming that these three paintings, all found in different places, originally belonged to the same set. The inscription on the newly acquired Dabo Buddha indicates that it was produced in 1806. Fig. 25. Gwangbaksin Buddha. Late Joseon Dynasty. Color on paper, 120 × 48.5cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 26. Boseung Buddha. Late Joseon Dynasty. Color on paper, 102.7 × 48.2cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 27. Ipo-oe Buddha. Late Joseon Dynasty. Color on paper, 100.3 × 46.1cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 28. Myosaeksin Buddha. Joseon, Color on silk, 1806. 139 × 68cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 29. Dabo Buddha. Joseon, 1806. Color on silk, 122 × 58cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 30. Boseung Buddha. Joseon, 1806. Color on silk, 122 × 62cm. Tongdosa Museum (Buddhist Painting of Korea vol. 2 (한국의 불화 2) (Seoul: Research Institute of Sungbo Cultural Heritage, 1996, Fig. 75) Acquired in 2010, the most complete set in the National Museum of Korea includes four of the Seven Buddhas—Boseung, Gwangbaksin, Ipo-oe and Gamnowang Buddhas (Figs. 31-34). The inscription on Gamnowang Buddha (“八金剛四菩...”) shows that the Seven Buddhas were painted at the same time as a set of the Eight Vajra Guardians and that of the Four Bodhisattvas. Fig. 31. Boseung Buddha. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on silk, 110 × 54cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig.32. Gwangbaksin Buddha. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on silk, 110 × 54cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 33. Ipo-oe Buddha. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on silk, 110 × 54cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 34. Gamnowang Buddha. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on silk, 110 × 54cm (National Museum of Korea) 3) Eight Vajra Guardians and Four Bodhisattvas The Eight Vajra Guardians are mentioned in the Diamond Sutra (金剛般若波羅蜜經) as guardians of people upholding and reciting the sutra. Among the Buddhist ritual paintings discovered at Gaesimsa Temple, Eight Vajra Guardians produced in 1772 bears an inscription that, in part, translates “When this gwaebul was painted, among the guardian deities Brahma, Sakra Devanam Indra, the Eight Vajra Guardians, and the Four Bodhisattvas...” (“掛佛幀造成時 擁護神衆 大梵帝釋 八大金剛 四位菩薩...”), which indicates that smaller paintings of these guardian deities were produced at the same time as the gwaebul for large-scale outdoor rituals like the Suryukjae ritual. In 2010, the National Museum of Korea acquired three of the Eight Vajra Guardians: Hwangsugu (Vajra of All Wish Fulfillment) (Fig. 35), Baekjeongsu (Vajra of Removing All Troubles) (Fig. 36), and Jeokseonghwa (Vajra of Penetrating Brightness) (Fig. 37). These three paintings appear to be part of the same set as the painting of an unnamed vajra deity in the collection of Dongguk University Museum, Seoul (Fig. 38). The National Museum of Korea also houses two paintings from a set of the Eight Vajra Guardians (Figs. 39 and 40) and two from a set of the Four Bodhisattvas (Figs. 41 and 42). Fig. 35. Eight Vajra Guardians (Hwangsugu). Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on paper, 99 × 60cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 36. Eight Vajra Guardians (Baekjeongsu). Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on paper, 99 × 60cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 37. Eight Vajra Guardians (Jeokseonghwa). Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on paper, 99 × 60cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 38. Eight Vajra Guardians. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on paper, 100 × 61cm. Dongguk University Museum. Buddhist Painting of Korea vol. 18 (한국의 불화 8) (Seoul: Research Institute of Sungbo Cultural Heritage, 1996, Fig. 47) Fig. 39. Eight Vajra Guardians. Joseon, 19th – 20th century. Color on paper, 123 × 67cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 40. Eight Vajra Guardians. Joseon, 19th – 20th century. Color on paper, 123 × 67cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 41. Four Bodhisattvas. Joseon, 19th – 20th century. Color on paper, 118 × 67cm (National Museum of Korea) Reconstruction of the Suryukjae Ritual It is difficult to ascertain exactly how the Suryukjae ritual was performed in the Joseon Dynasty and how it might have appeared; even so, it is possible to reconstruct, at least to some extent, the arrangement of the ritual site according to charts found in ritual manuals and temple layout plans from the time the Suryukjae ritual was most widely performed. The following organizational charts from the Beomeum sanbojip represent the basic source of information: “Organizational Chart of the Seventeen Altars for Suryukjae Over Three Days and Three Nights” from the 1721 version of Jungheungsa Temple and “Organizational Chart of the Twelve Altars for Suryukjae Over Three Days and Three Nights” from the 1739 version of Dorimsa Temple in Gokseong, South Jeolla Province (Fig. 43). In these charts, the uppermost, middle, and lowermost altars are all labeled as such. Though the deities in the middle altar differ from the Three Bodhisattvas typically associated with the middle altar of the Suryukjae ritual, the charts show consistency with the traditional arrangement of Buddhist ritual altars: uppermost altar in the north, middle altar in the east, and lowermost altar in the south, with the “inner gate” placed in the center and dividing the space. The uppermost and middle altars are inside the inner gate and thus are located in the purified world. Outside the inner gate are the altar of Ucchusma Vajra, where the unclean are purified, as well as the altars of guardian deities, such as the Vidyaraja (明王, Wisdom King), the Four Heavenly Kings, Indra, and the Eight Classes of Divine Beings (八部衆), all encircling the central space. Outside the inner gate and to its left and right are the altars of the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and the Emperors of the Five Directions. To the south is the lowermost altar, which is inscribed with a phrase that translates “All the lonely spirits in the world who died an unfortunate death before their time” and is flanked by altars for parents and for members of the royal family, bearing inscriptions stating “spirits of parents” and “spirits of kings and queens,” respectively. This indicates that the deceased parents and the deceased members of the royal family were counted among the lonely spirits of the lowermost altar, that they needed guidance to reach Paradise, and that they may have comprised part of the lowermost altar as indicated in Nectar Ritual paintings. Fig. 43. Uppermost, middle and lowermost altars in “Organization Chart of the Twelve Altars for Suryukjae over Three Days and Three Nights” (志磐三晝夜十二壇排設之圖). Joseon. Compilation of Buddhist Rituals and Relevant Records of Korea vol. 3 (한국불교의례자료총서 3권) (Seoul: Samseongam, 1993, p. 102) In these organizational charts, only the central courtyard of the temple is recognizable, and the names of the temple halls are barely seen. The inner gate at the center may be key to understanding the structure of the ritual site. Research in architectural history indicates that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a gate—a gate not found in contemporary Buddhist temple layouts—stood in the central courtyard in front of the main hall when Suryukjae rituals were performed, and that the main hall, inner gate, and gate-pavilion were all aligned one behind the other (Figs. 44 and 45) (Hong Byeonghwa 2010, 43-76 and 116-131). A representation of the Buddha likely appeared in the main hall, or perhaps a gwaebul painting was suspended in front of the main hall, that arrangement constituting the uppermost altar; the eastern wall of the main hall or the eastern side of the courtyard served as the middle altar with a painting of the Three Buddhas; and the gate-pavilion with a Nectar Ritual painting served as the lowermost altar (Fig. 46). Fig. 44. Changes in the arrangement of the central temple area in the Joseon Dynasty according to changes in outdoor rites. Nature and Significance of Buddhist Architecture of the Second Half of the Joseon Dynasty (조선후반기 불교건축의 성격과 의미) (Seoul: Yonsei University, 2010, Fig. 36) Fig. 45. Heungguksa Temple with an inner gate in front of the main hall: 1) Daeungjeon (main hall); 2) Beopwangmun Gate (1642); 3)Bonghwaru Pavilion (1729); 4) Cheongwangmun Gate. History of Architecture (건축역사연구) 62 (Seoul: Korean Association of Architectural History, 2009, Fig. 5) Fig. 46. Recreation of the Suryukjae ritual site When used today, Nectar Ritual paintings typically appear in the main hall of a temple, but records show that they were also hung in elevated pavilions or in bell pavilions in the past. For instance, a Nectar Ritual painting (dated to 1741) was hung in the Bonghwangru (鳳凰樓, Phoenix Pavilion) of Heungguksa Temple (興國寺) in Yeocheon, Gyeonggi Province; a Nectar Ritual painting (1765) was hung in the Manseru (萬歲樓, Pavilion of Ten Thousand Years) of Bongjeongsa Temple (鳳停寺) in Andong, North Gyeongsang Province; such a painting (1896) was hung in the Jonggak (鐘閣, Bell Pavilion) of Donghwasa Temple (桐華寺) in Daegu; and a Nectar Ritual painting (1900) was displayed in the Manseru (萬歲樓) of Tongdosa Temple. These records also indirectly indicate the location of the lowermost altar at these temples during the performance of the Suryukjae ritual and other large outdoor ceremonies. The Buddhist painter Seokjeong (石鼎, 1928 – 2012) said, “These days, Nectar Ritual paintings are hung on a side wall of the main hall, but in the past they were hung on the elevated pavilion facing the main hall. If the hall was small, the rites were held on the elevated pavilion facing the main hall and the lonely spirits were led to Paradise with a Nectar Ritual painting on the side wall of the pavilion.” His statement also helps in determining the location of the Nectar Ritual painting at the Suryukjae ritual site (Seokjeong 1995, 245). Outside the inner gate, the altars to the left and right feature paintings of the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and the Emperors of the Five Directions. There is no exact correlation between the names of the guardian deities on the charts and the figures on extant Buddhist paintings: even so, it can be assumed that paintings of Indra, the Eight Vajra Guardians, and the Four Bodhisattvas surrounded the area outside the inner gate. Because the Five Buddhas and Seven Buddhas were invoked at the lowermost altar, paintings of them would have hung in the elevated pavilion outside the inner gate where the lowermost altar was located or in another part of the courtyard outside the inner gate. Conclusion The article examined the connection between Buddhist paintings and the Suryukjae ritual, one of the major Buddhist rituals for guiding souls to heaven; the study was based on works in the collection of National Museum of Korea. In addition, it reexamined the role and placement of the paintings used in the Suryukjae ritual in light of charts in ritual books and temple layout plans. The Suryukjae ritual is both a religious ceremony and a majestic artistic performance with a structured narrative that could last for several days and nights. In this ritual, Buddhist paintings helped participants visualize the mutual exchanges between the invisible spirits and deities. The varied Buddhist paintings, each representing a distinct subject, are unified in the context of the Suryukjae ritual to create a holistic narrative. This interesting and useful perspective on Joseon Buddhist paintings offered by the Suryukjae ritual is expected to increase the opportunities for further research.