The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

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Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology Vol. 9
Editorial Note

Robert D. Mowry

Alan J. Dworsky Curator of Chinese Art Emeritus Harvard Art Museums

Journal of Korean Art & Archaeology 2015, Vol.9 pp.2-5

DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2015.v9_01

Copyright & License

ⓒ 2015 National Museum of Korea This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided that the article is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.

Written by archaeologists and art historians alike, the articles in this issue of the Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology employ a variety of methodologies and treat a range of media, from tomb construction to murals in tombs to Buddhist paintings. The seven articles generally focus on Korea’s Three Kingdoms period (三國時代, 57 BCE – 668), particularly the Goguryeo Kingdom (高句麗, 37 BCE – 668) but touching on the Baekje Kingdom (百濟, 18 BCE – 660) as well, and also explore aspects of Buddhist rituals and paintings from the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮, 1391 – 1910). Four of the articles treat aspects of Goguryeo art and culture, two of them discussing Goguryeo tombs and fortresses and two of them treating mural paintings in Goguryeo tombs and in Goguryeoinfluenced tombs near Nara, Japan. A fifth article examines the relationship between royal authority and local administration in the Baekje Kingdom, based on items of material culture excavated in Korea’s Jeolla Province region. The remaining two articles take Buddhist painting as their subject, one presenting a detailed study of a sixteenth-century Korean court-style painting of a Buddhist arhat—better known in English by the Chinese term luohan (羅漢; Kr. nahan)—now in the collection of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, and one explaining the Buddhist Suryukjae ritual (水陸齋) and the use and meaning of paintings associated with that ritual.

In “Development of Goguryeo Tomb Murals,” Ahn Hwi-Joon discusses the earliest paintings found in Korea, the tomb murals of the ancient Goguryeo Kingdom. Those murals provide a vivid pictorial account of Goguryeo history and culture, just as they also offer insight into the distinct characteristics of early Korean painting and provide a window into Goguryeo society, shedding light on shifts in religious belief and on cultural exchanges with other countries. Murals first appeared in Goguryeo tombs around the fourth century; they continued to be produced until the collapse of the dynasty in 668. Such mural tombs were concentrated in Pyeongyang (平壤) and in Tonggu (通溝, Ch. Tonggou), present-day Ji’an (集安), Jilin province in China. The murals exhibit distinct regional characteristics, just as they show changes in theme and style over time; they can be classified into early (fourth to fifth century), middle (fifth to sixth century), and late (sixth to seventh century) periods accordingly. The awkward, even crude, style of the early phase gradually became more refined and polished in later years, embodying the power and dynamism characteristic of Goguryeo art. Early murals typically featured genre scenes and portraits of the tomb occupant and his wife as well as hunting and procession scenes. Narrative scenes of daily life depicting episodes in the life of the deceased couple replaced the portraits as the primary theme in the middle period, and hunting and procession scenes disappeared. The late Goguryeo period saw genre paintings abandoned in favor of representations of the Four Directional Deities, reflecting the growing influence of Taoism. The figures depicted in the later murals exhibit a higher level of artistic excellence than those of earlier periods. Landscapes began to appear in tomb murals no later than the early fifth century, developing a more sophisticated style during the middle and late periods and evolving an elevated sense of naturalism.

The first Goguryeo fortress excavated in South Korea was Guui-dong Fort, which was investigated in 1977. At the time, South Korean archaeologists could not envision the presence of Goguryeo sites in South Korea, so the excavation team tentatively concluded that the structural remains were associated with a Baekje tomb. However, the Guui-dong site came to be reinterpreted as the remains of a Goguryeo fortress after the discovery of a distinctive Goguryeo-style jar during the 1988 excavation of the Mongchon Earthen Fortress (夢村土城) in Seoul. Subsequent field surveys beginning in the early 1990s resulted in the further discovery of the remains of Goguryeo fortresses in the Seoul region and northern areas of Gyeonggi Province; to date, approximately ten such fortress sites have been fully excavated. In “The Structure and Characteristics of Goguryeo Fortresses in South Korea,” Yang Sieun conducts a comprehensive examination of Goguryeo fortress sites excavated in South Korea and considers the nature of those fortresses, relying on archaeological evidence. The earliest phase of Goguryeo fortress construction in South Korea can now be dated to the fifth century. The Goguryeo fortresses of South Korea were characteristically set on the north banks of rivers in order to defend against attacks by Baekje or Silla forces that would have approached from the south or southeast. Small-sized mountain forts, the Goguryeo fortresses of South Korea stand in contrast to the middle- to large-scale fortresses in areas of ancient Goguryeo territory that now lie in China and North Korea. Some of those fortresses—Horogoru Fortress, for example—may have functioned as local administrative centers as well as forts for defense. Set on the tops of mountain ridges, Goguryeo fortresses commanded an ideal view of the routes that passed through the flatlands; their ideal topographical conditions thus permitted them to block north-south transportation routes, giving them control of trade and the movement of people.

In “Origins of Early Goguryeo Stone-piled Tombs and the Formation of a Proto-Goguryeo Society,” Yeo Hokyu considers the formation of a Proto-Goguryeo society by examining the origins of Goguryeo stone-piled tombs. Professor Yeo analyzes the relationship between the stone-piled tombs and the indigenous communities of the region in order to determine whether the core group of Proto-Goguryeo was composed of migrants or by a consolidation of communities that traditionally resided in the region. Bronze culture predominated in the eastern regions of the Tianshan Mountain Range until the early to mid-third century BCE. The full-scale adoption of iron culture in that region took place toward the end of the third century BCE, a period that also witnessed the migration of displaced communities due to the many battles during China’s Warring States period (戰國時代, 475 – 221 BCE). Early Goguryeo stone-piled tombs began to appear about this time, with limited distribution in the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River (鴨綠江)—also called the Yalu River, using the Chinese pronunciation of the same characters—which was the birthplace of the Goguryeo state. The roots of Goguryeo society can be found in the population group that began to construct stone-piled tombs in association with the adoption of iron culture; this group is believed to have split from the “Maek” (貊) people that resided in the eastern region of the Tianshan Mountain Range. The Proto-Goguryeo communities emerged out of the “Yemaek” (濊貊) people through many stages of fissuring, and came to be called “Guryeo” (句麗). In this sense, they can be referred to as the “Guryeo ethnic group” (句麗種族)—separate from the neighboring “Yemaek” communities—and the society that developed from this group can be regarded as the Proto-Goguryeo society that laid the foundation for the Goguryeo state.

The discovery in the 1960s of the Takamatsuzuka Tomb (高松塚古墳) in the Japanese village of Asuka, Nara Prefecture, confirmed for the first time the existence in Japan of mural tombs—a type of tomb different in lineage from decorated tombs—sparking debate in Japan and abroad about the sociopolitical background and the sociocultural conditions that might have led to the construction of a continental-style mural tomb in Nara. Meanwhile, another mural tomb was discovered in the region in 1983: the Kitora Tomb (キトラ古墳). The discovery of these tombs also caused much excitement in Korea, as they suggested a connection with the culture of Korea’s Three Kingdoms period, particularly that of the Goguryeo Kingdom. In “The Murals of Takamatsuzuka and Kitora Tombs in Japan and Their Relationship to Goguryeo Culture,” Jeon Hotae offers a detailed look at the Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tombs and examines historical and cultural sources that shed light on the possible link between Goguryeo tomb murals and the two Japanese mural tombs. In themes, composition, and technique, the murals in the Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tombs reflect the influence of Tang culture on the Goguryeo tradition, which, in turn influenced the Japanese tradition; even so, the murals also introduce features of mural composition unseen in Goguryeo or Tang tomb murals, as they were produced at a time when Japan was beginning to establish a cultural identity of its own. Both tomb structure and mural styles suggest the strong possibility that the people who constructed the two tombs and painted the murals were descendants of Goguryeo immigrants. It is also probable that the interred were government officials of Goguryeo descent. From many points of view, the Takamatsuzuka and Kitora tombs can be classified as Goguryeo-Japanese-style mural tombs; they provide insight into how the descendants of Goguryeo immigrants understood and responded to the tasks of the day.

In “The Material Culture of the Royal City Identified in the Peripheral Regions of Baekje,” Kwon Ohyoung explores relationships between the Baekje Kingdom’s central authority and its peripheral regions. As the ancient Baekje Kingdom grew and relationships were established between the center and the periphery, individuals known as wanggyeongin (王京人) were dispatched from the capital to local regions. Living mainly in mountain fortresses, whose construction, maintenance, and management they oversaw, the wanggyeongin formed the core of the Baekje regional administration. From the perspective of the Baekje rulers, it must have been of key importance to have the local elite submit to the system of direct control by the Baekje center. Focusing on the Ungjin (熊津時代, 475 – 538) and Sabi (泗沘時代, 538 – 660) periods, when the Baekje capital was based in Gongju (公州) and Buyeo (扶餘), respectively, this article identifies the legacy of the wanggyeongin in the Honam (湖南) region (i.e., today’s Jeolla Province region in the southwest) in order to examine the process and nature of the assimilation of the region into Baekje society. The article goes on to examine the material culture of the wanggyeongin through study of the artifacts excavated in the region. In fact, the sudden appearance of artifacts associated with aristocratic high culture in peripheral areas or in frontline defense areas can be explained only by assuming that the wanggyeongin, who had first-hand experience of the aristocratic culture of the Baekje center, had settled in these regions.

In “A Sixteenth-century Arhat Painting Commissioned by Queen Munjeong: Deoksewi, 153rd of the 500 Arhats, in the Collection of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art,” Shin Kwanghee focuses on a sixteenth-century painting now in the collection of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art that represents Deoksewi, the 153rd of the 500 Buddhist arhats. A hanging scroll executed in ink and colors on silk, the painting is one from the set of 200 arhat paintings produced for Hyangnimsa Temple in 1562; Queen Munjeong (文定王后, 1502 – 1565), a devout Buddhist, commissioned the paintings for the health and longevity of her son, King Myeongjong (明宗, r. 1545 – 1567). Queen Munjeong played a key role in reviving Buddhism in the sixteenth century and enthusiastically engaged in arhat worship as part of her sponsorship—indeed, of her active promotion—of services at Buddhist temples. This scroll’s composition and iconography indicate that the set of arhat paintings commissioned by Queen Munjeong closely followed the Goryeo tradition. It is also important that, as recorded in the painting’s inscription, the name of the arhat, Deoksewi, corresponds to an independent arhat genealogy developed in Korea. The painting is representative of the sixteenth-century court painting style and is notable for its artistic sophistication. The artist’s skill is evident in the stable composition, delicate lines, exceptionally forceful brushstrokes, and subtle description of the arhat’s facial expression. This Deoksewi painting provides a window onto both the spiritual beliefs of Queen Munjeong, the Joseon royal court’s most representative Buddhist practitioner and sponsor of Buddhism, and the style, iconography, and function of arhat paintings of that time. It also reveals the unique characteristics that distinguish Joseon-period arhat paintings from contemporaneous Chinese and Japanese representation of arhats.

In “Buddhist Paintings and Suryukjae, the Buddhist Ritual for Deliverance of Creatures of Water and Land,” Park Hyewon examines the connection between Buddhist paintings and the Suryukjae ritual, one of the major Buddhist rituals for guiding souls to Paradise. Basing her study on works in the collection of National Museum of Korea, she also investigates the role and placement of the paintings used in the Suryukjae ritual in light of charts in ritual books and temple layout plans. Performance of the ritual, which had been transmitted to Korea from China during the Goryeo Dynasty (高麗, 918 – 1392), became widespread in the succeeding Joseon Dynasty. Suryukjae rituals performed early in the Joseon period can be interpreted as attempts by King Taejo (太祖, r. 1392 – 1398), founder of the Joseon Dynasty, to appease the souls of members of the Goryeo royal family that he killed in the process of founding a new nation. The rituals also served to promote social cohesion and to solidify the foundations of the nation. For this reason, the Suryukjae ritual was frequently performed on a grand scale by officials of the state during the early Joseon period. Once Neo-Confucianism had been firmly established as the underlying ideology of the Joseon social order, however, this ritual was performed less frequently under state sponsorship but remained popular among the general public. This article reconstructs the structure and arrangement of the Suryukjae ritual through examination of related Buddhist paintings in the collection of the National Museum of Korea. An examination of those paintings from the National Museum collection that relate to each step of the Suryukjae ritual deepens understanding of the ritual itself and the related artworks. The Suryukjae ritual is both a religious ceremony and a majestic artistic performance with a structured narrative. In this ritual, Buddhist paintings helped participants visualize the mutual exchanges between the invisible spirits and deities.

Robert D. Mowry
Alan J. Dworsky Curator of Chinese Art Emeritus
Harvard Art Museums
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